m<'^>^:^^^. 


:m'W^l 


/; 


I  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY,||^ 
I  Princeton,  N.  J.  ^       f 


BR    390    .M32    1842  1 

M'Crie,    Thomas,    1772-10^3 • 
Sister;  of   the  progress  and  d 
suppression  of   the 


h- 


HISTORY 


PROGRESS  AND  SUPPRESSION 


REFORMATION  IN  ITALY 


IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY; 


INCLUDING 


A  SKETCH  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE 


REFORMATION  IN  THE  GRISONS 


By  THOMAS  McCRIE,  D.D. 


PHILADELPHIA : 
PRESBYTERIAN  BOARD  OF  PUBLICATION. 

PAUL  T.  JONES,  PCBLISHINQ  AGENT. 

1842. 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 
Preface,      .......  5 

CHAPTER  I. 

State  of  Religion  in  Italy  before  the  era  of  the  Reformation,  9 

CHAPTER  n. 

Introduction  of  the  Reformed  opinions  into  Italy,  and  causes 

of  their  Progress,  -  -  ...  46 

CHAPTER  HI. 

Progress  of  the  Reformation  in  the  different  States  and  Cities 

ofltaly,  ......  76 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Miscellaneous  Facts  respecting  the  state  of  the  Reformed  opin- 
ions in  Italy,        ....  .  141 

CHAPTER  V. 

Suppression  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy,  -  -  179 


IV  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Page. 
Foreign  Italian  Cliurches,  with  Illustrations  of  the  Reforma- 
tion in  the  Grisons,  -  -  -  -  -  291 


Apfendix,  ......  367 


PREFACE. 


A  CONSIDERABLE  iiumber  of  years  has  elapsed  since 
I  was  convinced  that  the  reformed  opinions  had 
spread  to  a  much  greater  extent  in  Italy  than  is  com- 
monly supposed.  This  conviction  I  took  an  oppor- 
tunity of  making  public,  and,  at  the  same  time,  ex- 
pressed a  wish  that  some  person  who  had  leisure 
would  pursue  the  inquiry,  and  fill  up  what  I  con- 
sidered as  a  blank  in  the  History  of  the  Reformation. 
Hearing  of  none  who  was  willing  to  accept  the  invi- 
tation, I  lately  resolved  to  arrange  the  materials  rela- 
ting to  the  subject  which  had  occurred  to  me  in  the 
course  of  my  reading,  with  the  addition  of  such  facts 
as  could  be  discovered  by  a  more  careful  search  into 
the  most  probable  sources  of  information. 

To  some  of  the  quarters  from  which  the  most  in- 
teresting information  might  be  expected,  I  entertained 
no  hope  of  finding  access;  nor  shall  I  inquire  at  pre- 
sent why  the  late  revolutions  which  have  led  to  the 
disclosure  of  the  mysteries  of  the  Spanish,  should 
have  sealed  up  those  of  the  Roman  Inquisition. 


VI  PREFACE. 

Unfortunately,  none  of  the  Italian  Protestants  in 
the  sixteenth  century  thought  of  recording  the  facts 
connected  with  the  religious  movement  which  issued 
in  their  expulsion  from  their  native  country ;  a  task 
which  was  not  altogether  neglected  by  those   who 
were  driven  from  Spain  for  their  attachment  to  the 
same  cause.    On  the  other  hand,  writers  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  persuasion  appear  to  have  agreed,  from  an 
early  period,  to  pass  over  a  subject  at  once  dangerous 
to  themselves  and  ungrateful  to  their  countrymen; 
or,  if  they  did  touch  it,  to  represent  any   agitation 
which  took  place  as  exceedingly  slight  and  transient, 
and  as  produced  by  a  few  individuals  of  no  note  or 
consideration,  who  had  suffered  themselves  to  be  led 
astray  by  fondness  for  novelty.     Facts  which  con- 
tradicted this  representation  were  indeed  to  be  found 
in  writings  composed  during  the  struggle,  but  these 
were  afterwards  carefully  suppressed;  and  the  Index 
Expurgatorius  of  Rome  was  itself  reformed,  with 
the  view  of  preventing  it  from  being  known  that  cer- 
tain names  had  once  been  branded  with  the  stigma  of 
heresy.     In  these  circumstances,  the  modern  historian, 
if  he  does  not  choose  to  rest  in  general  statements 
must  have  recourse  to  the  tedious  process  of  examin- 
ing the  epistolary  correspondence  of  those  who  lived 
in  that  age,  the  memoirs  of  private  individuals,  and 
dedications  and  prefaces  to  books  on  various  subjects; 
while,  at  the  same  time,  he  must  carefully  ascertain 


PREFACE.  Vli 

that  the  editions  which  he  consuhs  are  original,  or  at 
least  unmutilated. 

The  labour  attending  this  task  has  been  in  no  small 
degree  lightened  by  the  numerous  and  valuable  collec- 
tions relating  to  literary  and  ecclesiastical  history 
which  John  George  Schelhorn,  the  learned  superin- 
tendent and  librarian  of  Memmingen,  published  in 
Latin  and  in  his  native  tongue,  during  the  first  half 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  Some  of  his  statements 
respecting  the  progress  which  the  Reformation  had 
made  in  Italy  brought  forward  Cardinal  Quirini, 
the  honorary  and  learned  keeper  of  the  Vatican 
Library ;  and,  as  usual  in  such  cases,  truth  was  elicit- 
ed from  the  controversy  which  ensued.  In  1765, 
the  Specimen  Italise  Reformatde  of  Daniel  Gerdes, 
well  known  by  his  general  History  of  the  Refor- 
mation, made  its  appearance,  in  which  that  inde- 
fatigable writer  collected  all  the  facts  which  he  had 
met  with  connected  with  that  subject.  This  work  is 
scarcely  known  in  Britain,  and  has  not,  so  far  as  I 
have  observed,  been  mentioned  by  any  of  our  wri- 
ters. Though  labouring  under  the  defects  of  a  pos- 
thumous publication,  it  is  of  great  utility,  and  has 
induced  later  Italian  writers  to  bring  forward  facts 
which  they  might  otherwise,  like  their  predecessors, 
have  passed  unnoticed.  Had  I  seen  this  work  earlier, 
it  might  have  saved  me  much  trouble ;  but  I  do  not 
regret  the  circumstance  of  its  having  come  so  late 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

into  my  hands,  as  I  was  led,  in  the  absence  of  such  a 
help,  to  make  researches  which  I  would  have  been 
tempted  to  decline,  but  which  have  enabled  me  to 
supply  in  part  its  defects,  and  to  correct  some  of  the 
mistakes  into  which  its  author  had  inadvertently 
fallen. 

The  Hist  or  ia  Reformationis  Rseticarum  Ecclesi- 
artim,  by  Rosius  de  Porta,  has  furnished  me  with  a 
number  of  important  facts  respecting  the  Italian  refu- 
gees. To  throw  light  on  the  settlements  which  they 
formed  in  the  Orisons,  I  have  given  a  sketch  of  the 
history  of  the  Reformation  in  that  country,  which  I 
trust  will  not  be  unacceptable  to  the  reader. 

It  has  not  been  in  my  power  to  procure  several 
Italian  works,  which,  I  have  reason  to  think,  would 
have  helped  to  illustrate  parts  of  my  subject.  Some 
of  the  most  curious  and  valuable  of  those  quoted  in 
the  following  pages  I  had  the  opportunity  of  examin- 
ing in  Holland,  and  particularly  in  the  library  of  the 
venerable  Mons.  Chevalier,  one  of  the  pastors  of  the 
French  church  in  Amsterdam,  whose  uncommon  po- 
liteness I  have  to  acknowledge,  in  not  only  allowing 
me  the  freest  use  of  his  books,  but  also  in  transmitting 
to  me  a  number  of  extracts  which  I  had  not  time  to 
make  during  my  short  stay  in  that  city. 

Amidst  such  a  multiplicity  of  facts,  as  to  many  of 
which  I  had  not  the  advantage  arising  from  a  com- 
parison of  different  authorities,  I  do  not  flatter  myself 


PREFACE.  ix 

that,  with  all  my  care,  I  have  kept  free  from  mistakes; 
and  shall  feel  obliged  to  any  one  who  shall  put  it  in 
my  power  to  correct  the  errors  which  I  may  have 
committed. 

It  was  my  intention,  even  after  the  work  went  to 
the  press,  to  include  in  this  volume  an  account  of 
the  progress  and  suppression  of  the  Reformation  in 
Spain.  This  I  have  found  impracticable,  and  accord- 
ingly have  reserved  that  part  of  my  undertaking  for 
a  separate  publication.  I  regret  this  delay  the  less, 
that  it  will  enable  me  to  avail  myself  of  an  extensive 
collection  of  Spanish  books  which  has  been  lately 
purchased  by  the  Faculty  of  xVdvocates. 

Edinburgh,  4th  May,  1827. 


«( 


ADVERTISEMENT 


THE    SECOND    EDITION. 


The  interest,  perhaps  partial,  which  I  feel  in  the 
subject  of  the  following  work,  has  led  me  to  take 
more  pains  in  preparing  this  edition  for  the  press  than 
many  readers  may  think  to  have  been  necessary.  In 
the  introductory  chapter,  a  fuller  account  has  been 
given  of  the  state  of  religion  in  Italy  before  the  Re- 
formation. From  books  to  which  I  have  had  access 
since  the  first  edition  was  submitted  to  the  public,  I 
have  been  enabled  to  bring  forward  several  new  and 
not  unimportant  facts  as  to  the  progress  of  the  Re- 
formed doctrine  and  the  treatment  of  its  friends,  espe- 
cially within  the  states  of  Tuscany  and  Modena. 
And  a  number  of  interesting  papers  will  be  found 
added  to  the  Appendix. 

Edinburgh,  20th  June,  1833. 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


REFORMATION  IN  ITALY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

STATE  OF  RELIGION  IN  ITALY  BEFORE  THE  ERA  OF   THE  REFORMATION. 

It  is  an  undoubted  fact,  though  it  may  appear  impro- 
bable to  those  who  are  imperfectly  acquainted  with 
ecclesiastical  history,  that  the  supremacy  claimed  by 
the  bishops  of  Rome  was  resisted  in  Italy  after  it  had 
been  submitted  to  by  the  most  remote  churches  of  the 
west.  The  diocese  of  Italy,  of  which  Milan  was  the 
capital,  remained  long  independent  of  Rome,  and 
practised  a  different  ritual,  according  to  what  was 
called  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy.  It  was  not  till  the 
eleventh  century  that  the  popes  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing their  authority  at  Milan,  and  prevailed  on  the 
bishops  of  that  see  to  procure  the  archi-episcopal  pali 
from  Rome.  When  this  was  first  proposed,  it  excited 
great  indignation  on  the  part  of  the  people,  as  well  as 
of  the  clergy,  who  maintained  that  the  Ambrosian 
church  had  been  always  independent;  that  the  Ro- 
man pontiff  had  no  right  to  judge  in  its  affairs;  and 
that,  without  incurring  disgrace,  they  could  not  sub- 
ject to  a  foreign  yoke  that  see  which  had  preserved  its 
freedom  during  so  many  ages.* 

*  Petri  Damiani  Opusc.  p.  5.  The  archbishop  of  Milan  having 
consulted  Roboald,  bishop  of  Alva,  the  latter  replied,  that  "  he  would 
sooner  have  his  nose  slit,"  than  advise  him  to  comply  with  the  de- 

2 


10  HISTORY    OF    THE 

During  the  pontificate  of  Nicolas  II.  the  papal  claims 
were  strenuously  resisted  by  Guido,  archbishop  of 
Milan.t  And,  in  the  year  1074,  when  Gregory  VII., 
the  noted  Hildebrand,  issued  his  decree  against  the 
marriage  of  the  clergy,  the  Milanese  ecclesiastics 
rejected  it,  branded  the  pope  and  his  adherents  as 
heretics,  and  were  prevented  from  making  a  formal 
separation  from  the  Church  of  Rome  only  by  the  arms 
of  Estembald.ij: 

As  the  supremacy  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  met  with 
strenuous  opposition,  so  were  there  individuals  in  the 
darkest  age  who  resisted  the  progress  of  those  super- 
stitions which  proved  the  firmest  support  of  the  pon- 
tifical power.  Among  these  was  Claude,  bishop  of 
Turin,  who,  in  the  ninth  century,  distinguished  him- 
self not  only  by  his  judicious  commentaries  on  the 
Scriptures,  but  also  by  his  vigorous  opposition  to  the 
worship  of  images  and  pilgrimages  to  Rome ;  on  which 
account,  he,  with  his  followers  in  Italy,  have  been 
branded  as  Arians  by  popish  historians,  who  are  ever 
ready,  upon  the  slightest  pretexts,  to  impute  odious 
opinions  to  those  who  may  dissent  from  the  dominant 
church.  § 

Scarcely  had  the  bishops  of  Rome  secured  the 
obedience  of  the  Italian  clergy,  and  silenced  the  op- 
position which  arose  from  Turin,  when  their  atten- 
tion was  called  to  other  opponents.  Among  these 
were  the  Arnoldists,  who  take  their  name  from  Arnold 
of  Brescia,  a  disciple  of  Abelard,  and  a  man  of  great 
learning  and  spirit,  who  maintained  publicly  that  the 
possessions  and  rents  of  the  popes,  bishops,  and  mo- 
nasteries, should  be  transferred  to  the  supreme  rulers 
of  each  state,  and  that  nothing  should  be  left  to  the 

mand  of  pope  Honorius — "  quod  prius  sustineret  nasum  suum  scindi 
usque  ad  oculos,  quam  daret  sibi  consilium  ut  susciperet  RomfE  slo- 
1am,"  &c.     (Ughelli  Italia  Sacra,  lorn.  iv.  p.  189.) 

f  Landulphi  Sen.  Hist.  Mediolan.  1.  ii.  c.  35.  Arnulphi,  Hist. 
Mediolan.  1.  iii.  c.  12.     Muratori,  Script.  Rer.  Ital.  torn.  iv. 

X  Arnulphi,  1.  iv.  c.  6,  9,  10. 

§  Jo.  Alb.  Fabricii  Bibl.  Med.  et  Infim.  iEtatis,  torn.  i.  p.  388. 
Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  du  N.  Testament,  chap.  xxv.  Weismanni  Merao- 
rab.  Hist.  Eccles.  torn.  i.  p.  761. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  11 

ministers  of  religion  but  a  spiritual  authority,  and  a 
subsistence  drawn  from  the  tithes  and  the  voluntary- 
contributions  of  the  people.  He  was  condemned  by 
the  council  of  the  Lateran  in  1139,  and  obliged  to 
retire  to  Zurich;  but  returning,  on  the  death  of  Inno- 
cent II.,  and  finding  Rome  in  a  state  of  great  agita- 
tion, from  the  contest  between  the  pope  and  the 
emperor,  he  persuaded  the  inhabitants  to  throw  off 
the  degrading  yoke  of  a  priest,  and  secure  their  inde- 
pendence by  reviving  the  ancient  authority  of  the 
senate.  The  circumstances  of  the  time,  and  tlie  de- 
generate spirit  of  the  Romans,  equally  forbade  the 
success  of  such  an  attempt.  Arnold  was  obliged  to 
fly,  and  being  taken,  was  crucified,  and  his  body  re- 
duced to  ashes;  but  he  left  behind  him  a  great  number 
of  disciples,  who  inherited  the  zeal  and  intrepidity  of 
their  master,  and  were  always  ready,  on  a  favourable 
opportunity,  to  take  part  in  any  design  which  had  for 
its  object  the  reformation  of  the  church.* 

In  the  twelfth  century,  those  Christians  known  in 
history,  under  the  several  names  of  Vaudois,  Wal- 
denses,  and  Albigenses,  as  the  hereditary  witnesses 
for  the  truth  against  the  corruptions  of  Rome,  pene- 
trated through  the  Alps  into  Italy.  As  early  as  the 
year  1180,  they  had  established  themselves  in  Lom- 
bardy  and  Puglia,  where  they  received  frequent  visits 
from  tlieir  brethren  in  other  countries;!  and,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century,  they  were  to  be 
found  in  the  capital  of  Christendom.  In  the  year 
1231,  pope  Gregory  IX.  published  a  furious  bull 
against  them,  ordaining  that  they  should  be  sought 
out  and  delivered  to  the  secular  arm  to  be  punished, 
and  that  such  as  harboured  them  should  be  declared 
infamous,  along  with  their  children  to  the  second 
generation.  The  senator  or  chief  magistrate  of  Rome 
set  on  foot  an  inquisition  agreeably  to  the  municipal 
laws  of  the  city,  in  consequence  of  this  bull,  which 
was  also  sent  by  the  pope  to  the  archbishop  oi^  Milan, 

*  Allix's  Churches  of  Piedmont,  p.  169—174.  Moshcim's  Eccl. 
Hist.  cent.  xii.  ch.  v.  sect   10. 

t  Leger,  Hist,  des  Eglises  Evangeliques,  part  i.  p.  202. 


12  HISTORY    OF    THE 

with  injunctions  to  see  it  executed  in  his  diocese,  and 
those  of  his  suffragans,  where  heresy  had  ah'eady 
made  an  alarming  progress.  Some  curious  facts,  re- 
lating to  the  state  of  the  Waldensian  churches  to  the 
south  of  the  Alps,  are  furnished  hy  a  letter  from  Ivo 
of  Narbonne  to  Gerard,  archbishop  of  Bordeaux. 
Having  been  summoned  by  the  inquisitor  of  heretical 
pravity,  unjustly,  according  to  his  own  account,  Ivo 
fled  into  Italy.  At  Como  he  became  acquainted  with 
certain  persons  belonging  to  the  sect  of  the  Paterins, 
(as  the  Waldenses  were  called  in  Italy,)  and  pretend- 
ing that  he  was  banished  for  holding  their  opinions, 
was  kindly  received  by  them,  and  admitted  into  their 
confidence.  After  he  had  given  them  his  oath  of 
fidelity,  and  promised  to  exert  himself  in  propagating 
the  true  faith  in  the  places  which  he  visited,  they  told 
him,  that  they  had  churches  in  almost  all  the  towns  of 
Lombardy,  and  in  some  parts  of  Tuscany,  which  sent 
apt  young  men  to  Paris  to  be  instructed  in  the  scholastic 
logic  and  theology,  with  the  view  of  their  being  quali- 
fied for  entering  the  lists  with  the  advocates  of  the 
church  of  Rome ;  and  that  their  merchants,  in  fre- 
quenting fairs  and  markets,  made  it  their  business  to 
instil  their  tenets  into  the  minds  of  the  rich  laymen 
with  whom  they  traded,  and  the  landlords  in  whose 
houses  they  lodged.  On  leaving  Como,  he  was  fur- 
nished with  letters  of  recommendation  to  professors  of 
the  same  faith  in  Milan;  and,  in  this  manner,  he  pas- 
sed through  all  the  towns  situate  on  the  Po,  through 
Cremona  and  the  Venetian  States,  being  liberally 
entertained  by  the  Paterins,  who  received  him  as  a 
brother,  on  producing  his  letters,  and  giving  the  signs 
which  were  known  by  all  that  belonged  to  the  sect.* 
That  their  opinions  had  also  spread  in  Naples  and 
Sicily,  appears  from  a  letter  to  the  pope  by  the  em- 
peror Frederick  II.,  who  condemned  such  as  were 

*  This  letter,  which  has  attracted  less  notice  from  its  being  entitled 
De  Tartaris,  is  inserted  at  length  in  Mat.  Paris,  Hist.  Maj.  (under 
the  year  1243,)  p.  538,  539,  edit.  Wats,  Lond.  1684.  It  is  to  be 
remembered,  however,  that  Ivo,  according  to  his  own  profession, 
joined  the  Paterins  from  motives  of  conveniency. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  13 

convicted  of  heresy  to  the  fire,  but  allowed  the  bishops 
to  show  mercy  where  they  thought  it  proper,  '^  pro- 
vided the  tongues  of  those  who  should  be  pardoned 
were  cut  out,  so  that  they  might  not  again  blas- 
pheme.''* In  Genoa,  and  some  of  the  neighbouring 
cities,  they  had  houses  in  which  they  assembled  for 
worship,  with  their  barbs,  or  religious  teachers.t 
Notwithstanding  the  persecutions  to  which  they  were 
exposed,  the  Waldenses  maintained  themselves  in 
Italy,  kept  up  a  regular  correspondence  with  their 
brethren  in  other  countries,  and,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  had  academies  in  Lombardy,  which  were 
frequented  by  young  men,  and  supported  by  contri- 
butions, from  churches  of  the  same  faith  in  Bohemia 
and  Poland.:}: 

In  the  year  1 370,  the  Vaudois  who  resided  in  the 
valleys  of  Pragela,  finding  themselves  straitened  in 
their  territories,  sent  some  of  their  number  into  Italy 
to  look  out  for  a  convenient  settlement.  The  deputies 
bargained  with  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  for  liberty 
to  plant  a  colony  in  an  uncultivated  and  thinly  peo- 
pled district  of  Calabria.  Within  a  short  time  the 
place  assumed  a  new  appearance;  villages  rose  in 
every  direction ;  the  hills  resounded  with  the  bleating 
of  flocks,  and  the  valleys  were  covered  with  corn  and 
vines.  The  prosperity  of  the  new  settlers  excited  the 
envy  of  the  neighbouring  villagers,  who  were  irritated 
at  the  distance  which  they  preserved,  and  at  their 
refusal  to  join  with  them  in  their  revels  and  dissipa- 
tion. They  regularly  paid  their  tithes,  according  to 
the  stipulation  entered  into  by  their  deputies;  but  the 
priests,  perceiving  that  they  practised  none  of  the 
ceremonies  usual  at  the  interring  of  the  dead,  that 

*  Rainaldi  Annal.  ad  ann.  1231,  n.  xiv.  18—20.  Compare  the  first 
document  in  the  appendix  to  Allix's  Remarks  on  the  History  of  the 
Ancient  Churches  of  Piedmont,  p.  297,  298. 

t  VVeismanni  Memor.  Hist.  tom.  i.  p.  1096.  Mons.  Court  de  Gebc- 
lin,  in  his  Dlctionnaire  Etymologique^  says,  that  the  Vaudois  were 
called  Barbkts,  "  parce  que  leur  pasteurs  s'appelloient  Barbe,  du  mot 
Venetien  Barba,  un  ancien,  un  chef  a  Barbe." 

X  Wolfii  Memor.  Lect.  tom.  i.  312.  Beze.  Hist.  Eccl.  des  Eglises 
Ref.  de  France,  tom.  i.  p.  35,  36.  Perrin,  Hist,  des  Vaudois,  part  i. 
p.  240—242.    Leger,  part  ii.  p.  336. 


14  HISTORY    OF    THE 

they  had  no  images  in  their  chapels,  did  not  go  in 
pilgrimage  to  consecrated  places,  and  had  their  children 
educated  by  foreign  teachers,  whom  they  held  in 
great  honour,  began  to  raise  the  cry  of  heresy  against 
the  simple  and  inoffensive  strangers.  But  the  proprie- 
tors, gratified  to  see  their  grounds  so  highly  improved, 
and  to  receive  large  rents  for  what  had  formerly  yield- 
ed them  nothing,  interposed  in  behalf  of  their  ten- 
ants; and  the  priests,  finding  the  value  of  their  tithes 
yearly  to  increase,  resolved  prudently  to  keep  silence.'^ 
The  colony  received  accessions  by  the  arrival  from 
time  to  time,  of  those  who  fled  from  the  persecutions 
raised  against  them  in  Piedmont  and  France  ;t  it  con- 
tinued to  flourish  when  the  Reformation  dawned  on 
Italy;  and,  after  subsisting  for  nearly  two  centuries, 
was  basely  and  barbarously  exterminated. :{: 

It  is  a  curious  circumstance,  that  the  first  gleam  of 
light,  at  the  revival  of  letters,  shone  on  that  remote 
spot  of  Italy  where  the  Vaudois  had  found  an  asylum. 
Petrarch  first  acquired  the  knowledge  of  the  Greek 
tongue  from  Barlaam,  a  monk  of  Calabria;  and  Boc- 
caccio was  taught  it  by  Leontius  Pilatus,  who  was  a 
hearer  of  Barlaam,  if  not  also  a  native  of  the  same 
place,  and  for  whom  his  grateful  pupil  procured  an 
appointment  among  the  professors  of  Florence. §  The 
example  and  the  instructions  of  two  individuals,  how 
eminent  soever  for  genius  and  popularity,  could  not 
impart  a  permanent  impulse  to  the  minds  of  their 
countrymen,  or  overcome  the  obstacles  which  opposed 
the  cultivation  of  ancient  letters.  But  the  taste  which 
they  had  been  the  means  of  creating  was  revived,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  by  those  learned 
Greeks  whom  the  feeble  successors  of  Constantine 

*Perrin,  i.  196 — 198.     Legcr,  part  ii.  p.  333. 

t  About  the  year  1500,  many  left  the  valley  of  Fresiniere  to  take 
up  their  residence  in  the  city  Volturata,  not  far  from  the  settlements 
of  their  brethren. — At  Florence,  the  barbs  possessed  a  house,  with 
the  requisite  funds  to  defray  their  expenses.  (Gilles,  Hist.  Eccles. 
des  Eglises  Ref.  ou  Vaudoises,  p.  20.) 

t  Perrin,  i.  199.  Leger,  p.  ii.  chap.  i.  p.  7.  Morland,  Hist,  of  the 
Evang.  Churches  of  Piedmont,  p.  194, 

§  Sismondi,  Histoire  des  Republiques  Italiennes,  torn.  vi.  p.  160 — 
162,  168 — 170.     Hodius  de  Graecis  Illustribus,  p.  2 — -5. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  15 

sent  to  the  papal  court  to  implore  succours  against 
the  overwhelming  power  of  the  Turks,  and  who  were 
induced  to  teach  their  native  language  in  different 
parts  of  Italy.  The  fall  of  the  eastern  empire,  and 
the  taking  of  Constantinople  in  1453,  brought  them 
in  greater  numbers  to  that  country,  while  it  added 
immensely  to  the  stock  of  manuscripts  which  indi- 
viduals had  for  some  time  before  been  in  the  habit  of 
procuring  from  the  east.*  And  the  art  of  printing, 
which  was  invented  about  the  same  period,  from  its 
novelty,  and  its  tendency  to  multiply  the  number  of 
copies  of  a  book  indefinitely,  and  to  afford  them  at  a 
cheap  rate,  gave  an  incalculable  acceleration  to  the 
human  mind  in  its  pursuit  of  knowledge. 

Ancient  literature  was  now  cultivated  with  the 
greatest  enthusiasm;  it  spread  with  amazing  rapidity 
through  Italy,  and,  surmounting  the  Alps,  reached, 
within  a  short  period,  the  northern  extremities  of 
Europe.  The  human  mind  was  roused  from  the 
slumber  by  which  it  had  been  oppressed  for  ages;  its 
faculties  were  sharpened  by  the  study  of  languages; 
the  stores  of  ancient  knowledge  were  laid  open ;  the 
barbarism  of  the  schools  was  exploded ;  and  opinions 
and  practices  which  had  long  been  held  sacred,  and 
which  a  little  before  it  would  have  been  deemed 
impious  to  suspect,  were  now  openly  called  in  ques- 
tion, opposed,  and  repudiated.  The  rise  of  the  papal 
monarchy,  and  the  corruption  of  Christianity,  may  be 

*  Ging-uene  is  of  opinion,  that  too  ranch  influence  has  been  ascribed 
to  the  fall  of  the  eastern  empire  in  producing  the  revival  of  letters, 
and  remarks  that  Florence  would  have  become  the  new^  Athens, 
though  the  ancient  one,  with  all  its  islands,  and  the  city  ofConstan- 
tine,  had  not  fallen  under  the  stroke  of  an  ignorant  and  barbarous 
conqueror.  (Histoire  Litteraire  d'ltalie,  torn.  iii.  p.  18.)  The  remark 
of  this  elegant  writer  is  not  unnatural  in  one  who,  by  minute  investi- 
gations, had  become  acquainted  with  all  the  concurring  causes  of  a 
great  revolution.  But  he  has  himself  owned  that  Boccaccio's  know- 
ledge of  Greek  was  extremely  limited,  and  that  the  study  of  ancient 
literature  languished  after  his  death;  it  is  undeniable  that  it  was 
afterwards  revived  by  the  arrival  of  natives  of  Greece;  and  what  was 
the  fall  of  Constantinople  but  the  completion  of  those  calamities  which 
at  first  induced  these  learned  men  to  visit  Italy,  to  which  their  suc- 
cessors now  transferred  their  fixed  residence  and  the  wreck  of  their 
literary  treasures  ? 


16  HISTORY    OF    THE 

traced  in  a  great  measure  to  the  ignorance  and  bar- 
barism which  fell  on  western  Europe,  and  increased 
during  the  middle  ages.  The  revival  of  letters,  by 
banishing  the  darkness,  broke  the  spell  on  which  the 
empire  of  superstition  rested,  and  opened  the  eyes  of 
mankind  on  the  chains  with  which  their  credulity 
had  suffered  their  spiritual  rulers  to  load  them. 

A  taste  for  letters  does  not,  indeed,  imply  a  taste 
for  religion,  nor  did  the  revival  of  the  former  neces- 
sarily infer  the  reformation  of  the  latter.  Some  of 
the  worst  of  men,  such  as  pope  Alexander  VI.  and 
his  sons,  encouraged  literature  and  the  arts;  and  in 
the  panegyrics  which  the  learned  men  of  that  age 
lavished  on  their  patronesses,  we  find  courtezans  of 
Rome  joined  with  ladies  illustrious  for  their  birth  and 
virtue.*  The  minds  of  many  of  the  restorers  of  litera- 
ture in  the  fifteenth  century  were  completely  absorbed 
by  their  favourite  studies.  Their  views  did  not 
extend  beyond  the  discovery  of  an  old  manuscript,  or 
printing  and  commenting  on  a  classical  author.  Some 
of  them  carried  their  admiration  of  the  literary  monu- 
ments of  pagan  Greece  so  far  as  to  imbibe  the  reli- 
gious sentiments  which  they  inculcated;  and,  in  the 
excess  of  their  enthusiasm,  they  did  not  scruple  to 
give  a  species  of  adoration  to  the  authors  of  such 
"divine  works.'^t  Others  showed,  by  their  conduct, 
that  they  were  as  great  slaves  to  worldly  passions  as 
the  most  illiterate,  and  ready  to  support  any  establish- 
ment, however  corrupt,  which  promised  to  gratify 
their  avarice,  their  ambition,  or  their  love  of  pleasure. 
Lorenzo  de  Medici,  the  munificent  patron  of  letters, 
and  himself  an  elegant  scholar,  testified  the  most 
extravagant  joy  at  his  son's  being  elected  a  cardinal 
at  seven  years  of  age,:}:  and  gave  the  destined  pontiff 

*  Roscoe's  Life  of  Leo  X.  vol.  i.  p.  335,  336,  vol.  ii.  220. 

t  Marsil.  Ficini  Pref.  in  Plotinum  ;  et  Epist.  lib.  viii.  p.  144.  Sis- 
mondi,  Hist,  des  Rep.  Ital,  torn.  viii.  p.  238,  239.  Roscoe's  Life  of 
Lorenzo  de  Medici,  vol.  i.  p.  162,  163,  169.  Ginguene,  Hist.  Litt. 
d'ltalie,  torn.  iii.  p.  362. 

t  Roscoe's  Life  of  Leo.  X.  vol.  i.  p.  19.  Another  learned  man  did 
not  scruple  to  write,  on  the  occasion  of  this  advancement,  in  the  fol- 
lowing strain: — "  Semen  autem  Joannis  ejusdem,  in  quo  benedicentur 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  17 

an  education  better  fitted  for  a  secular  potentate  than 
for  the  head  of  the  church ;  a  circumstance,  however, 
which  probably  contributed  more  to  bring  about  the 
Reformation  than  all  the  patronage  he  lavished  on 
literature  and  the  arts.  Bembo  and  Sadoleti  were 
apostolical  secretaries,  and,  in  their  official  character, 
composed  and  subscribed  the  most  tyrannical  edicts 
of  the  court  of  Rome.  The  former,  of  whom  it  has 
been  said,  that  he  "  opened  a  new  Augustan  age, 
emulated  Cicero  and  Virgil  with  equal  success,  and 
recalled  in  his  writings  the  elegance  and  purity  of 
Petrarca  and  of  Boccaccio,"  has  his  name  affixed  to 
the  infamous  bull  vindicating  the  sale  of  indulgences ; 
and  the  latter  disgraced  his  elegant  pen,  by  drawing 
and  signing  the  decree  which  condemned  Luther  as  a 
heretic,  ordaining  that,  if  he  continued  obstinate,  he 
should  be  seized  and  sent  to  Rome,  and  authorizing 
the  sentence  of  excommunication  and  interdict  to  be 
pronounced  against  all  powers,  civil  or  ecclesiastical, 
(the  emperor  excepted,)  secular  or  regular,  dukes, 
marquises,  universities,  and  communities,  by  whom 
he  might  be  received  or  harboured.*  Thus  did  these 
two  polite  scholars  divide  between  them  the  odium  of 
measures  which  had  it  for  their  object  to  crush  the 
most  glorious  attempt  ever  made  to  burst  the  chains 
of  despotism;  and  in  compensation  for  the  stigma 
inflicted  upon  literature  by  the  conduct  of  its  repre- 
sentatives, we  must  be  contented  with  being  told,  that 
they  "  first  demonstrated  that  the  purity  of  the  Latin 
idiom  was  not  incompatible  with  the  forms  of  business, 
and  the  transactions  of  public  affairs."  There  are,  I 
doubt  not,  persons  who  will  be  gratified  with  the 
information  which  I  have  it  in  my  power  to  afford 
them,  that,  before  the  Reformation,  there  were  sums 
issued  from  the  exchequer  of  the  Vatican,  as  salaries 
to  learned  men,  whose  task  it  was  to  reform  the  hul- 

omnes  gentes^  est  Joannes  Laurentiae  genitus,  cui  adhuc  adolescen. 
tulo   divina   providentia  mirabiliter  Cardineam  contulit  dig-nitatcm, 
futuri  pontificis  auspicium."     (Ficini  Epist.  lib.  i.v.  p.  15D.     Venct. 
1495.) 
*  Roscoe's  Leo  X.  vol.  iii.  App.  no.  cli.  and  clix. 


18  HISTORY    OF    THE 

larium,  by  picking  out  all  the  solecisms  which  had 
crept  into  it,  and  substituting  purer  and  more  classical 
words  in  their  room.*  Who  knows  to  what  advan- 
tages this  goodly  work  of  expurgation  would  have 
led?  What  elegant  reading  might  not  the  papal  bulls 
have  furnished  to  our  modern  literati,  if  the  barbarous 
reformers  had  not  interfered,  and,  by  their  ill-timed 
clamour,  turned  the  public  attention  from  words  to 
things — from  blunders  in  grammar  to  perversions  of 
law  and  gospel ! 

But  the  subject  is  too  serious  for  ridicule.  In  fact, 
the  passion  for  the  sciences  and  fine  arts,  Avhich  was 
at  that  time  so  general  in  Italy,  had  a  direct  tendency 
to  infidelity  and  heathenish  atheism,  and,  had  not  the 
Reformation  taken  place,  it  is  difficult  to  say  how  far 
the  infection  would  have  spread.  The  fine  spirits  of 
that  age  made  the  mysteries  of  religion  the  butt  of 
their  wit,  and  treated  the  sacred  Scriptures  as  a  godly 
song  or  mythological  fable ;  so  that  the  reformation  of 
the  Christian  faith  in  the  sixteenth  century  resembled 
the  first  introduction  of  Christianity,  which  had  to 
contend  with  intellectual  luxury,  refined  sensuality, 
and  the  corroding  poison  of  the  Epicurean  philosophy. 
Had  the  Romish  church  felt  any  real  concern  for  the 
interests  of  religion  and  the  welfare  of  the  people,  she 
would  have  taken  part  with  those  who  united  a  love 
of  the  arts  and  sciences  with  a  desire  to  restore  the 
true  faith,  and  to  imbue  the  minds  of  men  with  the 
ancient  spirit  of  Christian  piety.  But  she  threw  all 
the  weight  of  her  authority  into  the  opposite  scale. 
A  love  of  refined  heathenism  was  the  ruling  passion 
of  Leo  X.,  and  influenced  all  his  other  passions.  This 
was  also  the  character  of  the  learned  men  who  fre- 
quented his  court,  or  shared  his  patronage  and  libe- 
ralit3^  The  poems  of  Pontano,  Sanazzaro,  and  others, 
were  constructed  on  the  principles  of  the  ancient  my- 
thology; and  MaruUus  published  a  collection  of  such 

*  "  Ante  paucos  annos,  Rhomce,  ex  eerario  pontificis,  eruditis  aliquot 
salarium  dari  solitum  est,  qui  e  pontificum  literis,  solcecismos  tolle- 
rent."  (Erasmi  Hoterd.  Apologia,  rcfellcns  suspiciones  D.  Jacobi 
Latomi,  p.  16.     Lovanii,  1511).) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  19 

pieces,  in  which  the  praises  of  the  gods  of  Greece  and 
Rome  are  celebrated  with  great  splendour  and  devo- 
tion. Even  the  clergy  followed  the  example;  and, in 
several  instances,  their  writings  were  more  spotted 
with  ribaldry  and  profane  wit  than  those  of  laymen. 
They  were  ashamed  of  the  Bible  on  account  of  its 
barbarisms,  and  would  uot  read  it  lest  it  should  spoil 
their  fine  Latin  style;  but  they  made  no  scruple  of 
seasoning  their  discourses  and  writings  with  quota- 
tions from  heathen  antiquity.  They  found  in  pagan 
theology  antitypes  of  the  sacred  persons  mentioned  in 
Scripture,  not  excepting  the  Holy  Trinity.  God,  the 
Father,  was  Jupiter  Optimus  Maximus;  the  Son, 
Apollo  or  Esculapius;  and  the  Virgin  Mary,  Diana. 
Erasmus,  in  one  of  his  letters,  has  given  an  account 
of  a  sermon  which  he  heard  preached,  before  Pope 
Julius  II.  and  his  cardinals,  on  the  sufferings  and 
death  of  Jesus.  The  preacher  began  with  the  praises 
of  the  Pope,  whom  he  represented  as  a  second  Jupiter, 
holding  in  his  almighty  hand  the  thunderbolt,  and 
ruling  the  affairs  of  the  world  by  his  nod.  When  he 
came  to  the  sufferings  of  Christ,  he  reminded  his 
hearers  of  Decius  and  Curtius,  who  leapt  into  the  gulf 
for  the  salvation  of  their  country.  He  mentioned, 
with  high  eulogium,  Cecrops  and  Menacius,  Iphigenia 
and  others,  who  nobly  preferred  their  country  to  their 
lives.  When  he  wished  to  move  his  hearers  to  com- 
passion by  the  tragical  fate  of  Jesus,  he  described  the 
gratitude  which  the  heathen  testified  for  their  heroes 
and  benefactors,  by  deifying  them  and  raising  monu- 
ments to  their  memory,  while  the  Jews  treated  the 
deliverer  of  mankind  with  ignominy,  and  crucified- 
him.  The  death  of  Christ  was  then  compared  with 
that  of  other  celebrated  men,  who  died  innocently, 
suffering  for  the  common  welfare ; — a  Socrates  and  a 
Phocion,  who,  though  they  had  committed  no  crime, 
drank  the  poisoned  cup ;  an  Epaminondas,  who,  after 
performing  many  renowned  deeds,  was  obliged  to 
defend  himself  against  a  public  charge  of  high-treason; 
a  Scipio,  whose  numerous  services  were  rewarded 
with  banishment ;  and  an  Aristides,  who  was  expel- 


20  HISTORY    OF    THE 

led  from  his  native  country,  because  he  was  surnamed 
the  Just.* 

But  though  many  of  the  revivers  of  hterature  in- 
tended anything  rather  than  a  reformation  of  rehgion, 
they,  nevertheless,  contributed  greatly  to  forward  this 
desirable  object.  It  was  impossible  to  check  the 
progress  of  the  light  which  had  sprung  up,  or  to  pre- 
vent the  new  spirit  of  inquiry  from  taking  a  direction 
towards  religion  and  the  church.  Among  other  books 
which  had  long  remained  unknown  or  neglected, 
copies  of  the  sacred  writings,  in  the  original  lan- 
guages, with  the  works  of  the  Christian  fathers,  were 
now  eagerly  sought  out,  printed,  and  circulated,  both 
in  the  original  and  in  translations ;  nor  could  persons 
of  ordinary  discernment  and  candour  peruse  these, 
without  perceiving  that  the  church  had  declined  far 
from  the  Christian  standard,  and  the  model  of  primi- 
tive purity,  in  faith,  worship,  and  morals.  This  truth 
forced  itself  on  the  minds  even  of  those  who  were 
interested  in  the  support  of  the  existing  corruptions. 
They  felt  that  they  stood  on  unsafe  ground,  and  trem- 
bled to  think  that  the  secret  of  their  power  had  been 
discovered,  and  was  in  danger  of  becoming  every  day 
better  and  more  extensively  known.  This  paralysed 
the  exertions  which  they  made  in  their  own  defence, 
and  was  a  principal  cause  of  that  dilatory,  vacillating, 
and  contradictory  procedure  which  characterized  the 
policy  of  the  court  of  Rome,  in  its  first  attempts  to 
check  the  progress  of  the  reformed  opinions. 

The  poets  of  the  middle  ages,  known  by  the  name 
of  Troubadours,  had  joined  with  the  Vaudois,  in  con- 
demning the  reigning  vices  of  the  priests ;  and  several 
of  the  superstitious  notions  and  practices,  by  which 
the  clergy  increased  their  power  and  wealth,  were 
assailed  in  those  lively  satires  which  were  written  in 
the  ancient  language  of  Provence,  but  read  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Italy  and  Spain.     It  is  a  circumstance 

*  Erasmi  Epist.  1.  xx.  cp.  14.  Ciceronianus,  p.  39 — 43,  Roscoe's 
Life  and  Pontificate  of  Leo  X.  vol.  iii.  p.  143 — 147.  Marheinecke, 
speaking-  of  this  work  of  Mr.  Roscoe,  says,  "As  was  tlie  hero,  so  is 
his  historian."     (Geschiciite  der  Teutchen  Reformation,  th.  i.  p.  24.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  21 

deserving  of  notice,  and  reflecting  honour  on  a  sect 
which  has  been  so  unmercifully  traduced  by  its  ad- 
versaries, that  the  Nobla  Ley^on,  and  other  religious 
poems  of  the  Vaudois,  which  are  among  the  earliest 
and  rarest  monuments  of  Provencal  poetry,  contain 
few  of  those  satirical  reflections  on  the  clergy,  which 
abound  in  the  writings  of  their  contemporaries  who 
remained  in  the  Romish  Church.  "  Indulgences,'^ 
says  one  of  the  troubadours,  "  pardons,  God  and  the 
devil — all,  the  priests  make  use  of.  To  some  men 
they  allot  paradise  by  their  pardons;  others  they  send 
to  hell  by  their  excommunications.  There  are  no 
crimes  for  which  pardon  cannot  be  obtained  from 
the  monks:  for  money  they  grant  to  renegades  and 
usurers  that  sepulture  which  they  deny  to  the  poor 
who  have  nothing  to  pay.  To  live  at  ease,  to  enjoy 
good  fish,  fine  wheat-bread,  and  exquisite  wines,  is 
their  great  object  during  the  whole  year.  God  grant 
me  to  be  a  monk,  if  salvation  is  to  be  purchased  at 
this  price!''  "Rome!"  says  another,  "thou  hast 
established  thy  see  in  the  bottom  of  the  abyss,  and  of 
perdition.  How  much  innocent  blood  hast  thou  spilt ! 
Falsehood,  disgrace,  and  infamy,  reign  in  thy  heart. 
With  the  exterior  of  a  lamb,  thou  art  within  a  raven- 
ing wolf  and  a  crowned  serpent.  Go,  then,  Sirvente, 
and  tell  the  false  clergy,  that  he  who  gave  them  do- 
minion over  us  is  dead."  "  If  God,"  says  a  third, 
"  save  those  whose  sole  merit  lies  in  loving  good  cheer, 
and  paying  their  court  to  women — if  the  black  monks, 
the  white  monks,  the  templars,  the  hospitallers,  gain 
heaven,  then  St.  Peter  and  St.  Andrew  were  great 
fools  to  submit  to  such  torments  for  the  sake  of  a  para- 
dise which  cost  others  so  little."* 

*  Si  monge  niers  vol  dieus  que  sian  sal, 
Per  pro  manjar  ni  per  femnas  tenir, 
Ni  monge  Wane,  per  boulas  a  mentir, 
Ni  per  erguelh  Temple  ni  Espital, 
Ni  canonge  per  prestar  a  renieu, 
Bene  tene  per  foi  sanh  Peir',  sanh  Andrieu, 
Que  sofriro  per  Dieu  aital  turmen, 
S'aquest  s'en  van  aissi  a  salvamen. 
(Raymond  de  Castelnau;  Renouard,  Choix  des  Poesies  Orig.  dea 
Troubadours,  torn.  iv.  p.  383.) 


22  HISTORY    OF    THE 

From  the  earliest  dawn  of  letters  in  Italy,  the  cor- 
ruptions of  the  Roman  Church  had  been  discovered 
by  persons  who  entertained  no  thought  of  renouncing 
her  communion.  These  were  exposed  by  the  poets, 
under  the  protection  of  that  license  which  they  have 
enjoyed  in  every  age,  and  among  almost  every  peo- 
ple. The  Divina  Comedia  of  Dante  is  founded  on 
some  of  the  leading  tenets  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  in  which  he  was  a  sincere  believer;  but  there 
is  much  less  in  it  favourable  to  popery  than  this  cir- 
cumstance would  have  led  us  to  expect,  while  it 
abounds  with  complaints  of  the  corruption  of  Chris- 
tianity. Dante  appears  to  have  had  no  faith  in  the 
infallibility  of  either  popes  or  general  councils.  While 
he  freely  bestows  the  keys  on  St.  Peter,  and  speaks 
honourably  of  his  early  successors,  he  expresses  him- 
self doubtfully  of  Rome's  claim  to  be  the  mistress  of 
Christendom.*  He  gives  but  slender  comfort  to  those 
who  go  into  purgatory,  by  his  advice,  '•  Think  on 
what  succeeds,"  and  by  telling  them,  that  no  prayer 
on  earth  can  avail  them  but  what  "  riseth  up  from 
heart  which  lives  in  grace. ''t  Priestly  absolution  he 
reduces  to  a  conditional  declaration  of  pardon,  by 
teaching,  that  "no  power  can  the  impenitent  ab- 
solve."J  In  paradise  he  makes  a  confession  of  his 
faith,  at  the  desire  of  St.  Peter ;  it  is  what  every  sound 
Protestant  could  subscribe ;  and  when  asked  by  the 
apostle  as  to  the  source  from  which  he  derived  his 
faith,  he  answers. 

From  that  truth 
It  Cometh  to  me  rather,  which  is  shed 
Thro'  Moses,  the  rapt  prophets,  and  the  Psalms, 
The  Gospel ;  and  what  ye  yourselves  did  write, 
When  ye  were  gifted  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

When  asked  how  he  knew  these  to  be  the  word  of 
God,  he  does  not  reply  by  appealing  to  the  authority 
of  the  Church  or  tradition,  but  says, "  The  works  that 
folio Aved,  evidence  their  truth;"  and  when  still  further 
questioned,  by  St.  Peter,  how  he  knew  that,  his  reply 

*  Infc.  c.  ii.  t  Purg.  c.  iv.  x.  X  Inf.  c.  xxvii. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  23 

is  at  once  just  and  strikingly  illustrative  of  his  senti- 
ments. 

*'  That  all  the  world,"  said  I,  "  should  have  been  turn'd 
To  Christian,  and  no  miracle  been  wrought, 
Would,  in  itself,  be  such  a  miracle. 
The  rest  were  not  a  hundredth  part  so  great. 
E'en  thou  wentest  forth,  in  poverty  and  hunger, 
To  set  the  goodly  plant,  that,  from  thy  vine 
It  once  was,  now  is  grown  unsightly  bramble."* 

It  is  impossible  to  pronounce  a  clearer  and  more  de- 
cisive judgment  on  one  of  the  leading  and  most  im- 
portant points  of  controversy  between  the  Popish  and 
Protestant  Churches,  than  Dante  has  given  in  this 
part  of  his  poem.  The  poet  repeatedly  inculcates  a 
simple  adherence  to  Scripture,  in  opposition  to  the 
human  inventions  and  fables  with  which  it  was  mixed 
up  in  his  time. 

E'en  they  whose  office  is 
To  preach  the  gospel,  let  the  gospel  sleep, 
And  pass  their  own  inventions  off  instead. 

And  having  given  some  specimens  of  this,  he  adds, 

The  sheep,  meanwhile,  poor  witless  ones,  return 
From  pasture,  fed  with  wind;  and  what  avails 
For  their  excuse,  they  do  not  see  their  harm  ? 

Dante  has  exhibited,  in  his  pictorial  style,  the  inde- 
cent buffoonery  which  disgraced  the  pulpit  in  that 
age;  and  he  treats  the  credulity  of  the  people  with 
almost  as  much  severity  as  the  impudence  and  impos- 
ture of  the  priests  and  friars. 

The  preacher  now  provides  himself  with  store 
Of  jests  and  gibes;  and,  so  there  be  no  lack 
Of  laughter,  while  he  vents  them,  his  big  cowl 
Distends,  and  he  has  won  the  meed  he  sought. 
Could  but  the  vulgar  catch  a  glimpse  the  while, 
Of  that  dark  bird  which  nestles  in  his  hood, 
They  scarce  would  wait  to  hear  the  blessing  said. 
Which  now  the  dotards  hold  in  such  esteem.t 

He  celebrates  the  virtues  of  St.  Francis  and  St.  Domi- 
nic, but  pronounces  a  severe  censure  on  the  degene- 

*  Farad,  c.  xxiv;  Carey's  Translation.  t  Farad,  c.  xxix. 


24  HISTORY    OF    THE 

racy  of  their  respective  orders.*  He  is  warm  in  his 
praises  of  the  Virgin,  but  puts  them  into  the  mouth  of 
St.  Bernard,  the  great  opponent  of  those  who  ascribed 
to  her  the  honours  due  to  the  Saviour.t  His  Hell^  as 
well  as  his  Purgatory,  are  peopled  with  clergy,  from 
popes  down  to  begging  friars.  The  court  of  Rome  is 
repeatedly  compared  by  him  to  the  idolatrous  Baby- 
lon of  the  Apocalypse. 

Of  shepherds  like  to  you,  th'  Evangelist 

Was  ware,  when  her,  who  sits  upon  the  waves, 

With  kings  in  filthy  whoredom  he  beheld; 

She  who  with  seven  heads  tower'd  at  her  birth, 

And  from  ten  horns  her  proof  of  glory  drew. 

Long  as  her  spouse  in  virtue  took  delight. 

Of  gold  and  silver  ye  have  made  your  god, 

DilTring  wherein  from  the  idolater, 

But  that  he  worships  one,  a  hundred  ye. 

Ah !  Constantine,  to  how  much  ill  gave  birth. 

Not  thy  conversion,  but  that  plenteous  dower 

Which  the  first  wealthy  father  gained  from  thee  tX 

In  describing  the  avarice  and  luxurious  living  of 
the  clergy,§  he  seems  sometimes  at  a  loss  whether  to 
employ  the  language  of  ridicule  or  of  indignation, 
and,  therefore,  combines  them;  as  in  the  following 
passage,  put  into  the  mouth  of  a  cardinal,  who,  by  a 
rare  fate,  had  escaped  both  hell  and  purgatory. 

I  was  constrain'd  to  wear  the  hat,  that  still 
From  bad  to  worse  was  shifted. — Cephas  came, 
He  came  who  was  the  Holy  Spirit's  vessel, 
Barefoot  and  lean;  eating  their  bread,  as  chanc'd. 
At  the  first  table.     Modern  shepherds  need 
Those  who  on  either  hand  may  prop  and  lead  them. 
So  burly  are  they  grown ;  and  from  behind 
Others  to  hoist  tliem.     Down  the  palfrey's  sides 
Spread  their  broad  mantles,  so  as  both  the  beasts 
Are  cover'd  with  one  skin.     Oh !  patience,  thou 
That  look'st  on  this,  and  dost  endure  so  long  1 1| 

*  Parad.  c.  xi.  xii.  t  Ibid.  c.  xxxiii. 

\  Inf.  c  xix.  conf.  Purg.  c.  xxxii. 

§  In  a  similar  strain  did  Ariosto  afterwards  write  on  this  subject ; 
and,  speaking  of  avarice,  he  says, 

Worse  did  she  in  the  court  of  Rome,  for  there 
She  had  slain  popes  and  cardinals. 

Orl.  Fur.  c.  xxvi.  st.  32. 

II  Para  .  c.  xxi. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  25 

With  such  a  deep  impression  of  the  corruptions  of 
the  popedom  on  his  spirit,  we  need  not  be  surprised 
to  find  the  poet  writing  in  a  strain  which  may  be 
interpreted  as  prophetic  of  its  speedy  downfall,  and  of 
the  Reformation. 

Yet  it  may  chance,  ere  long,  the  Vatican, 

And  other  most  selected  parts  of  Rome, 

That  were  the  grave  of  Peter's  soldiery, 

Shall  be  delivered  from  th'  adult'rous  bond.*  * 

Nor  were  these  the  mere  effusions  of  poetical 
exaggeration.  In  his  treatise  on  monarchy,  he  in- 
veighs against  the  abuses  of  the  church  with  as  great 
freedom  as  in  his  poem;  and,  not  contented  with  de- 
priving the  popes  of  their  temporal  authority,  he 
attacks  tradition,  the  main  pillar  on  which  they  have 
always  rested  their  claim  to  spiritual  authority.! 

Petrarch  followed  in  the  steps  of  Dante,  and  he  is 
still  more  severe  against  the  papal  court  in  his  prose 
compositions  than  in  his  poetical.  In  proof  of  this, 
we  need  not  refer  to  a  letter,  ascribed  to  him,  which 
was  dropt  in  the  consistory  at  Rome,  and  read  in  the 
presence  of  Clement  VI.  and  his  whole  court.  It  was 
inscribed,  "  Leviathan,  prince  of  darkness,  to  pope 
Clement,  his  vicar,  and  the  cardinals,  his  counsellors 
and  good  friends;"  contained  an  enumeration  of  the 
crimes  committed  by  the  prelates  of  the  court,  for 
which  he  expressed  his  thanks,  exhorting  them  to 
continue  in  the  same  course,  by  which  they  would 
merit,  more  and  more,  his  favour ;  and  concluded  with 
these  words — "  Given  at  the  centre  of  hell,  in  the 
presence  of  a  crowd  of  demons.'^  In  his  confidential 
letters,  Petrarch  seems  at  a  loss  for  words  to  express 
his  detestation  of  the  sins  of  the  papal  court.     "  I  am 

*  Parad.  c.  ix. 

t  Speaking  of  the  decretalists,  or  masters  of  canon  law,  he  says, 
"  I  have  heard  one  of  them  saying,  and  impudently  maintaining, 
that  traditions  are  the  foundation  of  the  faith  of  the  church."  {De 
Monarchia,  lib.  iii.)  The  Monurchia  of  Dante  has  a  place  in  the 
Index  Prohibitorius  of  Rome  for  1559  ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that 
his  Heaven  and  Hell  would  have  shared  the  same  fate,  had  not  Purga- 
tory come  between,  and  saved  them. 

3 


26  HISTORY    OF    THE 

at  present,"  says  he  to  a  friend,  "in  the  western 
Babylon,  than  which  the  sun  never  beheld  any  thing 
more  hideous,  and  beside  the  fierce  Rhone,  where  the 
successors  of  the  poor  fishermen  now  live  as  kings. 
Here  the  credulous  crowd  of  Christians  are  caught  in 
the  name  of  Jesus,  but  by  the  arts  of  Belial;  and 
being  stripped  of  their  scales,  are  fried  to  fill  the  belly 
of  gluttons.  Go  to  India,  or  wherever  you  choose, 
but  avoid  Babylon,  if  you  do  not  wish  to  go  down 
alive  to  hell.  Whatever  you  have  heard  or  read  of 
as  to  perfidy  and  fraud,  pride,  incontinence  and  un- 
bridled lust,  impiety  and  wickedness  of  every  kind, 
you  will  find  here  collected  and  heaped  together. 
Rejoice,  and  glory  in  this,  0  Babylon,  situated  on  the 
Rhone,  that  thou  art  the  enemy  of  the  good,  the  friend 
of  the  bad,  the  asylum  of  wild  beasts,  the  whore  that 
hast  committed  fornication  with  the  kings  of  the  earth! 
Thou  art  she  whom  the  inspired  evangelist  saw  in 
the  spirit;  yes,  thee,  and  none  but  thee,  he  saw,  ^sit- 
ting upon  many  waters.'  See  thy  dress — '  A  woman 
clothed  in  purple  and  scarlet.'  Dost  thou  know  thy- 
self, Babylon?  Certainly  what  follows  agrees  to  thee 
and  none  else — '  Mother  of  fornications  and  abomina- 
tions of  the  earth.'  But  hear  the  rest — '  I  saw,'  says 
the  evangelist,  ^a  woman  drunk  with  the  blood  of  the 
saints,  and  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  of  Jesus.'  Point 
out  another  to  whom  this  is  applicable  but  thee."* 
In  this  strain  does  Petrarch  go  on  to  comment  on  the 
description  of  the  apocalyptic  Babylon,  and  to  inveigh 
against  the  monstrous  vices,  heresies,  and  false  mira- 
cles of  the  papal  court.t  Several  of  his  Latin  eclogues 

*  EpistolsD  sine  titulo,  ep.  4,  12,  15,  16.  Abbe  Sade  complains 
that  the  Protestants  "  have,  in  their  declamations  against  the  church 
of  Rome,  abused  certain  secret  letters  which  Petrarch  wrote  to  his 
friends,  in  which  he  opens  his  heart  with  a  little  too  much  freedom." 
(Memoires  de  Petrarche,  torn.  iv.  p.  3,  4.)  The  only  way  in  which 
they  have  abused  them,  is  by  quoting  them,  which  the  Abbe  has 
prudently  avoided  amidst  his  copious  extracts ;  and,  when  he  calls 
the  letters  "  secret,"  he  seems  to  have  forgotten  that  Petrarch  him- 
self had  carefully  collected  them  into  a  volume  by  themselves,  in- 
tended for  public  use,  as  appears  from  his  preface,  and  his  having 
suppressed  the  names  of  the  persons  to  whom  they  were  written. 

t  It  is  true  that  Petrarch  refers  to  the  residence  of  that  court  at 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  27 

are  concealed  satires  on  the  popes  and  their  clergy. 
In  his  sonnets  the  satire  is  avowed,  and  the  holy  see 
is  characterized  as  "  impious  Babylon — avaricious 
Babylon — the  school  of  error — the  temple  of  heresy — 
the  forge  of  fraud — the  hell  of  the  living.*  The  fol- 
lowing may  be  given  as  a  specimen.! 

The  fire  of  wrathfiil  heaven  alight, 
And  all  thy  harlot  tresses  smite, 

Base  city  !  thou,  from  humble  fare, 
Thy  acorns  and  thy  water,  rose 
To  greatness,  rich  with  others'  woes. 

Rejoicing  in  the  ruin  thou  didst  bear. 

Foul  nest  of  treason  !  Is  there  aught 
Wherewith  the  spacious  world  is  fraught 

Of  bad  or  vile — 'tis  hatch'd  in  thee ; 
Who  revellest  in  thy  costly  meats, 
Thy  precious  wines,  and  curious  seats, 

And  all  the  pride  of  luxury. 

The  while  within  thy  secret  halls. 
Old  men  in  seemly  festivals 

With  buxom  girls  in  dance  are  going; 
And  in  the  midst  old  Beelzebub 
Eyes,  through  his  glass,  the  motley  club, 

The  fire  with  sturdy  bellows  blowing. 

In  former  days  thou  wast  not  laid 
On  down,  nor  under  cooling  shade ; 

Thou  naked  to  the  winds  wast  given, 
And  through  the  sharp  and  thorny  road 
Thy  feet  without  the  sandals  trod ; 

But  now  thy  life  is  such,  it  smells  to  Heaven. 

The  alternate  style  of  broad  humour  and  keen  wit 
with  which  Boccaccio  exposed  the  superstition  and 
knavery  of  churchmen  was  at  once  more  fatal  to 
them,  and  more  suited  to  the  spirit  of  the  age  in  which 

Avignon  in  France,  (where  it  continued  during  his  lifetime ;)  and  he 
sometimes  deplores  its  transference  from  Rome,  under  the  name  of  a 
captivity.  But  the  chief  part  of  his  description  is  borrowed  from  that 
of  Dante,  which  preceded  that  event;  and  he  himself  traces  the  de- 
plorable change  on  the  face  of  the  church  to  a  much  higher  period. 
*  Petrarchi  Opera,  torn.  iii.  p.  149. 

t  Fiamma  del  ciel  su  le  tue  treccie  piova, 
Malvagia,  «Slc. 

(Le  Rime  del  Petrarcha,  edit.  Lod.  Castelvetro, 
torn.  i.  p.  325. 


28  HISTORY    OF    THE 

he  lived,  than  the  lofty  and  severe  invective  of  his 
master.  Poggio  Bracciolini,  the  author  of  an  eloquent 
and  pathetic  description  of  the  martyrdom  of  Jerome 
of  Prague,  of  which  he  was  an  eye-witness,  employed 
his  wit  in  exposing  the  vices  of  the  clergy,  and  the 
ignorance  and  absurdities  of  the  preachers  of  that 
time,  in  his  dialogues  on  avarice,  luxury,  and  hypo- 
crisy. That  such  freedoms  should  have  been  permit- 
ted in  a  pontifical  secretary, must  excite  surprise;  and 
tolerant  and  friendly  to  learned  men  as  Nicholas  V. 
was,  it  is  probable  that  Poggio  would  have  suffered 
for  his  temerity,  had  he  not  secured  the  protection  of 
his  master,  by  writing  an  invective  against  his  rival, 
the  anti-pope  Amedaeus.*  It  would  be  endless,  how- 
ever, to  give  examples  from  him  or  the  other  ancient 
poets  and  novelists  of  Italy,  whose  satires  against  the 
clergy,  and  especially  their  lampoons  on  the  monks 
and  friars,  were  afterwards  imitated  or  translated  by 
writers  in  the  different  countries  of  Europe.  The 
practice  was  continued  by  Ariosto  and  Berni  down 
to  the  very  time  of  the  Reformation.  After  that  period, 
when  no  poet  who  wished  his  works  to  be  circulated 
would  venture  on  such  freedoms,  the  task  was  taken 
up  by  the  writers  of  pasquinades  and  other  anony- 
mous satires,  who  often  employed  the  images  and 
language  of  their  illustrious  predecessors.t 

*  Ginguene,  vol.  vii.  p.  308,  313,  319.  Shepherd's  Life  of  Foggio 
Bracciohni,  p.  88,  428. 

t  The  following  verses,  on  the  death  of  Alexander  VIII.,  are  tran- 
scribed from  an  Italian  MS.  in  the  Advocate's  Library,  entitled, 
"Raccolta  delle  migliori  Satire  venute  alia  luce  in  occasione  di 
diversi  Conclavi  da  quello  di  Alessandro  VIII." 

Sacro  Nume  del  Ciel,  non  diro  mai, 
Che  tu  ftjcesti  far  jjapa  Alessandro, 
Che  al  Tehro  cagione  piu  dunno  assai, 
Di  quel  chef ece  il  fuoco  alia  Scamandro. 

Sempre  voleva  dir  qualche  saldonia, 
tarlando  ancor  di  cosa  ulta  e  divina  ; 
E  uvea  quasi  ridotta  in  Babilonia, 
Questa  di  Dio  Jtrusalem  Latina. 

Che  piu  ?  Si  vedde  at  suo  ponteJicatOf 
Liberia  di  concienza,  e  di  costumi; 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  29 

The  corruptions  of  the  Church  of  Rome  were  at- 
tacked by  others  in  a  graver  style.  In  the  beginning 
of  the  fifteenth  century,  Laurentius  Valla,  "  who  res- 
cued literature  from  the  grave,  and  restored  to  Italy 
the  splendour  of  her  ancient  eloquence,"*  wrote 
against  the  pretended  donation  of  Constantine,  and 
various  papal  abuses.  This  learned  Italian  had  ad- 
vanced far  before  his  age  in  every  species  of  know- 
ledge; as  a  grammarian,  a  critic,  a  philosopher,  and  a 
divine,  he  was  equally  distinguished.  His  scholia  on 
the  New  Testament,  in  which  he  proposes  numerous 
corrections  on  the  Vulgate,  display  an  intimate  ac- 
quaintance with  the  Greek  language ;  and  in  his  dia- 
logue on  free-will,  he  defends,  with  much  acuteness, 
the  doctrine  on  that  subject,  and  on  predestination, 
afterwards  espoused  by  Luther  and  Calvin.t  The 
freedom  of  his  sentiments  roused  the  resentment  of 
the  patrons  of  ignorance  and  fraud;  and  Valla  was 
condemned  to  the  flames,  a  punishment  from  which 
he  was  saved  by  the  protection  of  Alphonsus  V.  of 
Arragon.ij:  The  writings  of  Baptista,  the  modern  poet 
of  Mantua,  who  flourished  in  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  abound  with  censures  of  the  corrupt  manners 

E  il  solo  non  peccar,  era  peccato. 

Per  far  contra  le  stelle,  e  scorno  a  Numi. 

Spirit  of  heaven,  it  never  shall  be  said, 
That  thou  for  Pope  this  Alexander  made. 
Who  caused  the  Tiber  more  to  mourn  his  name, 
Than  that  Scamander  once  the  Grecian  flame. 

His  wish  was  still  to  have  his  sprightly  quips, 
E'en  then  when  truths  divine  forsook  his  lips; 
But  this  Jerusalem,  God's  chosen  throne, 
He  had  well  nigh  reduced  to  Babylon. 

Truly,  when  he  was  pontiff,  man  was  free, 

Conscience  and  conduct  both  had  liberty, 
When  one  might  scoff  the  stars,  and  stand  secure 
In  every  crime,  but  one — the  being  pure. 

*  Erasmi  Epist.  lib.  vii.  ep,  3. 
t  Laurentii  Vallae  Opera,  Basilese,  1540,  fol. 

t  Cave,  Hist.  Liter.  App.  121,  122.     Wolfius,  Lect.  Mem.  ii.  7. 
Ginguene,  Hist.  Litter,  d'ltalie,  torn.  vii.  p.  349. 


30  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  the  court  of  Rome,  which  deserve  the  more  credit, 
as  they  proceeded  from  a  friar,  whose  verses  are  distin- 
guished for  their  moral  purity  still  more  than  for  then 
classical  elegance.* 

It  has  been  common  to  place  Savonarola  among 
the  witnesses  of  the  truth  before  the  Reformation; 
and  some  have  called  him  the  Luther  of  Italy.t  By 
others,  he  is  described  as  a  delirious  fanatic  and  turbu- 
lent demagogue,  who,  by  pretending  to  the  gift  of 
prophecy,  and  immediate  intercourse  with  heaven, 
sought  to  excite  the  populace  against  their  rulers,  civil 
and  ecclesiastical,  and  to  gratify  his  own  ambition  by 
humbling  his  superiors.  In  this  last  light  he  has  been 
represented,  not  only  by  the  interested  advocates  of 
the  church  of  Rome,  but  also  by  the  warm  admirers 
of  the  house  of  Medici.  J  Those  who  impartially  con- 
sider the  character  of  the  Florentine  reformer,  will 
not  be  disposed  to  adopt  either  the  one  or  the  other 
of  these  representations.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the 
fervour  of  his  zeal  betrayed  him  into  extravagance, 
and  that,  in  prosecuting  his  plans  of  reform,  he  yield- 
ed to  the  illusions  of  an  overheated  imagination,  and 
persuaded  himself  that  he  was  possessed  of  superna- 
tural gifts;  but  instances  of  this  kind  were  not  uncom- 
mon among  those  who,  like  him,  had  been  brought 
up  in  a  cloister.  On  the  other  hand,  the  best  and  most 
enlightened  men  of  that  age  bear  unequivocal  testi- 
mony to  his  integrity,  sanctity,  and  patriotism.  §     It 

*  Venalia  nobis 

Templa,  sacerdotes,  altaria,  sacra,  coronae, 
Ignes,  thura,  preces;  coelum  est  venale,  Deusque. 
Ite  lares  Italos,  et  fundarnenta  rnalorum, 
Romuleas  arces  et  pontificalia  tecta, 
CoUuviem  scelerum,  &c. 

(Baptista  Mantuanus,  lib.  iii.  De  Calam.  Temp.) 
tM.  Flacii  Illyrici  Testes  Veritatis,  p.  890.     Wolfii  Lect.  Memor. 
torn.  i.  p.  800.     Bezse  Icones,  sig-.  Biiij. 

t  Roscoe's  Life  of  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  vol.  ii.  p.  158,  269  ;  and  Life 
of  Leo  X.  vol.  i.  p.  278. 

§Marsilii  Ficini  Epist.  lib.  xii.  f.  197.  Joan.  Fr.  Pici  Mirandulae 
Opera,  torn.  ii.  p.  40.  Guicciardini,  Istor.  lib.  iii.  Petri  Martyris 
Anglcrii  Opus  Epistol.  ep.  191.— Jobn  Francis  Budaeus,  in  his  youth, 
published  a  dissertation  unfavourable  to  Savonarola,  of  which  he 
afterwards  candidly  wrote  a  refutation.  Both  treatises  are  included 
in  his  Parerga  Historica-Theologica. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  31 

has  been  supposed,  but  without  satisfactory  proof,  that 
he  held  the  doctrines  concerning  justification,  the  com- 
munion under  both  kinds,  indulgences,  and  tradition, 
which  were  afterwards  called  Protestant.  The  reform 
which  he  sought  had,  for  its  object,  a  change  on  the 
manners,  not  the  faith,  of  the  Christian  world.  He 
believed  that  the  discipline  of  the  church  was  cor- 
rupted, and  that  those  who  had  the  charge  of  souls, 
from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  were  become  unfaith- 
ful. To  this  persuasion  he  joined  an  ardent  passion 
for  political  liberty,  which  quahfied  him  for  being  the 
organ  of  those  of  his  countrymen,  who  felt  as  Chris- 
tians for  the  dishonours  done  to  rehgion,  and  as  citi- 
zens for  the  encroachments  made  on  their  political 
rights.  The  appearance  of  such  a  person,  at  a  time 
when  the  papal  throne  was  filled  by  a  man  of  the 
most  profligate  character,  and  the  Italian  republics 
were  on  the  eve  of  being  stripped  of  the  last  remains 
of  their  freedom,  claims  the  attention  of  the  inquirer 
into  the  causes  of  the  Reformation. 

Jeronimo  Savonarola  was  descended  from  an  illus- 
trious family,  originally  belonging  to  Padua,  and  was 
born  at  Ferrara  in  the  year  1452.  He  distinguished 
himself  early  in  his  studies,  which  were  chiefly  di- 
rected to  theology ;  and,  in  the  twenty-third  year  of 
his  age,  entered  the  Dominican  convent  at  Bologna. 
His  ardent  piety,  and  his  talents,  recommended  him 
to  the  superiors  of  his  order,  from  whom  he  received 
an  appointment  to  read  lectures  on  philosophy.  The 
admiration  which  he  gained  in  the  academical  chair 
Avas  forfeited  when  he  ascended  the  pulpit;  his  voice 
was  at  once  feeble  and  harsh,  and  his  address  ungrace- 
ful. But  he  exerted  himself,  in  conquering  these  natu- 
ral defects,  with  all  the  enthusiastic  perseverance  of 
the  Athenian  orator;  and  those  who  heard  him,  in 
148S,  modulating  a  deep-toned  voice,  accompanied 
with  all  the  graces  of  action,  could  not  believe  he  was 
the  same  person  to  whom  they  had  listened  with  im- 
patience six  years  before.  The  piety  of  Savonarola 
took  alarm  at  the  success  of  his  own  eloquence;  he 
redoubled  his  monastic  austerities;  and  it  has  been 


32  HISTORY    or    THE 

supposed,  not  without  probability,  that  this  metamor- 
phose first  suggested  to  him  the  idea  of  his  divine 
mission.  In  1484  he  began  to  preach  on  the  book  of 
the  Revelation  at  Brescia,  and,  inveighing  against  the 
vices  of  its  inhabitants,  told  them  that  their  walls 
should  one  day  be  deluged  with  blood;  a  threatening 
which  was  thought  to  be  accomplished  two  years  after 
his  death,  when  the  city  was  sacked  by  the  French. 
In  1489  he  fixed  his  abode  at  Florence,  in  the  convent 
of  St.  Marc.  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  aware  of  the  influ- 
ence he  exerted  over  the  public  mind,  strove  to  attach 
him  to  his  interest;  but  Savonarola  resisted  all  his  ad- 
vances, and  would  not  so  much  as  visit  the  man  whom 
he  regarded  as  the  usurper  of  the  liberties  of  his  coun- 
try. Lorenzo,  on  his  death-bed,  sent  for  the  monk, 
who  asked  him  if  he  had  an  entire  confidence  in  the 
mercy  of  God;  if  he  was  willing  to  make  restitution 
of  all  goods  which  he  had  procured  unlawfully;  and 
if  he  was  prepared  to  restore  the  Florentine  republic 
to  its  former  liberty.  To  the  two  first  questions  the 
dying  man  replied  in  the  affirmative,  but  was  silent 
at  the  last  request ;  upon  which  Savonarola  left  him, 
without  administering  absolution.*  During  the  go- 
vernment of  Pietro,  the  haughty  and  luxurious  suc- 
cessor of  Lorenzo,  the  influence  of  Savonarola  in- 
creased, and  his  enthusiasm  kept  pace  with  his  popu- 
larity. He  spake  to  the  people,  in  the  name  of  heaven, 
of  the  calamities  which  were  approaching,  and  sum- 
moned them  to  speedy  repentance  ;  he  painted,  with 
all  the  force  of  a  brilliant  and  fervid  imagination,  the 
luxury  and  immorality  which  prevailed  among  all 
classes  of  the  citizens,  the  disorders  of  the  church  and 
the  corruption  of  its  prelates,  the  disorders  of  the  state 
and  the  tyranny  of  its  rulers.  The  eff"ect  of  his  de- 
nunciations was  greatly  heightened  by  the  rumours  of 
the  invasion  of  Italy  by  Charles  VIII.  of  France, 
whom  Savonarola  did  not  scruple  to  announce  as  the 
monarch  whom  Providence  had  raised  up  to  punish 

*  Roscoe  disputes  the  accuracy  of  this  statement,  (vol.  ii.  p.  238 ;) 
but  it  has  been  adopted  by  the  more  impartial  Sismondi,  who  had 
access  to  all  the  authorities.    (Hist,  des  Repub.  Ital.  torn.  xii.  p.  69.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  33 

the  vices  of  his  native  country,  to  introduce  a  sahitary 
reform  into  the  church,  and  to  break  the  fetters  of 
pohtical  bondage.  The  preacher  had  the  satisfaction 
of,  at  least,  witnessing  the  success  of  his  exhortations 
on  the  inhabitants  of  Florence  ;  luxury  was  repressed, 
the  women  gave  an  example  of  modesty  in  their  dress, 
and  a  change  of  manners  became  visible  over  the 
whole  city.  On  the  expulsion  of  the  Medici,  Savona- 
rola lent  all  the  weight  of  his  authority  to  those  who 
established  a  popular  goverument  in  Florence,  and 
his  advice  had  the  greatest  influence  on  the  counsels 
of  the  new  republic;  but  he  continued  still  to  keep 
in  view  his  main  object,  of  preserving  a  rigorous  mo- 
rality in  the  state. 

Without  possessing  the  prophetic  powers  claimed  by 
Savonarola,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  what  his  fate  would 
be.  He  was  equally  hated  by  the  secret  adherents  of 
the  house  of  Medici,  and  the  dissolute  portion  of  the 
citizens,  which  submitted  with  impatience  to  the  free- 
dom of  his  reproofs  and  the  severity  of  the  laws  which 
he  had  procured.  To  accomplish  his  ruin,  they  had 
recourse  to  Rome.  Savonarola  had  preached,  that  it 
behoved  the  reform,  which  was  indispensably  neces- 
sary, to  begin  with  the  head  of  the  church ;  and,  in 
his  invectives,  he  had  not  spared  the  reigning  pontiff, 
Alexander  VI.  The  crimes  which,  in  1497,  disgraced 
the  family  of  the  pope,  and  scandalized  all  Italy,  were 
publicly  denounced  by  the  Florentine  monk;  and  thus, 
personal  resentment  was  added  to  the  fears  which 
Alexander  entertained,  lest  the  reforms  introduced 
into  Florence  should  be  pleaded  as  an  example  against 
the  court  of  Rome.  He  accused  Savonarola  as  a  he- 
retic, interdicted  him  from  preaching,  and  finally 
launched  the  sentence  of  excommunication  against 
him.  At  the  request  of  the  senate,  the  preacher  de- 
sisted, for  some  time,  from  the  exercise  of  his  office, 
and  sought  to  pacify  the  irritated  pontiff;  but,  resum- 
ing courage,  and  acting  on  the  principle  which  after- 
wards induced  Luther  to  burn  the  bull  of  excommu- 
nication by  Leo  X.,  he  appeared  in  public,  declared 
that  an  injust  sentence  of  the  pope  was  invalid,  that 


34  HISTORY    OF    THE 

relaxation  from  it  was  not  to  be  sought,  that  the  inspi- 
ration of  the  Almighty  obliged  him  to  renomice  obe- 
dience to  a  corrupt  tribunal ;  and,  having  celebrated 
mass,  and  communicated  along  with  his  brethren  and 
a  great  number  of  secular  persons,  he  conducted  a 
solemn  procession  round  the  convent,  after  which  he 
preached  in  the  cathedral  church  to  greater  crowds 
than  ever.  Defeated  in  this  attempt,  the  pope  stirred 
up  the  Augustinian  and  Franciscan  monks  against 
the  object  of  his  hatred.  Fransesco  de  Pouille,  a 
preacher  of  the  Minor  Observantines,  who  was  sent 
from  Rome,  publicly  denounced  him  as  a  heresiarch 
who  had  seduced  the  republic,  and  called  upon  the 
senate  to  silence  him  instantly,  under  the  pain  of  hav- 
ing their  territory  laid  under  an  interdict,  and  the  pro- 
perty of  their  merchants  confiscated  in  foreign  coun- 
tries. Deprived  of  the  assistance  of  France,  and 
alarmed  at  the  consequences  of  an  open  breach  with 
the  pope,  the  Florentines  yielded,  and  Savonarola  was 
ordered  to  desist  from  preaching. 

Pursuing  his  advantage,  Pouille  next  declared,  from 
the  pulpit,  that  he  understood  that  Savonarola  spoke 
of  confirming  his  false  doctrines  by  a  miracle.  He 
therefore  offered  to  submit  to  the  trial  with  his  adver- 
sary, by  walking  through  the  flames.  Savonarola, 
suspecting  a  snare  on  the  part  of  his  enemies,  declined 
the  fiery  contest;  but  Bonvicini,  one  of  his  disciples, 
zealous  for  his  master's  honour,  accepted  the  chal- 
lenge. The  whole  city  took  a  deep  interest  in  this 
strange  afl'air,  and  the  chief  officers  of  the  republic 
were  engaged  in  making  preparations  for  it.  The 
pope  wrote  to  the  Franciscans  of  Florence,  praising 
their  zeal  for  the  honour  of  the  holy  see,  and  declar- 
ing that  the  memory  of  the  glorious  exploit  would  be 
imperishable.  On  the  7th  of  April,  1498,  the  combus- 
tibles being  prepared,  the  champions,  accompanied  by 
their  friends,  appeared  on  the  spot,  surrounded  by  an 
immense  crowd  of  eager  spectators,  consistmg  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  and  adjoining  territories.  Pouille 
had  previously  excused  himself,  on  the  pretext  that  he 
would  enter  the  fire  with  none  but  the  heresiarch 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  35 

himself;  and  another  Franciscan,  named  Rondinelli, 
appeared  as  his  substitute.  After  the  rehgious  cere- 
monies liad  been  performed,  and  the  people  waited  in 
breathless  anxiety  to  see  the  champions  enter  the 
flames,  which  were  already  kindled,  the  Franciscans 
began  to  raise  difficulties.  First,  they  urged  that  the 
Dominican  might  be  an  enchanter,  and  therefore  in- 
sisted that  he  should  be  stripped  of  his  raiment,  and 
clothed  with  a  suit  of  their  choosing.  This  having 
been  complied  with,  they  next  objected  to  their  oppo- 
nent bearing  the  host  along  with  him,  alleging  that  it 
was  an  impious  act  to  expose  the  body  of  Christ  to 
the  risk  of  being  consumed  by  the  flames.  But  on 
this  point  Savonarola  was  inflexible,  and  urged  that 
it  was  unreasonable  to  deprive  his  friend  of  that  which 
was  the  comfort  of  all  Christians  in  their  trials,  and 
the  pledge  of  their  safety.  The  dispute  on  this  point 
continued  to  a  late  hour;  and,  while  it  was  yet  un- 
decided, a  violent  and  unexpected  shower  of  rain  ex- 
tinguished the  fire,  upon  which  the  senate  dismissed 
the  assembly,  to  the  satisfaction,  it  may  be  presumed, 
of  both  parties.  It  was  not,  however,  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  multitude,  whose  curiosity,  wrought  up  to 
the  highest  pitch,  was  now  converted  into  ridicule 
and  indignation.  They  were  ignorant  of  the  real 
ground  of  the  dispute  between  the  monks  which  had 
prevented  the  spectacle;  but  they  heard  that  Savona- 
rola had  refused  to  comply  with  some  condition  re- 
quired by  the  opposite  party,  and  he  was  insulted  as 
he  passed  through  the  crowd.  On  reaching  his  convent, 
he  addressed  the  people,  and  gave  an  explanation  of 
the  affair;  but  an  unfavourable  impression  had  already 
been  made  on  their  minds.  Next  day  he  preached 
with  great  unction;  and,  at  the  close  of  his  sermon,  as 
if  foreseeing  what  would  befall  him,  took  farewell  of 
his  audience,  and  declared  himself  ready  to  offer  his 
life  in  sacrifice  to  God.  In  fact,  his  enemies  availed 
themselves  of  the  temporary  dissatisfaction,  to  irritate 
the  public  mind  against  him,  by  representing  him  as 
a  false  prophet,  who,  at  the  moment  of  danger,  drew 
back  from  the  proof  of  his  mission  which  he  had  affect- 


36  HISTORY    OF    THE 

ed  to  court.  Having  collected  in  the  cathedral  church 
that  same  night,  they  raised  the  cry,  during  the  time 
of  divine  service — "To  arms!  To  St.  Marc!"  In- 
stantly an  infuriated  mob  rushed,  with  hatchets  and 
lighted  torches,  to  the  convent,  forced  open  its  gates, 
and  seizing  Savonarola  and  two  other  monks,  con- 
ducted them  to  prison  amidst  insults  and  threatenings. 
Without  allowing  the  ferment  to  cool,  the  conspirators 
conducted  the  mob  through  the  city,  killed  many  of 
the  popular  party,  and  forced  others  to  abdicate  their 
places,  which  were  immediately  filled  with  persons 
belonging  to  the  libertine  faction.  The  carnival  which 
was  proclaimed  in  the  city,  and  the  renewal  of  the 
sports  which  had  been  suppressed  for  several  years, 
conveyed  to  Savonarola  the  intelligence  that  the  go- 
vernment had  passed  into  different  hands,  and  that 
his  favourite  reform  was  overthrown. 

One  of  the  first  things  done '  by  the  insurgents  was 
to  dispatch  a  courier  to  the  Pope,  to  inform  him  of 
the  imprisonment  of  Savonarola.  Alexander  urged 
that  he  sliould  be  sent  to  Rome ;  and,  with  the  view 
of  obtaining  his  request,  granted  indulgences  to  the 
Florentines,  with  power  to  reconcile  to  the  church  all 
those  who  had  incurred  excommunication,  by  attend- 
ing the  sermons  of  the  heretical  monk.  The  senate 
insisted,  however,  that  he  should  be  tried  in  Florence, 
and  requested  the  pope  to  depute  two  ecclesiastical 
judges  to  conduct  the  process.  On  their  arrival,  the 
process  conmienced  with  the  torture ;  and  Savonarola, 
whose  constitution,  originally  feeble,  had  been  further 
weakened  by  austerities  and  labours,  being  unable  to 
endure  the  rack,  confessed  that  his  prophecies  were 
only  simple  conjectures;  but  when  his  deposition  was 
afterwards  read  to  him,  he  declared  that  it  was  extor- 
ted by  bodily  agony,  and  maintained  anew  the  truth 
of  his  revelations,  and  of  the  doctrines  he  had  preached. 
A  second  attempt  was  made  with  exactly  the  same 
results.*     Being  condemned  to  the  flames,  along  with 

*  Roscoe  has  given  an  incorrect  account  of  the  trial;  and,  indeed, 
his  whole  account  of  Savonarola  is  marked  with  partiality.  (Life  of 
Lorenzo  de  Medici,  vol.  ii.  p.  269 — 272.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  37 

his  two  companions,  Savonarola  spent  the  interval  in 
composing  a  commentary  on  the  fifty-first  psahn, 
which,  in  lecturing  through  the  psalter,  he  had  passed 
by,  saying,  he  would  reserve  it  for  the  time  of  his  own 
calamity.  On  tire  23d  of  May  1498,  a  pile  of  faggots 
was  erected  on  the  spot  where  the  voluntary  trial  by 
fire  was  to  have  taken  place;  and  the  three  monks, 
after  being  degraded,  were  bound  to  the  stake.  When 
the  presiding  bishop  declared  them  separated  from 
the  church,  Savonarola  exclaimed,  "  From  the  mili- 
tant;" intimating  that  he  was  about  to  enter  into  the 
triumphant  church.  This  was  all  that  he  spoke. 
The  fire  was  applied  to  the  pile  by  one  of  his  enemies, 
who  took  upon  him  the  office  of  the  executioner. 
Strict  orders  were  given  by  the  magistrates  to  collect 
the  ashes  of  the  three  monks,  and  to  throw  them  into 
the  Arno;  but  some  relics  were  preserved  by  the 
soldiers  who  guarded  the  place,  and  are  still  shown 
at  Florence  for  the  adoration  of  the  devout.* 

From  the  time  of  the  council  of  Constance,  or  rather 
from  that  of  Pisa,  held  in  the  year  1409,  a  reforma- 
tion of  the  church,  both  in  its  head  and  members,  had 
been  loudly  demanded.  This  demand  was  repeated, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  in  the 
council  which  the  pope  was  compelled  to  convocate ; 
as  appears  from  the  decrees  which  that  assembly 
passed  during  its  sitting  at  Pisa,  and  from  the  orations 
delivered  in  it  after  its  translation  to  the  Lateran, 
where  it  sat  under  the  eye  of  the  supreme  pontiff*. 
Among  these,  the  most  noted  were  the  speeches  of 
Egidio  of  Viterbo,  general  of  the  order  of  Augusti- 
nians,  and  Gianfransesco  Pico,  the  learned  and  pious 
count  of  Mirandula ;  both  of  whom  denounced,  with 
singular  freedom  and  boldness,  the  abuses  which 
threatened  the  ruin  of  the  church  and  the  utter  extinc- 
tion of  religion.! 

*  Jacopo  Nardi,  Hist.  Fior.  lib.  ii.  Guicciardini,  lib.  iii.  Delia 
Storia  e  delle  gesta  del  Padre  Girolamo  Savonarola,  Livorno,  1782: 
Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Rep.  Ital.  torn.  xii.  p.  73,  237,  261,  450,  474. 
Specimens  of  Savonarola's  eloquence  may  be  seen  in  Tiraboschi, 
Stor.  della  Letter.  Ital.  torn.  vi.  p.  1160. 

t  Tiie  speech  of  Egidio  is  published  by  Gerdesius,  Hist.  Reform. 


38  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Secure  in  the  plenitude  of  their  authority,  and  lulled 
asleep  amidst  wealth  and  luxury,  the  popes  had  over- 
looked the  influence  of  satirical  efl'usions  from  the 
press,  and  become  habituated  to  censures,  which, 
though  sometimes  uttered  with  off'ensive  boldness, 
seldom  reached  beyond  the  walls  within  which  the 
fathers,  assembled  in  general  council,  were  permitted 
at  intervals  to  give  vent  to  their  zeaJ.  But  at  length 
these  complaints  began  to  find  their  way  into  the  pul- 
pit, and  to  reach  the  ears  of  the  people.  This  was  a 
mode  of  attack  which  could  not  be  safely  tolerated; 
and,  accordingly,  in  1516,  a  papal  bull  was  issued, 
which,  after  reprimanding  certain  irregularities,  for- 
bade preachers  to  treat  in  their  sermons  of  the  coming 
of  Antichrist.*  But  it  was  too  late.  In  the  course  of 
the  following  year,  a  cry  was  raised  in  the  heart  of 
Germany,  and  the  ominous  sounds.  Antichrist  and 
Babylon,  reverberating  from  every  corner  of  Europe, 
struck  the  Vatican,  and  awoke  its  astounded  inmates 
from  the  security  in  which  they  had  slumbered  for 
ages. 

It  would  be  unsuitable  to  enter  here  into  a  minute 
detail  of  the  ecclesiastical  grievances  which  were  the 
subject  of  such  general  complaint  and  remonstrance. 
Suffice  it  to  say,  that  all  of  them  existed,  and  some  of 
them  in  an  aggravated  form,  in  Italy,  if  we  except 
such  as  were  felt  by  other  countries  on  account  of 
their  distance  from  Rome.  The  vices  of  the  clergy, 
their  neglect  of  religious  instruction,  the  consequent 
ignorance  of  the  people,  the  sale  of  ecclesiastical  offices, 
and  the  prostitution  of  sacred  things  to  worldly  pur- 
poses, had  grown  to  the  greatest  height  among  the 
Italians.  The  court  of  Rome  had  become  more  cor- 
rupt than  any  of  the  secular  courts  of  Europe,  by  the 
confession  of  popish  writers,  and  of  persons  who, 
from  their  official  situations,  were  admitted  into  all  its 
secrets.     The  unprincipled  and  faithless  character  of 

torn.  i.  app.  no.  v.;  and  that  of  Pico,  by  Roscoe,  in  his  Life  of  Leo 
X.  vol.  iii.  app.  no.  cxlvi.     See  also  Wolfii  Lect.  Memor,  torn.  i.  p. 
30—35. 
*  Loescher,  Vollstandige  Reformationsacta,  torn.  i.  p.  104. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  39 

its  policy  had  become  proverbial.  It  was  a  system  of 
intrigue,  cabal,  and  bribery;  and  its  ministers,  while 
they  cordially  agreed  in  duping  the  world,  made  no 
scruple  of  deceiving  and  supplanting  one  another, 
whenever  their  personal  interests  happened  to  inter- 
fere. The  individuals  who  filled  the  papal  chair  for 
some  time  before  the  Reformation  openly  indulged  in 
vices,  over  which  the  increasing  knowledge  of  the 
age  should  have  taught  them,  in  point  of  prudence,  to 
throw  a  veil.*  During  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus  IV. 
we  are  presented  with  the  horrid  spectacle  of  a  su- 
preme pontiff,  a  cardinal,  and  an  archbishop,  associ- 
ating themselves  with  a  band  of  ruffians  to  murder 
two  men  who  were  an  honour  to  their  age  and  coun- 
try, and  agreeing  to  perpetrate  this  crime  during  a 
season  of  hospitality,  within  the  sanctuary  of  a  Chris- 
tian church.,  and  at  the  signal  of  the  elevation  of  the 
host.  Alexander  VI.  was  so  notorious  for  his  profli- 
gate manners  and  insatiable  rapacity,  that  Sanazzaro 
has  compared  him  to  the  greatest  monsters  of  an- 
tiquity— to  Nero,  Caligula,  and  Heliogabalus.  Julius 
II.  was  more  solicitous  to  signalize  himself  as  a  sol- 
dier than  a  bishop,  and  by  his  ambition  and  turbulence 
kept  Italy  in  a  state  of  continual  ferment  and  warfare. 
Leo  X.,  though  distinguished  for  his  elegant  accom- 
plishments, and  his  patronage  of  literature  and  the 
arts,  disgraced  the  ecclesiastical  seat  by  his  luxury 
and  voluptuousness,  and  scandalized  all  Christendom 
by  the  profane  methods  of  raising  money  to  which  he 
had  recourse  for  the  pvirpose  of  gratifying  his  love  of 
pleasure  and  his  passion  for  magnificent  extravagance. 
To  this  rapid  sketch  I  shall  add  the  description  of 
the  papal  court,  drawn  by  the  pen  of  an  Italian  who 
lived  in  the  age  of  the  Reformation,  in  whose  writings 
we  sometimes  find  the  copiousness  of  Livy  combined 
with  the  deep-toned  indignation  against  tyranny  which 

*  Julius;  Dialogus,  in  quo  impietas  Julii  II.  Papje  depingitur, 
lectu  utilis  ad  judicandum  de  moribus,  vita  et  studiis  Pontificum  Ro- 
manorum.  Addita  sunt  Huttenii  Epigrammata  ejusdem  argumenti, 
1567.  Erasmus  was  the  author  of  this  dialogue,  which  was  origi- 
nally  published  soon  after  the  accession  of  Leo  X.  to  the  pontificate. 


40  HISTORY    OF    THE 

thrills  through  our  veins  in  perusing  the  pages  of  Ta- 
citus. The  reader  need  not  be  told  that  the  following 
passage  was  struck  out  by  the  censors  of  the  press, 
before  the  work  was  allowed  to  be  published  in  Italy: 
"  Having  raised  themselves  to  earthly  power  on  this 
basis,  and  by  these  methods,  the  popes  gradually  lost 
sight  of  the  salvation  of  souls  and  divine  precepts; 
and,  bending  their  thoughts  to  worldly  grandeur,  and 
making  use  of  their  spiritual  authority  solely  as  an 
instrument  and  tool  to  advance  their  temporal,  they 
began  to  lay  aside  the  appearance  of  bishops,  and 
assumed  the  state  of  secular  princes.  Their  concern 
was  no  longer  to  maintain  sanctity  of  life,  to  promote 
religion,  or  to  show  charity  to  mankind ;  but  to  accu- 
mulate treasures,  to  raise  armies,  to  wage  wars  against 
Christians.  The  sacred  mysteries  were  celebrated 
with  thoughts  and  hands  stained  with  blood;  and, 
with  the  view  of  drawing  money  from  every  quarter, 
new  edicts  were  issued,  new  arts  invented,  new  stra- 
tagems laid,  spiritual  censures  were  fulminated,  and 
all  things,  sacred  and  profane,  sold  without  distinction 
and  without  shame.  The  immense  riches  amassed  in 
this  way,  and  scattered  among  the  courtiers,  were 
followed  by  pomp,  luxury,  licentiousness,  and  the 
vilest  and  most  abominable  lusts.  No  care  was  taken 
to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the  Pontificate ;  no  thought 
bestowed  on  the  character  of  those  who  should  suc- 
ceed to  it:  the  reigning  pope  sought  only  how  he 
might  raise  his  sons,  nephews,  and  other  relations,  to 
immoderate  wealth,  and  even  to  principalities  and 
kingdoms;  and,  instead  of  conferring  ecclesiastical  dig- 
nities and  emoluments  on  the  virtuous  and  deserving, 
he  either  sold  them  to  the  best  bidder,  or  lavished 
them  on  those  who  promised  to  be  most  subservient 
to  his  ambition,  avarice,  and  voluptuousness.  Though 
these  things  had  eradicated  from  the  minds  of  men 
all  that  reverence  which  was  once  felt  for  the  popes, 
yet  their  authority  was  still  sustained  to  a  certain 
degree  by  the  imposing  and  potent  influence  of  the 
name  of  religion,  together  with  the  means  which  they 
possessed  of  gratifying  princes  and  their  courtiers,  by 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  41 

bestowing  on  them  dignities  and  other  ecclesiastical 
favours.  Presuming  on  the  respect  which  men  enter- 
tained for  their  office — aware  that  any  prince  who 
took  up  arms  against  them  incurred  general  odium, 
and  exposed  himself  to  the  attack  of  other  powers, 
and  knowing  that,  if  victorious,  they  could  make  their 
own  terms,  and,  if  vanquished,  they  would  escape  on 
easy  conditions — the  pontiffs  abandoned  themselves 
to  their  ruling  passion  of  aggrandizing  their  friends, 
and  proved,  for  a  long  time,  the  instruments  of  exci- 
ting wars,  and  spreading  conflagrations  over  the  whole 
of  Italy.''* 

On  the  other  hand,  the  obstacles  to  ecclesiastical 
reform,  and  the  reception  of  divine  truth,  were  nume- 
rous and  formidable  in  Italy.    The  Italians  could  not, 
indeed,  be  said  to  feel  at  this  period  a  superstitious 
devotion  to  the  see  of  Rome.    This  did  not  originally 
form  a  discriminating  feature  of  their  national  charac- 
ter; it  was  superinduced,  and  the  formation  of  it  can 
be  distinctly  traced  to  causes  which  produced  their 
full  efl"ect  subsequently  to  the  era  of  the  Reformation. 
The  republics  of  Italy,  in  the  middle  ages,  gave  many 
proofs  of  religious  independence,  and  singly  braved 
the  menaces  and  excommunications  of  the  Vatican, 
at  a  time  when  all  Europe  trembled  at  the  sound  of 
its  thunder.   That  quick-sighted  and  ingenious  people 
had,  at  an  early  period,  penetrated  the  mystery  by 
which  the  emptiness  of  the  papal  claims  was  veiled, 
while  the  opportunity  which  they  enjoyed  of  nar- 
rowly inspecting  the  lives  of  the  Popes,  and  the  real 
motives   by  which  they  were  actuated  in  the  most 
imposing  of  their  undertakings,  had  dissipated  from 
their  minds  those  sentiments  of  veneration  and  awe 
for  the  holy  see  which  continued  to  be  felt  by  such  as 
viewed  it  from  a  distance.     The  consequence  of  this, 
under  the  corrupt  form  in  which  Christianity  every- 
where presented  itself,  was  the  production  of  a  spirit 
of  indifference  about  religion,  which,  on  the  revival  of 
learning,  settled  into  scepticism,  masked  by  an  exter- 

*  Guicciardini  Paralipomena,  ex  autographo  Florcntino  recensita, 
p.  46—48.     Amstel.  1663. 

4 


42  HISTORY    OF    THE 

nal  respect  to  the  established  forms  of  the  Church.  In 
this  state  did  matters  remain  until  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  when,  from  causes  to  be  explained 
hereafter,  bigotry  and  superstition  took  the  place  of 
irreligion  and  infidelity,  and  the  Popes  recovered  that 
empire  over  the  minds  and  consciences  of  their  coun- 
trymen which  they  had  almost  entirely  lost.  If,  be- 
fore this  period,  there  were  few  heretics  in  Italy,  or  if 
those  who  swerved  from  the  received  faith  were  less 
eagerly  inquired  after,  and  less  severely  punished 
there  than  in  other  countries,  it  was  because  the  peo- 
ple did  not  give  themselves  the  trouble  to  think  on 
the  subject.  Generally  speaking,  devotion,  even  ac- 
cording to  the  principles  authorized  by  the  Roman 
Church,  was  extinct  among  the  Italians.  They  were 
not  attached  to  the  Church  either  by  a  lively  faith  or 
an  ardent  enthusiasm,  by  the  convictions  of  the  under- 
standing or  the  sentiments  of  the  heart.  The  rengion 
of  the  statesmen  resolved  itself  into  their  secular  in- 
terest; the  learned  felt  more  respect  for  Aristotle  or 
Plato,  than  for  the  sacred  Scriptures  or  the  writings 
of  the  Christian  fathers;  and  the  people,  always  under 
the  influence  of  their  senses  and  imagination,  were 
attracted  to  the  services  of  the  Church  by  the  mag- 
nificence of  its  temples,  and  by  the  splendour  and 
gaiety  of  its  religious  festivals.* 

On  a  superficial  view  of  the  matter,  we  may  be  apt 
to  think  that  a  people,  who  felt  in  the  manner  which 
has  been  described,  might  have  been  detached,  with- 
out much  difficulty,  from  their  obedience  to  the  Church 
of  Rome.  But  a  little  reflection  will  be  sufficient  to 
satisfy  us,  that  such  expectations  are  unreasonable. 
None  are  more  impervious  to  conviction,  or  less  dis- 
posed to  make  sacrifices  to  truth,  than  those  who  have 
sunk  into  indifterence  about  religion  under  the  prac- 
tice of  its  forms.  The  spiritual  and  humbUng  doc- 
trines of  the  gospel,  as  brought  forward,  simply  and 
without  disguise,  by  the  first  reformers,  are  offensive 
to  the  pride  of  the  human  mind ;  and  experience  has 
shown,  that  men,  whose  minds  were   emancipated 

*  Siemondi,  Hist,  des  Rep.  Ital.  torn.  viii.  p.  237-240. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  43 

from  vulgar  prejudices,  but  whose  hearts  were  dead 
to  reUgious  feeling,  have  yielded  as  ready  a  support 
to  established  systems  of  error,  and  proved  as  bitter 
enemies  and  persecutors  of  the  truth,  as  the  most 
superstitious  and  bigoted.  But  this  is  not  all.  The 
want  of  religious  principle  was,  on  the  present  occa- 
sion, supplied  by  national  vanity  and  a  regard  to 
national  interest;  two  principles  which  had  operated, 
for  more  than  a  century  before  the  Reformation,  in 
strengthening  the  attachment  of  the  Italians  to  the 
Roman  see.  By  the  removal  of  the  Papal  court  to 
Avignon,  the  wealth  and  importance  of  the  city  of 
Rome  had  been  greatly  diminished.  After  the  return 
of  the  Popes  to  their  ancient  seat,  and  the  revival  of 
the  pontificate  from  the  deadly  wound  inflicted  on  it 
by  the  schism  of  the  anti-popes,  the  Romans  congratu- 
lated themselves  on  the  recovery  of  their  former  dis- 
tinction. In  this  feeling,  their  countrymen  in  general 
participated ;  and  the  passion  for  political  liberty,  by 
which  they  had  been  animated,  having  subsided,  they 
seemed  to  think  that  the  loss  of  the  ancient  glory  of 
Italy  as  the  mistress  of  the  world  was  compensated  by 
the  flattering  station  to  which  she  was  now  raised  as 
the  head  of  Christendom.  Accordingly,  when  the 
councils  of  Pisa,  Constance,  and  Basle,  attacked  the 
corruptions  of  the  Roman  court,  and  sought  to  abridge 
its  extensive  authority,  the  Italians  came  forward  in 
its  defence.  They  felt  themselves  dishonoured,  as  a 
nation,  by  the  invectives  which  were  pronounced 
against  the  "Italian  vices"  of  the  pontifl"s;  and  they 
saw  that  the  reforms,  which  were  so  eagerly  press- 
ed, would  cut  ofi"  or  drain  those  pecuniary  resources 
by  which  they  hoped  to  be  enriched.  The  Popes  were 
careful  to  foster  this  spirit.  By  a  system  of  artful 
policy,  they  had  taken  eftectual  care  that  the  poAver, 
whicii  they  had  gradually  acquired  over  the  nations 
of  the  Avest,  should  not  be  empty  or  unproductive ; 
and  the  wealth  of  Europe  continued  to  flow  in  various 
channels  to  Rome,  from  which  it  was  distributed 
through  Italy.  Under  the  name  of  annats,  the  pope 
received  the  first  year's  produce  of  all  ecclesiastical 


44  HISTORY    OF    THE 

livings  after  every  vacancy.  He  drew  large  sums  of 
money  for  the  confirmation  of  bishops,  and  for  the 
gift  of  archi-episcopal  palls.  His  demands  on  the 
clergy  for  benevolences  were  frequent,  besides  the 
extraordinary  levy  of  the  tenths  of  benefices,  on  pre- 
tence of  expeditions  against  the  Turks,  which  were 
seldom  or  never  undertaken.*  Add  to  these,  the 
sums  exacted  for  dispensations,  absohitions,  and  in- 
dulgences, with  the  constant  and  incalculable  revenue 
arising  from  law-suits,  brought  from  every  country 
by  appeal  to  Rome,  carried  on  there  at  great  expense, 
and  protracted  to  an  indefinite  length  of  time.  The 
pope  had  also  an  extensive  right  of  patronage  in 
every  country  which  owned  his  authority:  he  pre- 
sented to  all  benefices  which  came  under  the  name  of 
reserved,  and  to  those  vacant  by  translation,  or  which 
had  been  possessed  by  persons  who  died  at  Rome,  or 
within  forty  miles  of  it,  on  their  journey  to  or  from 
that  city.t  These,  if  not  sold  to  the  highest  bidder, 
were  generally  conferred  on  Italians,  upon  whom  the 
pope  could  rely  with  more  implicit  confidence  than 
on  foreigners,  for  extending  his  authority,  and  sup- 
porting him  in  those  contests  in  which  his  ambition 
involved  him  with  the  secular  powers.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  influence  which  the  court  of  Rome  had 
come  to  exert  in  the  political  affairs  of  Europe  during 
the  fifteenth  century,  almost  every  sovereign  strove 
to  procure  for  his  near  relations,  or  for  some  of  his 
subjects,  seats  in  the  sacred  college;  and  these  were 
usually  purchased  by  the  gift  of  the  richest  benefices 
within  his  kingdom  to  those  who,  from  their  situation 
or  connections,  had  it  most  in  their  power  to  serve 

*  The  chief  of  the  new  Pharisees  meantime 
Waging  his  warfare  near  the  Lateran, 
Not  with  Saracens  or  Jews;  his  foes 
All  Christians  were. 

Dante,  Inf.  c.  xxvii. 
t  Rymer's  Foedera,  vol.  x.  and  xi.  Appellatio  Univers.  Paris.; 
apud  Richer.  Hist.  Concil.  Gen.  lib.  iv.  p.  2.  cap.  iv.  §  15.  Georgii 
Gravamina,  p.  363,  522.  Kappc,  Nachlese  Kef  Urkunden,  P.  ii. 
p.  399,  435;  P.  iii.  p.  246—350,  Robertson's  Charles  V.  vol.  ii. 
p.  148 — 150,273.  Llorente,  Hist,  de  I'lnquisition  d'Espagne,  vol.  i. 
p.  239— 256. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  45 

his  interests  in  the  conclave.  There  was  not  an  Ita- 
Han  state  or  town  which  did  not,  on  these  accounts, 
depend  on  the  papal  conrt;  nor  a  great  family  which 
had  not  some  of  its  relations  in  offices  connected  with 
it.  The  greater  part  of  the  learned  either  held  eccle- 
siastical benefices,  or  enjoyed  pensions  which  they 
drew  from  them.  Italy  was  a  land  of  priests.  The 
regular  clergy,  the  sworn  clients  of  the  popedom,  for- 
midable by  their  numbers,  and  by  the  privileges  which 
they  enjoyed,  were  always  prepared  to  take  part  with 
the  court  of  Rome,  which,  in  its  turn,  supported  them 
against  every  attempt  of  the  government  under  which 
they  lived  to  resist  their  encroachments,  or  to  correct 
their  most  flagrant  vices.*  Though  the  states  of  the 
church,  properly  so  called,  even  after  they  had  been 
enlarged  by  the  warlike  Julius,  were  confined  within 
narrow  bounds,  yet  the  pontiffs  had  taken  care  to 
preserve  their  paramount  power  over  those  districts 
or  cities  which  withdrew  from  their  government,  by 
transferring  it  to  particular  families,  under  the  title  of 
vicars  of  the  church.  Indeed,  there  were  few  places 
in  Italy  to  which  they  had  not,  at  one  time  or  an- 

*  In  1562,  the  city  of  Florence  alone  contained  four  thousand  three 
hundred  and  forty-one  monks,  divided  into  forty-five  monasteries. 
Cosmo,  duke  of  Tuscany,  in  1545,  ordered  the  Dominican  Observan- 
tines,  who  had  disturbed  his  government,  to  quit  the  monastery  of 
St.  Marco,  which  he  gave  to  the  Augustinians.  The  expelled  monks 
complained  to  the  pope,  who  ordered  tlie  Augustinians,  under  the 
highest  pains,  to  retire  instantly  from  the  convent;  endeavoured  to 
stir  up  all  Christian  princes  against  the  duke,  as  an  innovator  in  reli- 
gion; and  issued  a  brief,  threatening  him  with  excommunication,  if 
he  did  not,  within  three  days,  remit  the  whole  cause  to  be  judged  at 
Rome.  In  consequence  of  this,  the  Dominicans  returned  to  their 
convent  in  triumph.  Cosmo  was  equally  unsuccessful  in  his  attempts 
to  abridge  the  privilege  of  the  monks  to  exemption  from  secular  juris- 
diction, which  was  deluging  the  country  with  crimes  of  every  de- 
scription ;  and  he  was  obliged  to  supplicate  his  holiness  to  send  a 
legate,  "  il  quale  avesse  autoritk  di  castigare  li  Frati  nei  deletti  di 
eresia,  monasteri,  bestemia.  Sec.  ;  perche  i  Frati  non  gli  castigano 
ancora  di  assassinio  e  omicidio,  e  che  non  gli  castighino  in  abbiamo 
provato  infinite  volte.  Ancora  avesse  autorit^  di  castigare  li  Preti 
che  dai  loro  Vescovo  non  fossero  puniti  secondo  i  canoni,  perche  ogni 
giorno  vediamo  grandissime  stravaganze,  e  voremmo  castigando  noi 
li  Laici  che  ancor  li  Frati  e  li  Preti  con  I'impunitinon  dcsscro  simili 
esempio."  (Galuzzi,  Istoria  del  Granducato  di  Toscana,  torn.  i.  66 — 
68,  73,  139,  365.) 


46  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Other,  advanced  a  claim,  founded  on  real  or  pretended 
grants;*  and  provided  any  prince  testified  a  disposi- 
tion to  withdraw  his  allegiance  from  the  see  of  Rome, 
or  to  resist  its  authority,  it  was  easy  for  the  pope  to 
revive  his  dormant  claim,  and  having  launched  the 
sentence  of  excommunication,  to  add  the  forfeited 
possessions  to  the  patrimony  of  the  church,  or  to  be- 
stow them  on  some  neighbourmg  rival  of  the  rebel- 
lious heretic.t 

When  these  things  are  taken  into  consideration,  it 
will  be  matter  of  surprise,  that  the  reformed  doctrine 
made  so  much  progress  in  Italy  as  we  shall  find  it  to 
have  made ;  and  we  can  easily  account  for  the  mis- 
take into  which  some  writers,  guided  by  theory  rather 
than  fact,  have  fallen,  when  they  assert  that  it  had 
few  converts  in  that  country.:}: 


CHAPTER  11. 


INTRODUCTION    OF    THE    REFORMED    OPINIONS    INTO    ITALY,  AND   CAUSES 
OF    THEIR    PROGRESS. 

A  CONTROVERSY,  which  had  been  carried  on  for  seve- 
ral years  with  great  warmth  in  Germany,  and  which 
was  at  last  brought  before  the  papal  court  for  deci- 

*  Franc.  Guicciardini  Paralipomena  :  Discorso  levato  del  tutto  via 
dell'historia  nel  quarto  libro,  p.  35—42,  44. 

t  So  late  as  the  year  1555,  the  Pope,  Paul  IV.,  not  only  excom- 
municated Marc-antonio  Colonna,  and  deprived  him  of  the  dukedom 
of  Palieno,  but  ordered  a  legal  process  to  be  commenced,  in  the  apos- 
tolical chamber,  against  Philip  II.,  king  of  Naples,  as  a  schismatic 
and  favourer  of  heresy,  inferring,  if  proved,  that  he  should  be  depri- 
ved of  the  crown  of  the  two  Sicilies,  as  a  fief  of  the  holy  see;  and 
sentence  would  have  been  pronounced  against  him,  had  not  the  duke 
of  Alva  advanced  with  his  troops  from  Naples  to  Rome.  (Llorente, 
ii.  172—181.) 

X  "  Peu  de  personnes  prirent  le  parti  dc  Luther  en  Italic.  Co  peu- 
ple  inge'nieux  occupe  d'intrigues  et  de  plaisirs  n'eut  aucun  part  h  ces 
troubles."  (Voltaire,  Essai  sur  les  Moeurs,  chap,  cxxviii.)  Voltaire  is 
not  the  only  author  who  has  committed  this  error. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  47 

sion,  deserves  notice  here,  as  having  contributed,  in 
no  small  degree,  to  direct  the  attention  of  the  Italians, 
at  an  early  period,  to  the  reformed  opinions.  A  suspi- 
cious convert  from  Judaism,  either  from  hostility  to 
learning,  or  with  the  view  of  extorting  money  from 
his  countrymen,  leagued  with  an  inquisitor  of  Co- 
logne, and  obtained  from  the  imperial  chamber  a 
decree,  ordaining  all  Jewish  books,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Bible,  to  be  committed  to  the  flames,  as  filled 
with  blasphemies  against  Christ.  John  Reuchlin,  or 
Capnio,  a  learned  man  of  Suabia,  and  the  restorer  of 
Hebrew  literature  among  Christians,*  exerted  himself, 
both  privately  and  from  the  press,  to  prevent  the  exe- 
cution of  this  barbarous  decree.  His  successful  oppo- 
sition exposed  him  to  the  resentment  of  the  clergy, 
and  sentence  was  pronounced  against  him,  first  by 
the  divines  of  Cologne,  and  afterwards  by  the  Sor- 
bonne  at  Paris.  Reuchlin  appealed  to  Rome,  and  the 
friends  of  learning  determined  to  make  his  cause  a 
common  one.  Erasmus  and  other  distinguished  indi- 
viduals wrote  warmly  in  his  favour  to  their  friends  at 
Rome,  several  of  whom  belonged  to  the  sacred  col- 
lege ;  and  the  monks  exerted  themselves  with  equal 
zeal  to  defeat  a  party  which  they  had  long  hated,  and 
from  which  they  had  much  to  dread.  No  cause  of 
the  kind  had,  for  a  long  time,  excited  such  general 
interest.  On  the  one  side  were  ranked  the  monks, 
the  most  devoted  clients  of  the  papal  throne ;  on  the 
other,  the  men  who  had  attracted  the  admiration  of 
Europe  by  their  talents  and  writings.  The  court  of 
Rome  was  afraid  of  offending  either  side,  and  by 
means  of  those  arts  which  it  kiiew  so  well  how  to 
employ  in  delicate  cases,  protracted  the  affair  from 
time  to  time.     During  this  interval,  the  monks  and 

*  It  ought  to  be  mentioned  to  the  honour  of  the  Netherlands,  that 
Reuclilin  received  his  first  knowledge  of  Hebrew  from  John  Wessel, 
a  native  of  Groningen.  (Maius,  Vita  J.  Reuchlini  Phorcensis,  p.  154.) 
To  this  singular  man,  Luther  gives  the  title  of  God  taught ;  and,  in 
an  epistle  prefixed  to  his  works,  he  says,  "  If  I  had  read  them  before, 
my  enemies  might  have  said,  that  Luther  hud  borrowed  every  thing 
from  VVcssel,  so  much  do  our  writings  breathe  the  same  spirit." 
(Luther's  Saemmtiiche  Schriften,  tom.xiv.  p.219— 223.)  Wessel  died 
in  1489. 


48  HISTORY    OF    THE 

their  supporters  were  subjected  to  the  lash  of  the  most 
cutting  satires,*  and  the  ultimate  sentence,  enjoining 
silence  on  both  parties,  was  scarcely  ratified,  when 
the  controversy  between  Luther  and  the  preachers  of 
indulgences  arose,  and  was  brought  before  the  same 
tribunal  for  decision.! 

The  noise  excited  by  the  late  process  had  fixed  the 
attention  of  the  Italians  on  Germany ;  the  facts  which 
it  brought  to  light  abated  the  contempt  with  which 
they  had  hitherto  regarded  the  inhabitants  of  that 
country;  Luther  had  taken  part  with  Reuchlinf  and 
some  of  the  keenest  and  most  intrepid  defenders  of 
the  latter,  such  as  Ulrich  Hutten,  declared,  at  an 
early  period,  in  favour  of  the  religious  opinions  of  the 
former. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected,  after  all,  that  a  dispute 
managed  by  a  friar,  in  an  obscure  part  of  Germany, 
against  the  sale  of  indulgences,  a  traffic  which  had 
long  been  carried  on  under  the  auspices  and  for  the 
profit  of  the  see  of  Rome,  would  attract  much  atten- 
tion in  Italy.  But  the  boldness  of  his  own  mind,  and 
the  provoking  impudence  of  his  antagonists,  having 
led  Luther  to  persevere  in  his  opposition,  and  gradu- 
ally to  extend  his  censure  to  other  abuses,  his  name 
and  opinions  soon  became  the  topic  of  general  con- 
versation beyond  the  limits  of  his  native  country. 

*  Of  these,  the  most  celebrated  was  the  work  entitled,  Epistolae 
Obscurorum  Virorum,  the  joint  production  of  several  learned  men. 

t  Mail  Vita  Reuchlini,  passim.  Schlegel,  Vita  Georgii  Spalatini, 
p.  24,  25.  Bulaei  Hist.  Univ.  Paris,  tom.  vi.  p.  47 — 57.  Beside  the 
works  mentioned  by  Mains,  Pfefferkorn  published,  "  Speculum  adhor- 
tationis  Judaice  ad  Christum,"  and  "  Libellus  de  Judaica  confessione, 
sive  sabbato  afflictionis."  Both  were  printed  at  Cologne  in  1508,  and 
evince  a  bitter  hostility  to  his  countrymen. 

t  Luther's  Sacmmtliche  Schriflen,  tom.  xxi.  p.  518 — 521.  A  letter 
from  him  to  Reuchlin  is  to  be  found  in  lUustrium  Virorum  Epistolae 
ad  Joannem  Reuchlin.  Liber  Secundus,  sig.  C  3.  Hagenose,  1519. 
The  interest  which  he  took  in  the  affairs  of  that  scholar,  appears 
from  the  incidental  reference  which  he  made  to  him,  in  the  midst  of 
his  own  trials  : — "  Minacibus  illis  meis  amicis  nihil  habeo  quod  res- 
pondeam,  nisi  illud  Rcuchlinianum,  Qui  pauper  est,  nihil  timet,  nihil 
potest  perdere.  Res  nee  habeo^  nee  cupio."  (Epistola  ad  J.  Stau- 
picium,  die  S.  Trinitatis,  1518.  Opera  Omn.  tom.  i.  f.  74.  JensB, 
1564.) 


REFORMATION    IN  ITALY.  49 

Within  two  years  from  the  time  of  his  first  appear- 
ance against  indulgences,  his  writings  had  found  their 
way  into  Italy,  where  they  met  with  a  favourable  re- 
ception from  the  learned.  It  must  have  been  highly 
gratifying  to  the  reformer,  to  receive  the  following 
information,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  him  by  John 
Froben,  a  celebrated  printer  at  Basle : — "  Blasius  Sal- 
monius,  a  bookseller  at  licipsic,  presented  me,  at  the 
last  Frankfort  fair,  with  certain  treatises  composed  by 
you,  which  being  approved  by  learned  men,  I  imme- 
diately put  to  press,  and  sent  six  hundred  copies  to 
France  and  Spain.  My  friends  assure  me,  that  they 
are  sold  at  Paris,  and  read  and  approved  of  even  by 
the  Sorbonnists.  Several  learned  men  there  have  said, 
that  they  have  long  wished  to  see  divine  things  treat- 
ed with  such  becoming  freedom.  Calvus,  a  book- 
seller of  Pavia,*  himself  a  scholar  and  addicted  to  the 
muses,  has  carried  a  great  part  of  the  impression  into 
Italy.  He  promises  to  send  epigrams  written  in  your 
praise  by  the  most  enlightened  men  in  that  country;! 
such  favour  have  you  gained  to  yourself  and  the 
cause  of  Christ,  by  your  constancy,  courage,  and  dex- 
terity."! A  letter  has  also  been  preserved,  written 
about  this  time  by  an  individual  in  Rome,  in  which 
the  spirit  and  writings  of  Luther  are  applauded.  § 

*  The  person  referred  to  in  the  text  is  Francesco  Calvi,  often 
mentioned  in  the  letters  of  Erasmus,  and  hio^hly  praised  by  Andrea 
Alciati,  the  civihan,  and  other  learned  men.  (Tiraboschi,  vii.  365.) 
Speaking-  of  the  difficulty  of  disposing  of  books  in  Italy,  Cfelio  Cal- 
cagnini  says,  in  a  letter  dated  from  Ferrara,  17  kal.  Febr.  15:35, 
"  Unus  fuit  Calvus,  ejus  Calvi  frater  qui  rem  impressoriam  curat 
Romse,  qui  non  pecuniam  sed  librorum  permutationem  obtulit." 
(Calcagnini  Opera,  p.  115.) 

t  Schelhorn  (Amoenit.  Hist.  Eccles.  et  Liter,  torn.  ii.  p.  624.)  has 
published  a  copy  of  verses  in  praise  of  Luther,  composed  at  Milan, 
in  1521,  which  conclude  thus: — 

Macte  igitur  virtute,  pater  celebrande  Luthere, 

Communis  cujus  pendet  ab  ore  salus  : 
Gratia  cui  ablatis  debetur  maxima  monstris, 
Alcidae  potuit  quae  metuisse  manus. 

t  Miscellanea  Groningana,  tom.  iii.  p.  61 — 63,  Froben's  letter  is 
dated,  "  Basilese  d.  14.  Februar.  1519."  A  letter  to  the  same  purpose 
by  Wolfgangus  Fabricius  Capito,  dated  "12  kal.  Martii,  1519,"  is 
inserted  in  Sculteti  Annal.  Reform,  p.  44. 

§  Riederer,  Nachrichten  fur  Kirchengelehrten  und  Bucherge- 
schichte,  tom.  i.  p.  179. 


50  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Burchard  Schenk,  a  German  nobleman  who  had 
embraced  a  monastic  hfe  and  resided  at  Venice, 
writes,  on  the  19th  of  September  1520,  to  Spalatin, 
the  chaplain  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony: — "According 
to  your  request,  I  have  read  the  books  of  Martin 
Luther,  and  I  can  assure  you  that  he  has  been  much 
esteemed  in  this  place  for  some  time  past.  But  the 
common  saying  is,  ^  Let  him  beware  of  the  pope!' 
Upwards  of  two  months  ago,  ten  copies  of  his  books 
were  brought  here,  and  instantly  purchased,  before  I 
had  even  heard  of  then  arrival;  but,  in  the  beginning 
of  this  month,  a  mandate  from  the  pope  and  the  pa- 
triach  of  Venice  arrived,  prohibiting  them;  and  a  strict 
search  having  been  instituted  among  the  booksellers, 
one  imperfect  copy  was  found  and  seized.  I  had  en- 
deavoured to  obtain  that  copy,  but  the  bookseller 
durst  not  dispose  of  it."*  In  a  letter  written  during 
the  following  year,  the  same  person  states,  that  the 
senate  of  Venice  had  at  last  reluctantly  consented  to 
the  publication  of  the  papal  bull  against  Luther,  but 
had  taken  care  that  it  should  not  be  read  until  the 
people  had  left  the  church.t  Two  circumstances  of  a 
curious  kind  appear  from  this  correspondence.  The 
one  is,  that  Schenk  had  received  a  commission  from 
the  Elector  of  Saxony  to  purchase  relics  for  the  col- 
legiate church  of  Wittemberg;  but  the  commission 
was  now  revoked,  and  the  relics  sent  back  to  Italy, 
to  be  sold  at  what  price  they  would  bring;  "for," 
writes  Spalatin,  "  here  even  the  common  people  des- 
pise them,  and  think  it  sufficient  (as  it  certainly  is) 
if  they  be  taught  from  Scripture  to  have  faith  and 
confidence  in  God,  and  love  to  their  neighbour.":}: 
The  other  fact  is,  that  the  person  employed  by  Schenk 
to  collect  relics  for  the  elector  was  Vergerio,  after- 
wards bishop  of  Capo  d'Istria,  and  legate  from  the 
pope  to  the  German  princes,  but  who  ultimately  re- 
nounced popery,  and  became  eminently  instrumental 
in  spreading  the  reformed  doctrine  in  Italy  and  else- 
where.    The  character  given  of  him,  at  this  early 

*  Seckendorf.  Hist.  Lutheranismi,  torn.  p.  115.  t  Ibid.  p.  116. 

t  Schlegel,  Vita  Spalatini,  p.  59. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  51 

period  of  his  life,  is  worthy  of  notice,  as  the  popish 
writers,  after  his  defection,  endeavoured,  in  every 
possible  way,  to  discredit  his  authority  and  tarnish  his 
reputation.  Schenk  describes  him  as  "  a  most  excel- 
lent young  man,  who  had  distinguished  himself  among 
the  students  of  law  at  Padua,  and  was  desirous  of 
finishing  his  studies  at  Wittemberg,  under  the  auspices 
and  patronage  of  the  elector  Frederick."* 

In  spite  of  the  terror  of  pontifical  bulls,  and  the  ac- 
tivity of  those  who  watched  over  their  execution, 
the  writings  of  Luther  and  Melancthon,  Zuingle  and 
Bucer,  continued  to  be  circulated  and  read  with  avidi- 
ty and  delight  in  various  parts  of  Italy.  Some  of  them 
were  translated  into  the  Italian  language,!  and,  to 
elude  the  vigilance  of  the  inquisitors,  were  published 
under  disguised  and  fictitious  names,  by  which  means 
they  made  their  way  into  Rome  and  even  into  the 
palace  of  the  Vatican;  so  that  bishops  and  cardinals 
unwittingly  read  and  praised  works,  which,  on  dis- 
covering their  real  authors,  they  were  obliged  to  pro- 
nounce dangerous  and  heretical.  The  elder  Scaliger 
relates  an  incident  of  this  kind,  which  happened  when 
he  was  at  Rome.  "  Cardinal  Seraphin,"  says  he, 
"  who  was  at  that  time  counsellor  of  the  papal  Rota, 
came  to  me  one  day,  and  said, '  We  have  had  a  most 
laughable  business  before  us  to-day.  The  Common 
Places  of  Philip  Melancthon  were  printed  at  Venice 
with  this  title, par  Messer  Ippojilo  da  Terra  Negra.X 
Being  sent  to  Rome,  they  were  freely  bought  for  the 
space  of  a  whole  year,  and  read  with  great  applause, 
so  that  the  copies  being  exhausted,  an  order  was  sent 
to  Venice  for  a  fresh  supply;  but,  in  the  mean  time, 
a  Franciscan  friar,  who  possessed  a  copy  of  the  origi- 

*  Seckend.  torn.  i.  p.  223. 

t  Luther's  Shorter  Catechism,  and  his  Exposition  of  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  the  Creed,  the  Decalogue,  <fec.  were  printed  in  Italian. 
(Ukert,  Luther's  Leben,  torn.  ii.  p.  305.) 

X  Schwaifzerd,  which  was  his  proper  name,  signifies  in  German, 
as  Melancthun  does  in  Greek,  and  Terra  Netrra  in  Italian,  black  earth. 
The  Italian  translator  of  the  Common  Places  is  erroneously  supposed 
by  Fontanini  to  have  been  the  celebrated  critic,  Ludovico  Castelvetro. 
(Delia  Eioquenza  Italiana,  p.  41)0-501).) 


52  HISTORY    OF    THE 

nal  edition,  discovered  the  trick,  and  denounced  the 
book  as  a  Lutheran  production  from  the  pen  of  Me- 
lancthon.  It  was  proposed  to  punish  the  poor  printer, 
who  probably  could  not  read  one  word  of  the  origi- 
nal ;  but,  at  last,  it  was  agreed  to  burn  the  copies  and 
suppress  the  whole  affair.'  "*  A  similar  anecdote  is 
told  of  Luther's  preface  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 
and  his  treatise  on  justification,  which  were  eagerly 
read  for  some  time,  as  the  productions  of  Cardinal 
Fregoso.t  The  works  of  Zuingle  were  circulated 
under  the  name  of  Coricius  Cogelias;:}:  and  several 
editions  of  Martin  Bucer's  commentary  on  the  Psalms 
were  sold  in  Italy  and  France  as  the  work  of  Aretius 
Felinus.  In  this  last  instance,  the  learned  stratagem 
was  used  with  the  consent  of  the  author.  "  I  am 
employed,"  says  Bucer,  in  a  letter  to  Zuingle,  "  in  an 
exposition  of  the  Psalms,  which,  at  the  urgent  request 
of  our  brethren  in  France  and  Lower  Germany,  I 
propose  to  publish  under  a  foreign  name,  that  the 
work  may  be  bought  by  their  booksellers;  for  it  is  a 
capital  crime  to  import  into  these  countries  books 
which  bear  our  names.  I  therefore  pretend  that  I  am 
a  Frenchman,  and,  if  I  do  not  change  my  mind,  shall 
send  forth  the  book  as  the  production  of  Aretius  Fe- 
lintis,  which,  indeed,  is  my  name  and  surname,  the 
former  in  Greek,  and  the  latter  in  Latin. "§ 

*  Scalig-erana  Secunda,  art.  Rota.  See  also  Brucker,  Miscel.  Hist. 
&c.  part.  ii.  p.  323,  333.  Greater  mistakes  than  this  have  been  com- 
mitted in  Italy  since  that  period.  "  My  hostess,  the  good  mother 
Coleti,"  says  Chardon  de  la  Rochette,  "  says  her  prayers  every  day 
before  a  beautiful  miniature,  which  represents  Luther  on  the  one  side 
and  Melancthon  on  the  other.  She  believes  them  to  be  portraits  of 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul."  (Litterarische  Analekten  von  F.  A.  Wolf, 
vol.  i.  p.  40,5.) 

t  Vergcrii  Adnot.  in  Catal.  HiEret.  RomoB,  1559. 

\  Gerdesii  Ital.  Ref.  p.  12-14. 

§  Le  Long-,  edit.  Masch,  vol.  iii.  part.  ii.  p.  520.  Colomesii  NolsE 
in  Scaliger.  Secund.  p.  538.  Fontanini,  Delia  Eloquenza  Ital.  p.  490. 
The  work  was  printed  first  at  Strasburg  in  1529,  under  this  title: 
"  Psalmorum  Libri  quinque  ad  Ebraicam  veritatem  versi,  et  familiari 
explanatione  elucidati.  Per  Aretium  Felinuin  Tiieologum."  The 
dedication  to  the  Dauphin  of  France  is  dated  "Lugduni  iii.  Idus 
Julias  Anno  m.d.xxix."  Eucer  also  assumed  the  names  pf  Treu  von 
Friedesleben,  and  Waremund  Luithold. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  53 

It  is  one  thing  to  discover  the  errors  and  abuses  of 
the  Church  of  Rome,  and  it  is  another,  and  a  very- 
different  tiling  to  have  the  mind  opened  to  perceive 
the  spiritual  beauty  and  to  feel  the  regenerating  in- 
fluence of  divine  truth.  Many  who  could  easily  dis- 
cern the  former,  remained  complete  strangers  to  the 
latter,  as  preached  by  Luther  and  his  associates;  and 
it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  these  would  make  sacri- 
fices, and  still  less  that  they  would  count  all  things 
loss,  for  the  excellent  knowledge  of  Christ.  Persons 
of  this  character  abounded  at  this  period  in  Italy. 
But  the  following  extracts  show  that  many  of  the 
Italians  " received  the  love  of  the  truth;"  and  they 
paint  in  strong  colours  the  ardent  thirst  for  knowledge 
which  the  perusal  of  the  first  writings  of  the  reform- 
ers had  excited  in  their  breasts.  "  It  is  now  fourteen 
years,"  writes  Egidio  di  Porta,  an  Augustinian  monk 
on  the  Lake  of  Como,  to  Zuingle,  "  since  I,  under  the 
impulse  of  a  certain  pious  feeling,  but  not  according 
to  knowledge,  withdrew  from  my  parents  and  as- 
sumed the  black  cowl.  If  I  did  not  become  learned 
and  devout,  I  at  least  appeared  to  be  so,  and  for 
seven  years  discharged  the  office  of  a  preacher  of 
God's  word,  alas !  in  deep  ignorance.  I  savoured  not 
the  things  of  Christ ;  I  ascribed  nothing  to  faith,  all  to 
works.  But  God  would  not  permit  his  servant  to 
perish  for  ever.  He  brought  me  to  the  dust.  I  was 
made  to  cry  out,  Lord,  what  wilt  thou  have  me  to 
do  ?  At  length  my  heart  heard  the  delightful  voice, 
Go  to  Ulric  Zuingle,  and  he  will  tell  thee  what  thou 
shouldst  do.  0  ravishing  sound!  my  soul  found  in- 
effable peace  in  that  sound.  Do  not  think  that  I  mock 
you ;  for  you,  nay  not  you,  but  God,  by  your  means, 
rescued  me  from  the  snare  of  the  fowler.  But  why 
do  I  say  me?  for  I  trust  you  have  saved  others  along 
with  me."*  In  these  enthusiastic  strains  does  Porta 
communicate  the  intelligence,  that  he  had  been  en- 
lightened by  the  writings  of  the  Swiss  reformer  which 
Providence  had  thrown  in  his  way,  and  that  he  had 

*  Epistola  iEgidii  a  Porta,  Comensis,  Dec.  9,  1525  :   Hottinger, 
Hist.  JEccI.  Sec.  xvi.  torn.  ii.  p.  611. 


54  HISTORY    OF    THE 

imparted  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  to  some  of  his 
brethren  of  the  same  convent.  In  another  letter,  he 
adjures  Zuingle  to  write  him  a  letter  which  might  be 
useful  for  opening  the  eyes  of  others  belonging  to  his 
religious  order.  "  But  let  it  be  cautiously  written," 
continues  he,  "  for  they  are  full  of  pride  and  self-con- 
ceit. Place  some  passages  of  Scripture  before  them, 
by  which  they  may  perceive  how  much  God  is  pleased 
to  have  his  word  preached  purely  and  without  mix- 
ture, and  how  highly  he  is  offended  with  those  who 
adulterate  it  and  bring  forward  their  own  opinions  as 
divine."*  The  same  spirit  breathes  in  a  letter  ad- 
dressed by  Baltasare  Fontana,  a  Carmelite  monk  of 
Locarno,  to  the  evangelical  churches  of  Switzerland. 
"  Hail !  faithful  in  Christ.  Think,  0  think  of  Lazarus 
in  the  gospels,  and  of  the  lowly  woman  of  Canaan, 
who  was  willing  to  be  satisfied  with  the  crumbs  which 
fell  from  the  table  of  the  Lord.  As  David  came  to 
the  priest  in  a  servile  dress  and  unarmed,  so  do  I  fly  to 
you  for  the  show-bread  and  the  armour  laid  up  in  the 
sanctuary.  Parched  with  thirst,  I  seek  the  fountains 
of  living  water;  sitting  like  the  blind  man  by  the  way- 
side, I  cry  to  him  that  gives  sight.  With  tears  and 
sighs  we,  who  sit  here  in  darkness,  humbly  intreat 
you  who  are  acquainted  with  the  titles  and  authors 
of  the  books  of  knowledge,  (for  to  you  it  is  given  to 
know  the  mysteries  of  the  kingdom  of  God,)  to  send 
us  the  wrhings  of  such  elect  teachers  as  you  possess, 
and  particularly  the  works  of  the  divine  Zuingle,  the 
far-famed  Luther,  the  acute  Melancthon,  the  accurate 
Ecolampade.  The  prices  shall  be  paid  to  you  through 
his  excellency,  Werdmyller.  Do  your  endeavour  that 
a  city  of  Lombardy,  enslaved  by  Babylon  and  a  stran- 
ger to  the  gospel  of  Christ,  may  be  set  free."t 

The  attention  which  had  been  paid  to  sacred  litera- 
ture in  Italy  contributed,  in  no  small  degree,  to  the 

*  Epist.  Dec.  9,  15:^5 :  Hottinger,  Hist.  Eccl.  Sec.  xvi.  torn.  ii. 
p.  16. 

t  Apud  Comum,  15to  Decembris  1526."  Another  letter  from  the 
same  individual,  dated,  "  Ex  Locarno  Kal.  Mart,  anno  1531,"  is 
published  by  Hottinger,  Hist.  torn.  vi.  part.  ii.  p.  618,  620,  271. 
Tempe  Helvetica,  torn.  iv.  p.  141. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  55 

spread  of  the  reformed  opinions.  In  this,  as  well  as 
in  every  other  Uterary  pursuit,  the  Itahans  took  the 
lead,  though  they  were  afterwards  outstripped  by  the 
Germans.  From  the  year  1477,  when  the  psalter 
appeared  in  Hebrew,  different  parts  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, in  the  original,  continued  to  issue  from  the 
press;  until  at  last,  in  the  year  1488,  a  complete 
Hebrew  Bible  was  printed  at  Soncino,  a  city  of 
the  Cremonese,  by  a  family  of  Jews,  who,  under 
the  adopted  name  of  Soncinati,  established  printing- 
presses  in  various  parts  of  Europe,  including  Con- 
stantinople. This  department  of  typography  was  al- 
most entirely  engrossed  by  the  Jews,  until  the  year 
1518,  when  an  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures,  ac- 
companied with  various  readings  and  Rabbinical  com- 
mentaries, proceeded  from  the  splendid  press  which 
Daniel  Bomberg  had  recently  erected  at  Venice.* 

A  minute  investigation  of  ancient  documents  shows 
that  the  knowledge  of  Hebrew  was  not  quite  extinct 
among  Christians  in  Italy  anterior  to  the  revival  of 
letters.  An  individual  now  and  then  had  the  curiosity 
to  acquire  some  insight  into  it  from  a  Jew,  or  had  the 
courage  to  grapple,  in  his  own  strength,  with,  the  diffi- 
culties of  a  language  whose  very  characters  wore  a 
formidable  aspect  to  European  eyes;  and  persons 
who,  like  Fra  Ricoldo  of  Florence,  and  Ciriaco  of 
Ancona,  travelled  into  Turkey,  Syria,  and  adjacent 
countries,  picked  up  some  acquaintance  with  other 
languages  of  the  east.  In  the  literary  history  of  Italy, 
during  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  several 
persons  are  spoken  of  as  Hebrew  and  Arabic  scho- 
lars; the  most  distinguished  of  whom  was  Giannozzo 
Manetti,  a  Florentine,  who  drew  up  a  triglot  psalter, 
containing  a  Latin  translation  made  by  himself  from 
the  original.t  But  the  study  of  Hebrew  in  Italy, 
properly  speaking,  was  coeval  with  the  printing  of  the 

*  De  Rossi,  De  Heb.  Typog.  Origin.  Wilhelm  Fried.  Hetzels 
Geschichte  der  Hebraischen  Sprache  und  Litteratur,  p.  143 — 176. 
Le  Long,  Bibl.  Sac.  edit.  Masch,  vol.  i.  par.  i.  Baueri  Crit.  Sac.  p. 
230,  232. 

t  Tiraboschi,  Storia  della  Letteratura  Italiana,  torn.  vi.  p.  792, 
679. 


56  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Hebrew  Scriptures;  and  it  was  facilitated  by  the 
severe  measures  taken  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  at 
the  instigation  of  the  inquisitors,  against  the  Jews, 
which  induced  many  of  that  people  to  emigrate  from 
Spain  to  Italy,  where,  from  lucrative  motives,  they 
were  favourably  received  by  the  popes.* 

One  of  the  earliest  students  of  the  oriental  tongues 
in  Italy  was  Giovanni  Pico,  a  young  man  of  rank, 
and  the  prodigy  of  his  age  for  learning.  He  was  the 
son  of  Gianfrancesco  Pico,  prince  of  Mirandula  and 
Concordia.  From  early  youth  he  possessed  so  quick 
an  apprehension,  and  so  retentive  a  memory,  as  to 
forget  nothing  which  he  heard  or  read.  After  study- 
ing in  the  most  celebrated  universities  of  his  native 
country  and  France,  he  came  to  Rome,  with  the  repu- 
tation of  knowing  twenty-two  languages;  and,  in  the 
twenty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  published  nine  hundred 
propositions  relating  to  dialectics,  morals,  physics, 
mathematics,  metaphysics,  theology,  and  natural  ma- 
gic, as  treated  by  the  Chaldean,  Arabian,  Greek,  and 
Latin  philosophers,  and  by  the  Christian  fathers  and 
schoolmen,  declaring  that  he  was  ready  to  dispute 
with  any  person  upon  every  one  of  them.t  The 
challenge  was  not  accepted;  and  it  exposed  Pico  to  a 
more  serious  charge  than  that  of  vanity.  He  was 
accused  to  Innocent  VIII.  as  a  heretic;  and  thirteen 
propositions,  selected  from  his  work,  having  been  sub- 
mitted to  certain  divines,  the  pope  condemned  them 
as  suspicious  and  dangerous,  but  exempted  the  author 
from  punishment,  because  he  had  protested,  on  oath, 
his  willingness  to  submit  in  all  things  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  church.  In  the  meantime,  he  published 
a  large  apology  for  the  offensive  articles,  in  which  he 

*  Basnage,  Histoire  des  Juifs,  liv.  vii.  chap.  xxix.  sect.  iv. — vii. 
Sadoleti  Epist.  lib.  xii.  p.  5,  6.  Llorente,  Hist,  de  I'lnquisition  d'Es- 
pagne,  torn.  i.  p.  161 — 170. 

t  A  MS.  copy  of  the  propositions,  preserved  in  the  library  of  Vi- 
enna,  has,  at  the  end,  the  following  notification  in  Latin: — "The 
dispute  on  these  conclusions  will  not  take  place  until  after  Epiphany. 
In  the  meantime,  they  will  be  published  in  all  the  academies  of  Italy; 
and  if  any  philosopher  or  divine  choose  to  come  from  the  remotest 
parts  of  Italy  to  dispute,  his  expenses  shall  be  borne."  (Lambacher, 
Biblioth.  C:ivit.  Vindobon.  p.  286.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  57 

showed  much  ingenuity  in  reconciling  them  to  the 
cathoUc  doctrine.  This  produced  a  fresh  summons, 
from  the  effects  of  which  he  was  saved  by  the  demise 
of  Innocent;  and,  after  remaining  for  some  time  at 
Florence,  he  obtained,  through  the  good  offices  of  his 
friends,  a  brief  of  absolution  and  security  from  the 
new  pope,  Alexander  VL*  At  Florence  he  con- 
tracted an  intimate  friendship  with  Lorenzo  de  Me- 
dici, and  other  men  of  genius,  by  whom  he  was 
courted  for  his  erudition  and  taste.  But  his  mind 
underwent  a  great  change  about  this  time ;  and,  hav- 
ing relinquished  the  pursuit  of  secular  learning,  and 
committed  to  the  flames  a  collection  of  his  Italian  and 
Latin  poems,  which  had  been  revised  and  approved 
of  by  Politiano,  he  devoted  himself  to  sacred  studies 
and  the  practice  of  piety.  In  the  midst  of  these  exer- 
cises, he  was  seized  with  a  fever  in  1494,  and  prema- 
turely cut  off  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  age.t 
Pico  had  begun  the  study  of  the  oriental  languages 
before  he  became  decidedly  pious.  He  was  instructed 
in  Hebrew  by  a  Jew,  called  Jochana.J  His  teacher 
in  Chaldee  was  one  Mithridates,  of  whom  he  gives 
the  following  singular  account,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend: 
"  As  to  your  request  for  the  Chaldee  alphabet,  you 
cannot  obtain  it  from  Mithridates,  nor  from  me,  who 
am  always  ready  to  grant  you  every  thing.  For  this 
man  would  not  agree  to  teach  me  the  Chaldee  tongue 
until  I  had  taken  an  oath,  in  express  words,  that  I 

*  The  papal  brief  is  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  his  works  printed 
at  Basle  in  1572.  Among'  the  condemned  propositions  arc  the  two 
following: — That  Christ  did  not  descend  into  hell  truly,  or  in  respect 
of  real  presence;  and  tliat  neither  the  cross  of  Christ,  nor  any  other 
image,  is  to  be  adored  with  the  worship  called  latria,  as  taught  by 
Thomas  Aquinas.  There  are  other  propositions  in  the  work  which, 
it  might  have  been  supposed,  would  have  given  equal  offence,  such 
as,  that  the  will  of  God  is  the  sole  reason  why  he  reprobates  some, 
and  elects  others;  that  ihe  true  body  of  Christ  is  in  heaven  locally, 
and  on  the  altar  sacramentally  ;  and  that  the  same  body  cannot  be 
made,  by  the  power  of  God,  to  exist  in  different  places  at  the  same 
time.     (Opera  J.  Pici,  p.  62 — 65.) 

+  Biblioteca  Modonese,  dal  Giro!.  Tiraboschi,  torn.  iv.  p.  95—103. 
Roscoe's  Lorenzo  de'Medici,  vol.  ii.  p.  91—95, 

X  Opera  J.  Franc.  Pici,  p.  1371. 

5 


58  HISTORY    OF    THE 

would  impart  it  to  nobody.  Of  this  you  may  be 
assured  by  the  testimony  of  our  friend  Geronimo  Be- 
nivieni,  who,  happening  to  be  present  one  day  when 
I  was  about  to  receive  a  lesson,  Mithridates,  in  a 
rage,  drove  him  out  of  the  room.  But,  not  to  disap- 
point you  ahogether,  instead  of  the  Chaldee,  you  will 
receive  with  this  packet  the  Arabic  characters,  which 
I  copied  with  my  own  hand."*  Judging  from  the 
writings  of  Pico,  his  knowledge  of  Hebrew  was  not 
inconsiderable;!  of  the  enthvisiasm  with  which  he 
studied  it  and  the  cognate  languages  of  the  east,  we 
have  the  most  satisfactory  evidence  in  his  confidential 
letters.  Writing  to  his  nephew,  he  says — "  The  rea- 
son why  you  have  not  had  an  answer  to  your  letter 
is,  that  I  have  met  with  certain  Hebrew  books,  which 
have  occupied  me  for  a  whole  week,  night  and  day, 
so  that  I  am  nearly  blind.  They  were  brought  me 
twenty  days  ago  by  a  Jew  from  Sicily,  and,  as  I  am 
afraid  that  they  may  be  recalled,  you  must  not  expect 
to  hear  a  word  from  me  till  I  have  thoroughly  ex- 
amined their  contents.  When  that  is  done,  I  shall 
overwhelm  you  with  letters.'' J  In  a  letter  to  Mar- 
silio  Ficino,  he  writes — "  You  could  not  have  de- 
manded back  your  Latin  Mahomet  at  a  more  conve- 
nient time,  as  I  expect  shortly  to  be  able  to  read  him 
in  his  native  tongue.  Having  laboured  a  whole  month 
in  studying  the  Hebrew  language,  I  am  about  to 
apply  myself  to  Arabic,  and  am  not  afraid  but  that  I 
shall  make  as  much  proficiency  in  it,  as  I  have  done 
in  Hebrew,  in  which  I  can  now  write  a  letter  cor- 
rectly, though  not  with  elegance.  You  see  what 
resolution,  accompanied  with  labour  and  diligence, 
can  do,  even  when  the  bodily  strength  is  small.  Cer- 
tain books,  in  both  languages,  which  have  come  into 
my  hands,  not  by  chance,  but  by  the  direction  of  a 
kind  providence  favouring  my  studies,  have  encoura- 
ged and  compelled  me  to  lay  aside  everything  for  the 

*  Opera  J.  Pici,  p.  385. 

t  See  his  Heptaplus^  or  treatise    on  the  Mosaic  account  of  the 
creation,  in  the  collection  of  his  works, 
t  Opera,  p.  360. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  59 

sake  of  acquiring  the  knowledge  of  Arabic  and  Chal- 
dee.  Having  obtained  these,  (shall  I  call  them  books 
or  treasures?)  I  was  inflamed  with  the  desire  of  being 
able  to  read  them  without  an  interpreter — a  task  at 
which  I  am  now  toiling  with  all  my  might.  Do  not 
think,  however,  that  I  forget  your  favourite  Ploti- 
nus.''*  We  need  not  wonder  that  the  enthusiasm  of 
this  scholar  made  him  the  dupe  of  designing  and 
covetous  men.  Perceiving  his  strong  desire  to  de- 
monstrate the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  its 
mysteries,  from  the  recondite  sources  of  Pythagorean 
and  Jewish  philosophy,  certain  impostors  interpolated 
some  Cabalistic  books,  of  which  they  sold  him  seventy 
volumes  at  a  great  price,  with  a  solemn  assurance 
that  they  were  written  under  the  direction  of  Ezra, 
and  contained  that  interpretation  of  the  law  which 
the  Jews  had  hitherto  religiously  concealed  from 
Christians.t  The  same  thing  happened  to  his  con- 
temporary and  countryman,  Annius,  or  Nanni,  of 
Viterbo,  who  was  induced  to  publish  a  number  of 
fabulous  works,  as  the  authentic  productions  of  Bero- 
sus,  Manetho,  Fabius  Pictor,  and  other  ancient  wri- 
ters;! and  similar  impositions  have  been  practised 
upon  literary  men  in  later  and  more  enlightened 
times.  Gianfrancesco  Pico  inherited  his  uncle's  taste 
for  Hebrew  literature  ;§  and  other  scholars  arose,  who 
cultivated  it,  not  indeed  with  equal  zeal,  but  certainly 
with  more  success.  * 

Germany  had  the  honour  of  giving  to  the  world 
the  first  elementary  work  on  Hebrew  which  was 
written  by  a  Christian,  or  in  the  Latin  language,  in 
the  grammar  and  lexicon  of  John  Reuchlin,  printed  at 
Pfortzheim  in  the  year  1506;  but,  as  early  as  1490, 
the  Book  of  Roots,  or  lexicon,  of  the  celebrated 
Jewish  grammarian,  David  Kimchi,  was  published  in 

*  Opera  J.  Pici,  p.  367,  368. 

t  lb.  p.  123.  Reuchlin,  Do  Arte  Cabalistica,  lib.  i.  f.  13,  b.  Bruc- 
keri  Hist.  Philos.  torn.  ii.  p.  660,  919.  Simon,  Lettrcs  Choisies,  torn, 
ii.  p.  \  88. 

X  Tirabosehi,  Lett.  Ital.  torn.  vi.  part.  ii.  p.  17. 

§  Opera  Joan.  Francisci  Fici,  p.  1371.  Colomesii  Italia  Oricn- 
talis,  p.  46 — 51. 


60  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  original  at  Venice.*  Francesco  Stancari  of  Man- 
tua, who  afterwards  embraced  the  Protestant  reU- 
gion,  and  excited  great  commotions  in  Poland,  pub- 
lished a  Hebrew  grammar  in  1525.t  Felix  of  Prato, 
a  converted  Jew,  who  published  a  Latin  translation 
of  the  Psalms  in  1515,  appears  to  have  been  the  first 
Christian  in  Italy  who  taught  Hebrew,  being  invited 
to  Rome,  for  this  purpose,  in  1518,  by  Leo  X.J 
About  the  same  time,  Agathias  Guidacerio,  a  native 
of  Catano,  also  taught  it  at  Rome,  from  which  he  was 
called  by  Francis  I.  to  be  professor  of  the  sacred 
tongue  in  the  Trilingual  college  at  Paris,  in  which 
Paolo  Paradisi,  or  Canossa,  his  countryman,  and,  like 
him,  the  author  of  a  work  on  Hebrew  Grammar, 
afterwards  held  the  same  situation.  § 

As  early  as  1514,  a  collection  of  prayers  was  print- 
ed in  the  Arabic  language  and  character  at  Fano,  in 
the  ecclesiastical  states,  at  a  press  which  had  been 
founded  by  the  warlike  pontiff,  Julius  H.||  Previous 
to  this,  an  edition  of  the  Koran,  in  the  original  lan- 
guage, had  been  begun,  and  a  part  of  it  at  least  print- 
ed at  Venice,  by  Pagnino  de  Pagninis.H  But  the  prin- 
cipal work  in  this  language,  so  far  as  biblical  literature 
is  concerned,  was  produced  by  Agostino  Justiniani, 
bishop  of  Nebio  in  Corsica,  in  a  polyglot  psalter,  con- 
taining the  Hebrew,  Chaklaic,  Arabic,  Greek,  and  La- 
tin; printed  at  Genoa  in  the  year  151 6,  and  intended  as 
a  specimen  of  a  polyglot  bible,  which  the  author  had 
been  long  engaged  in  preparing  for  the  press.**   This 

*  Hirts  Orientalische  und  Exegetische  Bibliothek,  torn.  i.  p.  35, 44. 
G.  Laur.  Bauer i  Hermeneutica  Sacra,  p.  175. 

+  Tiraboschi,  torn.  vii.  p.  1087-  Stancari  became  professor  of  He- 
brew, first  in  the  university  of  Cracow,  and  afterwards  in  that  of 
Konigsberg.  (Harknochs  Preussische  Kirchenliistorie,  p.  333.)  Het- 
zel  speaks  as  if  none  of  his  grammatical  works  appeared  before  1547. 
(Geschichte  der  Heb.  Sprache,  p.  169.) 

t  Tiraboschi,  vii.  1083.  Colomesii  Itah  Orient,  p.  19.  Le  Long, 
edit.  Masch,  vol.  i.  part.  i.  p.  97;  vol.  ii.  part.  il.  p.  534. 

§  Prffifat.  in  Lib.  Michlol,  per  Agathiam  Guidacerium;  Parisiis  in 
CoUegio  Italorum,  1540.   Conf  Colomesii  Ital.  Orient,  p.  60,  68—70. 

II  Schnurreri  Bibliotheca  Arabica,  p.  231 — 234. 

V  Ibid.  p.  402—404. 

**  Dedic,  Justiniani  ad  Leonem  X.  Conf.  Le  Long.  edit.  Masch, 
vol.  i.  part  i.  p.  400. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  61 

work  procured  him  an  invitation  from  Francis  I.  to 
teach  the  oriental  tongues  at  Paris.*  Juan  Leon,  a  na- 
tive of  Elvira  in  Spain,  hotter  known  as  a  historian  by 
the  name  of  Leo  Africanus,  instructed  many  of  the  Ita- 
lians in  Arabic,  and,  among  others,  Egidio  of  Viterbo, 
a  prelate  still  more  distinguished  for  elegant  taste  and 
extensive  learning  than  for  rank,  who  zealously  pro- 
moted oriental  studies  among  his  countrymen  both  by 
example  and  patronage.  The  master  went  to  Tunis, 
and  relapsed  to  Mahometanism;  the  scholar  was  ad- 
vanced to  the  purple,  and  sent  as  ambassador  to  Con- 
stantinople.! 

Certain  deputies  sent  to  Rome,  from  the  Christians 
of  Abyssinia,  during  the  sitting  of  the  Lateran  coun- 
cil in  1512,  were  the  means  of  introducing  into  Eu- 
rope the  knowledge  of  the  Ethiopic,  or,  as  they  called 
it,  Chaldean  language,  in  which  their  countrymen 
continued  to  perform  the  religious  service.  In  conse- 
quence of  instructions  received  from  them,  John  Pot- 
ken,  provost  of  St.  George's  at  Cologne,  was  able,  in 
1513,  to  pubhsh,  at  Rome,  the  Psalter  and  Song  of 
Solomon  in  Ethiopic,  with  a  short  introduction  to  that 
language.  J  At  a  subsequent  period,  a  learned  abbot 
of  that  country,  named  Tesso-Sionis  Malhesini,  or, 
as  he  called  himself  in  Europe,  Peter  Sionita,  who 
resided  at  Rome  under  the  patronage  of  cardinal  Mar- 
cello  Cervini,  taught  his  native  tongue  to  Pierpaolo 
Gualtieri  and  Mariano  Vittorio,  afterwards  bishop  of 
Rieti;  and,  with  their  assistance,  and  that  of  two  of 
his  own  countrymen,  he  published  the  New  Testa- 
ment in  Ethiopic,  at  Rome,  in  the  year  1548.     Four 

*  Tiraboschi,  torn.  vii.  p.  10G7.  Colomesii  Ital.  Orient,  p.  31 — 36. 
Sixt.  Senensis  Bibl.  Sacr.  p.  327.  Justiniani  himself  says,  "Mi  fece 
suo  consigliero  e  suo  elemosinaro, — e  mi  mando  in  Pariggi,  dove  me 
detenni  insino  al  quinto  anno,  &  lessi  &  piantai  in  Tuniversita  Pari. 
siense  le  litcre  Hebree."  (Castigatissimi  Annali  della  Republica  di 
Genova,  lib.  iii.  a.  1537.) 

t  Widmanstaedter's  Dedication,  to  the  Emperor  Ferdinand,  of  his 
edition  of  the  Syriac  New  Testament.  Compare  the  testimonies  to 
Egidio's  merits,  collected  by  Colomies.  (Ital.  Orient,  p.  41 — 46.) 
Hetzel's  Geschichte,  p.  180. 

t  Le  Long,  edit.  Masch,  vol.  i.  par.  ii.  p.  146,  147. 


62  HISTORY    OF    THE 

years  after  this,  the  first  grammar  of  that  language 
was  given  to  the  pubUc  by  Vittorio.* 

It  may  appear  strange,  that  no  part  of  the  Syriac 
version  of  the  Scriptures  should  as  yet  have  come 
from  the  press.  Bomberg  intended  to  print  the  gos- 
pel according  to  Matthew  in  that  language,  from  a 
copy  of  the  four  gospels  which  was  in  his  possession, 
but  delayed  the  work  in  expectation  of  obtaining  ad- 
ditional manuscripts.!  Teseo  Ambrogio,  of  the  noble 
family  of  the  Conti  d'Albonese,  a  doctor  of  laws  and 
canon  regular  of  St.  John's  of  the  Lateran,  who  had 
received  instructions  in  Ethiopic  from  the  Abyssinians 
who  visited  Rome  in  15 12,  was  initiated  into  the  Syriac 
language  by  one  of  three  individuals,  Joseph  Acurio,  a 
priest,  Moses,  a  deacon,  and  Elias,  a  subdeacon,  whom 
Peter,  patriarch  of  the  Maronites,  had  sent  as  a  depu- 
tation to  Rome,  soon  after  the  advancement  of  Leo 
X.  to  the  pontificate.  From  that  time  Ambrogio  be- 
came passionately  fond  of  these  languages,  and  being 
appointed  to  teach  them  at  Bologna,  gave  from  the 
press  a  specimen  of  his  qualifications  for  that  task 
in  his  Introduction  to  the  Chaldaic,  Syriac,  Armenian, 
and  ten  other  languages,  with  the  characters  of  about 
forty  diff'erent  alphabets.^  Various  untoward  events 
prevented  him  from  executing  his  favourite  design 
of  publishing  the  gospels  in  Syriac,  which,  at  an  acci- 
dental interview,  he  devolved  on  Albert  Widman- 
staedter,  the  learned  chancellor  of  Eastern  Austria. 
In  the  year  1552,  Ignatius,  patriarch  of  Antioch,  sent 
Moses  Mardineus,  as  his  "  orator'^  to  the  Roman  pon- 
tiff, to  obtain,  among  other  things,  the  printing  of  an 
edition  of  the  Syriac  New  Testament,  for  the  use  of 

*  Tiraboschi,  torn.  vii.  p.  1073.  Le  Long-,  edit.  Masch,  vol.  i.  part 
ii.  p.  152 — 154.  Colomesii  Ital.  Orient,  p.  107,  108,  art.  Marianus 
Victorius  Heatinus.  Michaelis,  Introd,  to  the  New  Testament,  by- 
Marsh,  vol.  ii.  part  i.  p.  612. 

t  Postel,  Linguarum  Duodecirn  Alph.  Introd.  sig.  Biiij.  Parisiis 
1538.  Conf  Postelli  Epist.  prefix.  Vers.  N.  Test.  Syriaci,  Vien. 
Austr.  1555. 

t  Introductio  in  Chaldaicam  linp;uain,  Syriacam,  «fec.  Papise,  1539. 
Tirabosclii,  vii.  1068—1072.  Ilenr.  a  Porta,  (Prof.  Linguarum 
Oriental,  apud.  Acad.  Ticin.)    De  Ling.  Orient.  Proestantia,  p.  189. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  63 

the  chvirches  under  his  inspection.  The  orator  exerted 
his  eloquence  in  vain  at  Rome,  Venice,  and  other 
places  of  Italy;  and,  after  wasting  nearly  three  years, 
was  about  to  return  home  in  despair,  when  he  was 
advised  to  apply  to  Widmanstaedter,  by  whose  zealous 
exertions  the  work  was  published  in  1555,  at  Vienna.* 
Thus  was  Italy  deprived  of  the  honour  of  giving  to 
the  world  the  New  Testament  in  the  best  and  most 
venerable  of  all  the  ancient  versions. 

The  first  edition  of  the  Septuagint  came  from  the 
Aldine  press  in  1518,  under  the  direction  of  Andrew 
of  Asolo.  In  1516,  Erasmus  published  at  Basle  his 
edition  of  the  Greek  text  of  the  New  Testament,  ac- 
companied with  a  Latin  version  formed  by  himself; 
to  which  his  fame  gave  an  extensive  circulation  in 
Italy.  And  in  1527,  Sante  Pagnini  of  Lucca  published 
his  Latin  translation  of  the  whole  Bible,  which  had 
excited  great  expectations,  from  the  reputation  which 
the  author  enjoyed  as  a  Hebrew  scholar,  and  its  be- 
ing known  that  he  had  spent  upwards  of  twenty -five 
years  on  the  work. 

The  publication  of  the  Scriptures  in  the  original 
languages,  and  in  various  versions,  was  followed  by 
illustrations  of  them,  which  were  neither  without 
merit  nor  utility.  The  work  of  Pietro  Colonna,  com- 
monly called,  from  his  native  place,  Galatinus,  from 
which  later  writers  on  the  Jewish  controversy  have 
drawn  so  many  of  their  materials,  was  not  the  less 
useful,  that  it  was  afterwards  found  to  be  a  compilation 
from  the  unpublished  work  of  another  author.!  Besides 
his  own  paraphrases,  Erasmus  edited  the  notes  of 
Laurentius  Valla  on  the  New  Testament,  which  came 
recommended  to  the  Italians  as  the  work  of  one  of 
their  countrymen,  who  had  distinguished  himself  as  a 
reviver  of  letters,  but  whom  Bellarmine  afterwards 

*  Dedic.  et  Praefat.  in  N.  Test.  Syriac.  Vien.  Austr.  1555.  Asse- 
mani  Bibl.  Orient,  torn.  i.  p.  535.  Le  Long,  edit.  Masch,  vol.  i.  par_. 
ii.  p.  71—79.  Michaelis,  Introd.  by  Marsh,  vol.  ii.  part  i.  p.  8,  535 
—540. 

t  Galatinus,  De  Arcanis  Catholicae  Veritatis,  Ortona),  1518.  See 
the  account  of  the  Pugio  Fidei  of  Raymond  Martini,  given  in  the 
History  of  the  Reformation  in  Spain,  p.  66. 


64  HISTORY    OF    THE 

called,  not  without  reason,  the  precursor  of  the  Lu- 
therans.* The  scriptural  simplicity  which  character- 
izes the  commentaries  of  Cardinal  Cajetan,  and  a 
few  others,  forms  a  striking  contrast  to  the  writings 
of  the  scholastic  divines  who  preceded  them.  Cardi- 
nal Sadolet's  commentary  on  the  epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans was  the  work  of  an  orator,  who  wished  to 
correct  the  barbarisms  of  the  vulgate,  and  combat  the 
tenets  of  St.  Augustine. t  The  Avorks  of  Agostino 
Steuchi,  or  Steuco,  of  Gubbio,  discover  an  extensive 
acquaintance  with  the  three  learned  languages,  mixed 
with  cabalistical  and  Platonic  ideas.  I  shall  afterwards 
have  occasion  to  speak  of  the  commentaries  of  Folen- 
go.  Isidoro  Clario,  a  Benedictine  abbot  of  Monte 
Cassino,  who  was  advanced  to  the  bishoprick  of  Fo- 
ligno,  published  the  vulgate,  corrected  from  the  origi- 
nal Hebrew  and  Greek,  and  accompanied  with  pre- 
liminary dissertations  and  explanatory  notes;  but  as 
the  work  did  not  appear  till  1542,  when  the  progress 
of  heresy  had  alarmed  his  brethren,  it,  in  consequence, 
underwent  the  process  of  expurgation,  and  the  prole- 
gomena were  suppressed.^  He  gave  great  offence  by 
saying  in  his  preface,  that  he  had  corrected  the  ver- 
sion of  the  Old  Testament  by  the  Hebrew,  and  of  the 
New  by  the  Greek  verity. §  The  author  had  also 
availed  himself  of  the  notes  of  the  Protestants,  but 
tacitly ;  "  for,  in  the  time  in  which  he  wrote,  to  cite  a 
Protestant  author  was  an  unpardonable  crime,"  as 
Tiraboschi  candidly  owns.  "  Heresy,"  says  another 
modern  writer,  "  was  a  pest,  the  very  touch  of  which 
created  horror;  the  cordon  of  separation  or  precaution 
was  drawn  all  around;  Clario  did  not  dread  the  con- 
tagion for  himself,  but  he  dreaded  to  appear  to  have 
braved  it,  and  his  prudence  excuses  his  plagiarism. "|| 
By  means  of  these  studies,  the  minds  of  the  learned 

*  Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  des  Commentateurs  du  N.  Test.  p.  484—487. 

t  Ibid.  p.  550 — 556.  Sadolet  was  thrown  into  great  distress,  in 
consequence  of  the  master  of  the  sacred  palace  refusing  to  approve  of 
his  commentary.     (Tiraboschi,  torn.  vii.  p.  313 — 315.) 

t  Riveti  Opera,  torn.  ii.  p.  916. 

§  Tiraboschi,  torn.  vii.  p.  348.  ||  Ginguene,  torn.  vii.  p.  36. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  65 

in  Italy  were  turned  to  the  Scriptures,  and  prepared 
for  taking  part  in  the  religious  controversy  which 
arose.  Individuals  in  the  conclave,  such  as  Egidio, 
Fregoso,  and  Aleander,  were  skilled  in  the  sacred 
tongues,  which  were  now  studied  in  tlie  palaces  of 
bishops  and  in  the  cells  of  monks.  All  were  not  con- 
cerned to  become  acquainted  with  the  treasures  hid 
in  those  books,  which  they  turned  over  by  night  and 
by  day,  and  still  less  were  they  led  by  them  to  re- 
nounce a  system  to  which,  among  other  secular  ad- 
vantages, they  owed  their  literary  leisure;  but  neither, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  men  disposed,  at  that  period, 
as  they  were  at  a  subsequent  one,  to  employ  sacred 
criticism  as  an  art  to  invent  arguments  for  supporting 
existing  abuses;  and  there  were  always  individuals, 
from  time  to  time,  whose  minds  welcomed  the  truth, 
or  were  accessible  to  conviction.  Accordingly,  we 
shall  find  among  the  converts  to  the  reformed  doc- 
trine, men  eminent  for  their  literary  attainments,  the 
rank  which  they  held  in  the  Church,  and  the  charac- 
ter which  they  had  obtained  for  piety  in  those  orders 
to  which  the  epithet  religious  had  long  been  appro- 
priated. The  reformers  appealed  from  the  fallible  and 
conflicting  opinions  of  the  doctors  of  the  Church  to 
the  infallible  dictates  of  revelation,  and  from  the  vul- 
gate  version  of  the  Scriptures  to  the  Hebrew  and 
Greek  originals ;  and  in  tliese  appeals  they  were  often 
supported  by  the  translations  recently  made  by  per- 
sons of  acknowledged  orthodoxy,  and  published  with 
the  permission  and  warm  recommendations  of  the 
head  of  the  church.  In  surveying  this  portion  of  his- 
tory, it  is  impossible  not  to  admire  the  arrangements 
of  Providence,  when  we  perceive  monks  and  bishops, 
cardinals  and  popes,  active  in  forging  and  polishing 
those  weapons  which  were  soon  to  be  turned  against 
themselves,  and  which  they  afterwards  would  fain 
have  blunted  and  laboured  to  decry  as  unlawful  and 
empoisoned. 

The  works  which  have  been  described  were  con- 
fined to  the  learned;  and,  however  useful  tliey  were, 
it  is  not  probable  that  any  impression  would  have 


66  HISTORY    OF    THE 

been  made  on  the  public  mind  in  Italy,  unless  the 
means  of  religious  knowledge  had  been  laid  open  to 
the  people  at  large.     As  the  church  of  Rome  has 
strictly  confined  the  religious  service  to  an  unknown 
tongue,  we  need  not  be  astonished  at  the  jealousy 
with  which  she  has  always  viewed  translations  of  the 
Scriptures  into  vulgar  languages.     There  would   be 
still  less  reason  for  astonishment  at  this,  if  we  might 
believe  the  statement  of  a  learned  Italian,  that,  down 
to  the  sixteenth  century,  all  the  sermons  preached  in 
churches  were  in  I^atin,  and  that  those  in  Italian  were 
delivered  without  the  consecrated  walls,  in  the  piazzas 
or  some  contiguous  spot.*    This  statement,  however, 
has   been  controverted.     The  truth  appears   to   be, 
that,  in   the   thirteenth   century,   the   sermons  were 
preached  in  Latin,  and  afterwards  explained  in  Italian 
to  the  common  people;    and  that  instances  of  this 
practice  occur  in  the  history  of  the  fifteenth  century. t 
It  was  pleaded,  that  the  dignity  of  the  pulpit  and  the 
sacredness  of  the  word  of  God  suffered  by  using  a 
different  method;  and  with  equal  force  might  it  be 
urged,  that  "  the  sacred  Scriptures  were  viUfied  by 
being  translated  into  the  vulgar  tongue."  J     But,  in 
spite  of  this  prejudice,  translations  of  the  Bible  into 
Italian  were  attempted,  as  soon  as  the  language  had 
been  purified  by  Dante,  Petrarch,  and  others;  and  they 
came  from  the  press  within  a  few  years  after  the  in- 
vention of  the  art  of  printing. 

Jacopo  da  Voragine,  bishop  of  Genoa,  and  author 
of  the  Golden  Legend,  is  said  to  have  translated  the 
Scriptures  into  the  language  of  Italy  as  early  as  the 

*  Fontanini,  Delia  Eloquenza  Italiana,  lib.  iii.  cap.  ii.  p.  250-254. 
It  is  certain  that,  so  late  as  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  Isi- 
doro  Clario,  bishop  of  Foligno,  preached  in  Latin  to  a  crowded  as- 
sembly of  men  and  women — '■  Frcquens  istem,  quern  cerno,  virorum, 
mulierumqve,  conventus,"  says  the  preacher.  (Orationes  Extraord. 
Venet.  1567,  tom.  i.  orat.  xvi.) 

t  Apostolo  Zeno,  Note  alia  Biblioteca  del  Fontanini,  tom.  ii.  p.  424. 
Sig.  Domenico  Maria  Manni,  Prefaz.  alle  Prediche  di  Fra  Giordano: 
Tiraboschi,  tom.  iv.  p.  496—498. 

X  '■'•Avvilire  la  sacra  Scrittura  il  tradurla  in  lingua  volgare,"  says 
Passavanti,  in  his  Specchio  di  vera  renitenzu,  quoted  by  Fontanini, 
p.  674. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  67 

middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.*  It  is  certain,  that 
this  task  was  undertaken  by  more  than  one  individual 
in  the  subsequent  age,  but  executed,  as  may  be  sup- 
posed, in  a  rude  and  barbarous  manner.!  An  Italian 
version  of  the  Scriptures,  by  Nicolo  Malermi  or  Ma- 
lerbi,  a  Camaldolese  monk,  was  printed  at  Venice  so 
early  as  the  year  1471,:}:  and  is  said  to  have  gone 
throusrh  no  fewer  than  nine  editions  m  the  fifteenth 
and  twelve  editions  in  the  sixteenth  century  ;§  a  proof 
that  the  Italians  were  addicted  to  reading  in  their  na- 
tive tongue,  if  there  did  not  exist  among  them  at  that 
time  a  general  desire  for  the  word  of  God.  We  find 
an  additional  proof  of  this  in  the  Italian  versions  of 
parts  of  Scripture  which  appeared  about  the  same 
period.  II     Malermi's  translation,  like  those  on  which 

*  Le  Long  doubts  if  there  ever  was  such  a  version.  (Bibl.  Sac. 
torn.  i.  p.  352.  edit.  3.)  Fontanini  denies  its  existence.  (Delia  Eloq. 
Ital.  p.  673.) 

t  Fragments  of  such  translations  were  to  be  found  in  libraries 
during  the  fifteenth  century.  Malermi  expressly  mentions  one  of 
them,  which  contained,  he  says,  "  cose  enormi,  que  non  lice  ser  dicte, 
ne  da  esser  leggiute."  (D.  Abbate  Giov.  Andres,  Dell'  Origine  d'og- 
ni  Letteratura,  torn.  xix.  p.  200.)  Girolamo  Squarzafico,  a  learned 
man,  who  wrote  a  preface  to  the  edition  of  the  Bible  in  1477,  says: 
— "  Venerabiiis  Dominus  Nicolaus  de  Malermi  (aut  de  Malerbi)  sacra 
Biblia  ex  Latino  Italice  reddidit,  eos  imitatus,  qui  vulgares  antea  ver- 
siones,  si  sunt  hoc  nomine,  et  non  potius  confusiones  nuncupantur, 
confecerunt."  (Lettera  Critica  dal  Signor  Abbate  N.  N.  all'  Erud. 
Padre  Giov.  degli  Agostini,  p.  8.     Roveredo,  1739.) 

t  Fontanini,  p.  673.  De  Bure,  (Partie  de  la  Theologie,)  p.  89. 
It  was  printed,  "  Kal.  Aug.  1471,"  by  "  Vind.  de  Spira,"  and  contains 
a  prefatory  epistle  by  Nicolo  di  Malherbi.  Another  version  of  the 
Bible  was  printed  in  the  month  of  October  of  the  same  year,  without 
notice  of  the  translator,  printer,  or  place  of  printing.  (Dibdin's 
JEdes  Althorp.  vol.  ii.  p.  44.     Bibl.  Spencer,  vol.  i.  p.  63.) 

§  Foscarini,  Delia  Letteratura  Veneziana,  vol.  i.  p.  339.  Dr. 
Geddes  says  it  went  through  thirteen  editions  in  the  space  of  less 
than  half  a  century.  (Prospectus  of  a  New  Translation,  p.  103.) 
Andrew  Rivet  possessed  a  copy  of  the  edition  printed  in  1477.  (Opera, 
torn.  ii.  p.  920.)  Pere  Simon,  who  is  not  always  so  accurate  as  a 
severe  critic  on  the  works  of  others  should  be,  speaks  of  iMalcrmi's 
version  as  published  for  the  first  time  in  1541.  (Hist.  Crit.  de  V. 
Test.  p.  371,  598.  edit.  1680.) 

II  Tlic  two  following  are  mentioned  by  MaflTei:— "  Li  quattro  vo- 
lumi  de  gli  Evangeli  volgarizzati  da  fratc  Guide,  con  Ic  loro  esposi- 
zioni  fatte  per  Frate  Simone  da  Cascia,  Ven.  1486."  "  L'Apocalissc 
con  lechiose  dc  Nicolo  da  Lira;  traslazione  di  Maestro  Federico  da 


6S  HISTORY    OF    THE 

it  was  founded,  was  made  from  the  vulgate,  and  writ- 
ten in  a  style  unsuited  to  the  sixteenth  centniy.  A 
version  less  barbarous  in  its  diction  and  more  faithful 
to  the  original  had  long  been  desired  by  the  learned. 
This  was  at  last  executed  by  Antonio  Brucioli,  of 
whose  history  and  qualifications  as  a  biblical  inter- 
preter I  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  speak.  His 
Italian  version  of  the  New  Testament  was  printed  at 
Venice  in  1530,*  and  his  version  of  the  whole  Bible 
came  from  the  same  press  in  1532.t  The  latter  was 
reprinted  with  greater  accuracy  in  1541; J  and,  in  an 
advertisement  prefixed  to  it,  the  translator  seems  to  in- 
timate that  the  whole  work  appeared  in  1530;§  but  as 
no  copy  of  the  Old  Testament  printed  in  that  year  has 
ever  been  heard  of,  it  is  probable  that  he  referred  only 
to  the  New  Testament.  So  great  was  the  success  of 
this  work,  that  other  translations  were  produced  within 
a  few  years;  and  the  Roman  Catholics  reckoned  it  ne- 
cessary to  oppose  versions  of  their  own  to  those  which 
came  from  Protestants,  or  which  were  thought  favour- 
able to  their  views.    This  was  the  origin  of  the  Italian 

Venezia,  lavorata  nel  1394,  e  stampata  Ven.  1519."  (Esame  del  S'lg. 
Marchese  Scipione  Maffei,  p.  19.     Rovcredo,  1739.) 

*  It  came  from  the  press  of  his  countryman,  Luca  Antonio  Giunti. 
A  copy  of  this  rare  book  is  to  be  found  in  the  royal  library  at  Berlin. 

t  Le  Long,  Bibl.  Sac.  par.  ii.  p.  125,  126,  edit.  Boerneri.  Wolfii 
NotcB  ad  Coloni.  Ital.  Orient,  p.  59.  Gerdes,  Ital.  Ref  p.  190.  Mis- 
cell.  Groningana,  tom.  ii.  p.  658.  Simon.  Hist.  Crit.  de  V.  Test.  1.  ii. 
chap.  22;  and  Disquis.  Crit.  p  193,  The  most  accurate  account  is 
given  by  Schelhorn,  Ergoetzlichkeiten  aus  dcr  Kirchenhistorie  und 
Literatur,  tom.  i.  p.  401—419,  643—647. 

t  The  following  is  the  title  of  this  edition: — "La  Biblia  la  quale 
in  se  contiene  i  sacro  santi  Libri  del  vecchio  &  nuovo  Testamento,  i 
quali  ti  apporto  Christianissimo  Lettore,  nuovamente  tradotti  da  la 
Hebraica  &.  Greca  verita  in  lingua  Toscana  per  Antonio  Brucioli. 
Con  le  Concordantie  di  tutta  essa  scrittura  santa.  Et  con  due  tavole 
d'unadelle  quali  montra  i  luoghi  &  ordine  di  quella,  &.  I'altra  dichia- 
ra  tutta  le  mdterie  che  si  trattono  in  essa,  vemittendo  a  suvi  luoghi 
i  Lettori.  Cosa  nuova,  Si.  utilissima  ci  tutti  i  Christiani.  In  Venctia 
nel  MDXLT."  At  the  end  is,  "  Impresso  in  Venctia  nclle  case  di 
Francesco  Brucioli  &,  i  Fratcgli  nel  mese  di  Agosto  MDXLI."  (Schel- 
horn, Ergotzlich.  aus  der  Kirchenhist.  und  Literal,  tom.  i.  p.  410.) 

§  Brucioli  complains  of  the  incorrectness  of  this  impression,  and 
states  that  he  will  not  acknowledge  as  his  translations  any  that  have 
not  been  executed  by  the  printers  of  the  edition  in  1541. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  69 

Bible  by  Sante  Marmochini,*  which,  though  profess- 
ing to  be  translated  from  the  Hebrew  and  Greek,  is 
in  reality  a  version  of  the  vulgate,  except  when  it 
slavishly  copies  Brucioli.  Fra  Zaccario,  in  his  version 
of  the  New  Testament,t  followed  Marmochini.  Sub- 
sequently, the  New  Testament  was  translated  by 
Massimo  Teofilo,J  and  the  whole  Bible  by  Filippo 
Rusticio.§  Both  of  them  profess  it  as  their  object  to 
preserve  the  purity  of  the  Italian  language,  which  had 
been  neglected  by  those  who  had  gone  before  them ; 
and,  in  their  prefatory  and  subjoined  discourses,  they 
defend  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  in  the  vulgar 
tongues,  and  write  on  this  subject  in  every  respect  as 
Protestants.  II 

The  new  opinions  were  also  propagated  in  Italy 
by  the  intercourse  which  letters  and  travelling  had 
established  between  it  and  the  protestant  parts  of 
Europe.  It  had  long  been  the  custom  for  the  Ger- 
man youth  to  finish  their  education,  especially  in  law 
and  medicine,  at  Padua,  Bologna,  and  other  Italian 
universities.  The  Italians  began  now,  in  their  turn, 
to  visit  the  schools  of  Switzerland  and  Germany, 
whose  literary  reputation  was  daily  advancing;  and 
many  of  them  were  attracted  to  Wittemberg  by  the 
fame  of  Melancthon,  who  was  known  to  most  of  the 
learned  in  Italy,  and  with  whom  Bembo  and  Sado- 
leti  did  not  scruple  to  maintain  a  friendly  correspond- 
ence.lF  The  effects  of  this  intercourse  were  so  visible, 
that  it  was  repeatedly  complained  of  by  the  more 
zealous  defenders  of  the  old  rehgion;  and  a  writer  of 
that  age  gives  it  as  his  advice,  "that  a  stop  should  be 
put  to  all  commerce  and  intercourse,  epistolary  or 
otherwise,  between  the  Germans  and  Italians,  as  the 
best  means  of  preventing  heresy  from  pervading  the 

*  Printed  at  Venice  in  1538. 

+  Printed  in  1542. 

t  Printed  at  Lyons  in  1551. 

§  Printed  at  Geneva  in  1562. 

II  Henr.  a  Porta  De  Ling-.  Orient,  p.  7L  Abbate  D.  Giov.  Andres, 
D'Ogni  Letteratura,  torn.  xix.  p.  242.  Schelliorn,  Ergotz.  toin.  i.  p. 
418,  645,  646.     Gerdes,  Ital.  Ref.  p.  329,  340. 

IT  Melancthon,  Epist.  coll.  368,  373,  712,  728,  733,  758,  edit. 
Lond. 


70  HISTORY    OF    THE 

whole  of  Italy."*  At  a  later  period,  the  reformed 
opmions  and  books  were  hnported  by  merchants  be- 
longmg  to  Lyons,  and  other  parts  of  France,  who 
traded  with  the  Italian  states  t 

War,  which  brings  so  many  evils  in  its  train,  and 
which  proved  such  a  scourge  to  Italy  during  the  first 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  was  overruled  by  Pro- 
vidence for  disseminating  in  that  country  the  inesti- 
mable blessings  of  the  gospel.  The  troops  which 
Charles  V.  brought  from  Germany  to  assist  him  in 
his  Italian  expeditions,  and  the  Swiss  auxiliaries  who 
followed  the  standard  of  his  rival  Francis  L,  contained 
many  Protestants.  J  With  the  freedom  of  men  who 
have  swords  in  their  hands,  these  foreigners  con- 
versed on  the  religious  controversy  with  the  inhabitants 
among  whom  they  were  quartered.  They  extolled  the 
spiritual  liberty  which  they  enjoyed  at  home,  derided 
the  frightful  idea  of  the  reformers  which  the  monks 
had  impressed  on  the  minds  of  the  people,  talked  in 
the  warmest  strains  of  Luther  and  his  associates  as 
the  restorers  of  Christianity,  contrasted  the  purity  of 
their  lives  and  the  slender  income  with  which  they 
were  contented,  with  the  wealth  and  licentiousness  of 
their  opponents,  and  expressed  their  astonishment 
that  a  people  of  such  spirit  as  the  Italians  should  con- 
tinue to  yield  a  base  and  implicit  subjection  to  an  in- 
dolent and  corrupt  priesthood,  which  sought  to  keep 
them  in  ignorance,  that  it  might  feed  on  the  spoils  of 
their  credulity.  The  impression  which  these  repre- 
sentations were  calculated  to  make  on  the  minds  of 
the  people,  was  strengthened  by  the  angry  mani- 
festoes which  the  pope  and  the  emperor  published 
against  each  other.  Clement  charged  the  emperor 
with  indifference  to  religion,  and  complained  that  he 
had  enacted  laws,  in  various  parts  of  his  dominions, 

*  Busdragi  Epistola  de  Italia  a  Lutheranismo  preservanda;  in 
Serin.  Antiq.  torn.  i.  p.  324.  It  has  been  supposed  by  some,  that 
Ververio  concealed  himself  under  the  feigned  name  of  Gerardus 
Busdragus,  and  that  the  whole  letter  is  a  piece  of  irony. 

t  Galluzzi,  Istoria  del  Granducato  di  Toscano,  torn.  i.  p.  142. 

I  Robertson's  Charles  V.  vol.  ii.  p.  356.     Gerdes  Ital.  Ref.  p.  17. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  71 

which  were  highly  injurious  to  the  interests  of  the 
Church  and  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  the  holy  see. 
Ciiarles  recriminated,  by  accusing  the  pope  of  kind- 
hng  the  flames  of  war  in  Europe,  that  he  might  evade, 
what  was  universally  and  loudly  called  for,  the  refor- 
mation of  the  church  in  its  head  and  members:  he 
wrote  to  the  cardinals  to  summon  a  general  council 
for  this  purpose ;  and  threatened  that,  if  this  were  not 
done,  he  would  abolish  the  jurisdiction  of  the  pope 
throughout  Spain,  and  convince  other  nations,  by  his 
example,  that  ecclesiastical  abuses  might  be  corrected 
and  the  ancient  discipline  of  the  church  restored  with- 
out the  intervention  of  papal  authority.* 

Nor  did  the  emperor  rest  in  threaten ings.  His 
general,  the  duke  of  Bourbon,  having  entered  the 
papal  territories,  Rome  was  taken  and  sacked;  and 
the  pontifl:',  after  enduring  a  siege  in  the  castle  of 
St.  Angelo,  was  obliged  to  surrender  to  the  imperial 
troops,  and  to  remain  for  a  considerable  time  as  a 
captive  in  their  hands.  According  to  the  accounts 
given  by  Roman  Catholic  historians,  the  Germans  in 
the  emperor's  army  behaved  with  great  moderation 
towards  the  inhabitants  of  Rome  after  the  first  day's 
pillage,  and  contented  themselves  with  testifying  their 
detestation  for  idolatry ;  the  Spaniards  never  relented 
in  their  rapacity  and  cruelty,  torturing  the  prisoners 
to  make  them  discover  their  treasures ;  while  the  Ita- 
lians imitated  the  Spaniards  in  their  cruelty,  and  the 
Germans  in  their  impiety. t  A  scene  which  was  ex- 
hibited during  the  siege  of  the  castle,  will  convey  an 
idea  of  the  indignity  shown  to  all  which  had  been 
held  sacred  in  the  Roman  see.  A  party  of  German 
soldiers,  mounted  on  horses  and  mules,  assembled 
one  day  in  the  streets  of  Rome.  One  of  them,  named 
Grunwald,  distinguished  by  his  majestic  countenance 
and  stature,  being  attired  like  the  pope,  and  wearing 

*  Pro  divo  Carolo  ejus  nominis  quinto,  Apologetici  libri  duo;  Mo- 
gunt.  1527.  Sleidan,  Comment,  torn.  i.  p.  332—336,  edit.  Am  Ende. 
De  Thou,  Hist.  lib.  i.  sect.  11. 

t  Guicciardini,  II  Sacco  di  Roma;  and  the  authorities  quoted  by 
Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Rep.  Ital.  torn.  xv.  p.  274 — 276. 


72  HISTORY    OF    THE 

a  triple  crown,  was  placed  on  a  horse  richly  capari- 
soned. Others  were  arrayed  like  cardinals,  some 
wearing  mitres,  and  others  clothed  in  scarlet  or  white, 
according  to  the  rank  of  those  whom  they  personated. 
In  this  form  they  marched,  amidst  the  sounding  of 
drums  and  fifes,  and  accompanied  by  a  vast  con- 
course of  people,  with  all  the  pomp  and  ceremony 
usually  observed  in  a  pontifical  procession.  When 
they  passed  a  house  in  which  any  of  the  cardinals 
was  confined,  the  procession  stopped,  and  Grunwald 
blessed  the  people  by  stretching  out  his  fingers  in  the 
manner  practised  by  the  pope  on  such  occasions. 
After  some  time  he  was  taken  from  his  horse,  and 
borne  on  the  shoulders  of  one  of  his  companions  on  a 
pad  or  seat  prepared  for  the  purpose.  Having  reached 
the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  he  drank  from  a  large  cup 
to  the  safe  custody  of  Clement,  in  which  he  was 
pledged  by  his  attendants.  He  then  administered  to 
his  cardinals  an  oath,  in  which  they  engaged  to  yield 
due  obedience  and  faithful  allegiance  to  the  emperor, 
as  their  lawful  and  only  prince ;  and  not  to  disturb 
the  peace  of  the  empire  by  intrigues,  but,  as  became 
them,  according  to  the  precepts  of  Scripture  and  the 
example  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  to  be  subject  to 
the  civil  powers.  After  a  speech,  in  which  he  re- 
hearsed the  civil,  parricidal,  and  sacrilegious  wars  ex- 
cited by  the  popes,  and  acknowledged  that  providence 
had  raised  up  the  emperor  Charles  V.  to  revenge 
these  crimes  and  bridle  the  rage  of  wicked  priests,  the 
pretended  pontiff  solemnly  promised  to  transfer  all  his 
authority  and  power  to  Martin  Luther,  that  he  might 
remove  the  corruptions  which  had  infected  the  apos- 
tolical see,  and  completely  refit  the  ship  of  St.  Peter, 
that  it  might  no  longer  be  the  sport  of  the  winds  and 
waves,  through  the  unslcil fulness  and  negligence  of 
its  governors,  who,  intrusted  with  the  helm,  had  spent 
their  days  and  nights  in  drinking  and  debauchery. 
Then  raising  his  voice,  he  said,  "  All  who  agree  to 
these  things,  and  would  see  them  carried  into  execu- 
tion, let  them  signify  this  by  lifting  up  their  hands ;" 
upon  which  the  whole  band  of  soldiers,  raising  their 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  73 

hands,  exclaimed,  "  Long  live  pope  Luther !  Long 
live  pope  Luther!"  All  this  was  performed  under 
the  eye  of  Clement  VIL* 

In  other  circumstances,  such  proceedings  would 
have  been  regarded  in  no  other  light  than  as  the  un- 
bridled excesses  of  a  licentious  soldiery,  and  might 
have  excited  compassion  for  the  captive  pontiff;  but 
at  this  time  it  was  the  general  conviction,  that  the 
wars  which  had  so  long  desolated  Italy  were  chiefly 
to  be  ascribed  to  the  ambition  and  resentment  of  the 
popes;  the  conduct  of  Clement,  in  provoking  a  power- 
ful enemy  whom  he  was  incapable  of  resisting,  ap- 
peared to  be  the  effect  of  a  judicial  infatuation;  the 
disasters  which  befel  the  papal  see  and  the  city  of 
Rome  were  interpreted  as  marks  of  divine  displea- 
sure; and  those  who  insulted  over  them  were  re- 
garded as  heralds  employed  to  denounce  the  judg- 
ments of  heaven  against  an  incorrigible  court,  and  a 
city  which  was  desecrated  and  defiled  by  all  manner 
of  Avickedness.  These  were  not  merely  the  sentiments 
of  the  vulgar,  or  of  such  as  had  already  imbibed  the 
reformed  opinions;  they  were  entertained  by  digni- 
taries of  the  Roman  church,  and  uttered  within  the 
walls  of  the  Vatican.  We  have  a  proof  of  this  in  a 
speech  delivered  by  Staphylo,  bishop  of  Sibari,  at  the 
first  meeting  of  the  apostolical  Rota  held  after  Rome 
was  delivered  from  a  foreign  army.  Having  described 
the  devastations  committed  on  the  city,  the  bishop 
proceeds  in  the  following  strain: — "But  whence,  I 
pray,  have  these  things  proceeded?  and  why  have 
such  calamities  befallen  us?  Because  all  flesh  have 
corrupted  their  ways :  because  we  are  citizens,  not  of 
the  holy  city  of  Rome,  but  of  Babylon  the  wicked 
city.  The  word  of  the  Lord  spoken  by  Isaiah  is  ac- 
complished in  our  times — '  How  is  the  faithful  city 
become  an  harlot!  It  was  full  of  judgment  and  hoU- 
ness:  righteousness  formerly  dwelt  in  it;  now  sacri- 

*  Narratio  Direptionis  Expugnatae  Urbis,  ex  Italico  translata  a 
Casparo  Bartliio :  Fabricii  Ccnlifol.  Lutheran,  torn.  i.  p-  96—98. 
The  principal  facts  in  this  narrative  are  confirmed  by  the  popish 
writers,  Cochlseus,  Spondanus,  &.c. 

6 


74  HISTORY    OF    THE 

legions  persons  and  mnrderers!  Formerly  it  was 
inhabited  by  a  holy  nation,  a  peculiar  people,  but 
now  by  the  people  of  Gomorrah,  a  depraved  seed, 
wicked  children,  unfaithful  priests,  the  companions  of 
thieves  !'  Lest  any  should  suppose,"  continued  the 
bishop,  "  that  this  prophetic  oracle  was  fulfilled  long 
ago  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Babylonish  Jerusalem  by 
the  Roman  emperors  Vespasian  and  Titus,  seeing  the 
words  appear  to  refer  to  the  time  in  which  the  pro- 
phet lived,  I  think  it  proper  to  observe,  agreeably  to 
ecclesiastical  verity,  that  future  things- were  set  before 
the  eyes  of  the  prophet's  mind  as  present.  This  is 
evident  from  the  sacred  writings  throughout — '  The 
daughter  of  Zion  shall  be  forsaken  and  made  desolate 
by  the  violence  of  the  enemy.'  This  daughter  of 
Zion,  the  apostle  John,  in  the  book  of  Revelation, 
explains  as  meaning  not  Jerusalem,  but  the  city  of 
Rome,  as  appears  from  looking  into  his  description. 
For  John,  or  rather  the  angel  explaining  to  John  the 
vision  concerning  the  judgment  of  the  whore,  repre- 
sents this  city  as  meant  by  Babylon.  ^  The  woman 
whom  thou  sawest  is  that  great  city  which  reigns  (he 
refers  to  a  spiritual  reign)  over  the  kings  of  the  earth.' 
Again  John  says — '  She  sits  on  seven  hills;'  which 
applies  properly  to  Rome,  called,  from  ancient  times, 
the  seven-hilled  city.  She  is  also  said  to  '  sit  on  many 
waters,'  which  signify  people,  nations,  and  various 
languages,  of  which,  as  we  see,  this  city  is  composed 
more  than  any  other  city  in  the  Christian  world.  He 
says  also,  '  She  is  full  of  names  of  blasphemy,  the 
mother  of  uncleanness,  fornications,  and  abominations 
of  the  earth.'  This  supersedes  the  necessity  of  any 
more  specific  proof  that  Rome  is  the  city  referred  to ; 
seeing  these  vices,  though  they  prevail  everywhere, 
have  fixed  their  seat  and  empire  with  us."* 

If  such  was  the  impression  which  this  event  made 
on  the  mind  of  a  bishop,  and  such  the  language  held 
within  the  hearing  of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  what  must 

*  Oratio  habita  ad  Auditores  Rotce,  de  causis  Excidii  Urbis  Rpmae, 
anno  1527;  inter  Reruni  German.  Scriptores,  a  ISchardio,  torn,  ii, 
p.  613,  &-C.     Wolfii  Lect.  Memor.  torn.  ii.  p.  300. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  75 

have  been  the  feeUngs  and  the  language  of  those  who 
were  less  interested  in  the  support  of  the  ecclesiastical 
monarchy,  and  who  were  still  greater  sufferers  from 
the  ambition  and  tyranny  of  those  who  administered 
its  affairs?  The  mysterious  veil  of  sanctity,  by  which 
the  minds  of  the  vulgar  had  been  long  overawed,  was 
now  torn  off,  and,  when  revealed,  the  claims  of  the 
priesthood  appeared  to  be  as  arrogant  and  unfounded 
as  their  conduct  was  inconsistent  with  the  character 
which  they  had  assumed,  and  with  the  precepts  of 
that  religion  of  which  they  professed  to  be  the  teachers 
and  guardians.  The  horror  hitherto  felt  at  the  name 
of  heretic  and  Lutheran  began  to  abate  in  Italy,  and 
the  minds  of  the  people  were  prepared  to  listen  to  the 
teachers  of  the  reformed  doctrine,  who,  in  their  turn, 
were  emboldened  to  preach  and  make  proselytes  in  a 
more  open  manner  than  they  had  hitherto  ventured 
to  do.  "  In  Italy  also,"  says  the  historian  of  the  coun- 
cil of  Trent,  speaking  of  this  period,  "  as  there  had 
neither  been  Pope  nor  Papal  court  at  Rome  for  nearly' 
two  years,  and  as  most  men  looked  on  the  calamities 
which  had  fallen  on  both  as  the  execution  of  a  divine 
judgment,  on  account  of  the  corruptions  of  its  govern- 
ment, many  listened  with  avidity  to  the  Reformation ; 
in  several  cities,  and  particularly  at  Faenza,  which 
was  situated  within  the  territories  of  the  Pope,  ser- 
mons were  delivered  in  private  houses  against  the 
Church  of  Rome;  and  the  number  of  those  named 
Lutherans,  or,  as  they  called  themselves.  Evangeli- 
cals, increased  every  day.""*  That  these  sermons 
were  not  entirely  confined  to  private  houses,  and  that 
the  reformed  doctrine  was  publicly  preached  in  Italy 
before  the  year  1530,  we  learn  from  the  highest  au- 
thority. "From  the  report  made  to  us,"  says  Pope  Cle- 
ment VIL,  "we  have  learned  with  great  grief  of  heart, 
that,  in  different  parts  of  Italy,  the  pestiferous  heresy 
of  Luther  prevails  to  a  high  degree,  not  only  among 
secular  persons,  but  also  among  ecclesiastics  and  the 

*^'  Fra  Paolo,  Hist,  du  Concile  de  Trente,  vol.  i.  p.  87,  edit.  Cou- 
rayer.  With  this  the  statement  of  Giannone  exactly  agrees.  (Hist. 
Civ.  de  Naples,  torn.  iv.  p.  110.) 


76  HISTORY    OP    THE 

regular  clergy,  both  mendicant  and  non-mendicant; 
so  that  some,  by  their  discourses  and  conversation, 
and,  what  is  worse,  by  their  public  preaching,  infect 
numbers  with  this  disease,  greatly  scandalize  faithful 
Christians,  who  live  under  the  obedience  of  the  Ro- 
man Church  and  observe  its  lav/s,  and  contribute  to 
the  increase  of  heresies,  the  stumbling  of  the  weak, 
and  the  no  small  injury  of  the  Catholic  faith."*  These 
appearances,  while  they  gave  alarm  to  the  friends  of 
the  papacy,  excited  hopes  in  the  breasts  of  those  who 
had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Reformation.  Both 
parties  calculated  on  the  national  character  of  the 
Italians;  and  it  was  a  common  remark,  that  as  the 
plague,  aggravated  by  the  intenser  heat  of  the  sky, 
was  more  virulent  in  Italy  than  in  Germany,  so  Lu- 
theranism,  if  it  seized  on  the  more  susceptible  and 
ardent  minds  of  the  Italians,  would  rage  with  an  im- 
petuosity and  to  an  extent  as  yet  unparalleled.t 


CHAPTER  III. 


PROGRESS    OF    THE    REFORMATION    IN    THE    DIFFERENT   STATES    AND    CITIES 

OF  ITALY. 

Having  given  a  general  account  of  the  introduction 
of  the  reformed  opinions  into  Italy,  and  the  causes 
which  led  to  this  event,  I  now  proceed  to  trace  the 
progress  which  they  made  through  the  different  states 
and  cities  of  that  country. 

Ferrara  is  entitled  to  the  first  notice,  on  account 
of  the  protection  which  it  afforded,  at  an  early  period, 
to  the  friends  of  the  Reformation,  who  fled  from  va- 
rious parts  of  Italy  and  from  foreign  countries.  Under 
the  government  of  its  dukes  of  the  illustrious  house 
of  Este,  Ferrara  had,  for  some  time,  vied  with  Flo- 

*  Raynaldi  Annales,  ad  ann.  1530. 

t  Campegii  Cardinalis  Oratio  ad  ordines  Imperii  Norirnberg'.;  apud 
Seckendorf,  lib.  i.  p.  289.  Busdragi  Epistola;  in  Scrinio  Antiquario, 
torn.  i.  par.  ii.  p.  325. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  77 

rence  in  the  encouragement  of  learning  and  the  fine 
arts.     Ariosto  Uved  at  the  court  of  Alfonso  I.,  as  did 
Bernardo  Tasso,  and,  at  a  subsequent  period,  his  more 
iUustrious  son,  the  author  of  Jerusalem  Delivered^  at 
the  court  of  Ercole  II. ;   and,  in  consequence  of  this, 
the  genealogy  and  achievements  of  the  dukes  of  Fer- 
rara  have  been  transmitted  to  posterity  by  the  first 
poets  of  that  age.   Hercules  had  received  a  good  edu- 
cation, and  was  induced,  by  personal  judgment  and 
feeling,  to  yield  that  patronage  to  learned  men  which 
contemporary  princes  paid  as  a  tribute  to  fashion,  and 
out  of  regard  to  their  own  fame.*   The  house  of  Este 
had,  in  several  late  instances,  been  but  ill  repaid  for 
the  devotion  which  they  had  shown  to  the  interests 
of  the  see  of  Rome ;  but  the  reason  already  mentioned, 
as  attaching  the  Italian  princes  to  the  Pope,  overcame 
the  sense  of  injury.     Ippolito,  a  younger  son  of  duke 
Alfonso,  and  afterwards  his  nephew  Ludovico,  were 
cardinals;   and,  from  time  immemorial,  a  branch  of 
the  family  had  occupied  a  place  in  the  sacred  coUege.t 
Accordingly,  Alfonso  had  proved  a  faithful  ally  to 
Clement  during  the  humiliating  disasters  to  which  he 
was  exposed;  and  his  successor,  though  more  liberal 
in  his  religious  views  than  his  father,  avoided  any 
thhig  which  might  give  offence  to  the  supreme  pontiff. 
In  the  year  1527,  Hercules  II.  married  Renee,  or 
Renata,  daughter  of  Louis  XII.  of  France;  and  the 
countenance  shown  to  the  reformed  opinions  at  the 
court  of  Ferrara  is  chiefly  to  be  ascribed  to  the  in- 
fluence of  this  amiable  and  accomplished  princess. 
Distinguished  for  her  virtue  and  generosity,  at  once 
dignified  and  engaging  in  her  manners,  speaking  the 
French  and  Italian  languages  with  equal  purity,  and 

*  Caelii  Calcagnini  Opera,  p.  77,  116,  144,  175.  The  culogium 
which  Calcagnini  has  pronounced  on  him  is  justified  by  the  account 
of  a  conversation  between  them  respecting-  llie  choice  of  a  tutor  to 
the  duke's  son.     (lb.  p.  168  ;  conf.  p.  160—162.) 

+  Black's  Life  of  Tasso,  i.  348.     To  this  Ariosto  alludes:— 
'Twere  long  to  tell  the  names  of  all  tiiy  race. 
That  in  the  conclave  shall  obtain  a  place, 
To  tell  each  enterprise  their  arms  shall  gain, 
What  conquests  for  the  Roman  Church  obtain. 

(Orlando  Furioso,  book  iii.) 


78  HISTORY    or    THE 

deeply  versed  in  the  Greek  and  Roman  classics,  she 
attracted  the  love  and  admiration  of  all  who  knew 
her.*  Before  leaving  her  native  country  she  had 
become  acquainted  with  the  reformed  doctrine,  by 
means  of  some  of  those  learned  persons  who  fre- 
quented the  court  of  the  celebrated  Margaret,  queen 
of  Navarre;  and  she  was  anxious  to  facilitate  its 
introduction  into  the  country  to  which  her  residence 
was  now  transferred.  For  some  time  she  could 
only  do  this  under  the  covert  of  entertaining  its  friends 
as  men  of  letters,  which  the  duke,  her  husband,  was 
ready  to  encourage,  or  at  least  to  wink  at.  The  first 
persons  to  whom  she  extended  her  protection  and 
hospitality  on  this  principle,  were  her  own  country- 
men, whom  the  violence  of  persecution  had  driven 
out  of  France. 

Madame  de  Soubise,  the  governess  of  the  duchess, 
had  introduced  several  men  of  letters  into  the  court 
of  France  during  the  late  reign.t  She  now  resided 
at  the  court  of  Ferrara,  along  with  her  son,  Jean  de 
Parthenai,  sieur  de  Soubise,  afterwards  a  principal 
leader  of  the  Protestant  party  in  France ;  her  daugh- 
ter, Anne  de  Parthenai,  distinguished  for  her  elegant 
taste;  and  the  future  husband  of  this  young  lady, 
Antoine  de  Pons,  count  de  Marennes,  who  adhered 
to  the  reformed  cause  until  the  death  of  his  wife.:}: 
In  the  year  1534,  the  celebrated  French  poet,  Clement 
Marot,  fled  from  his  native  country,  in  consequence 
of  the  persecution  excited  by  the  aflair  of  the  placards, 
and  after  residing  for  a  short  time  at  the  court  of  the 
queen  of  Navarre,  in  Beam,  came  to  Ferrara. §     He 

*  Muratori,  AntichiU  Estensi,  torn.  ii.  p.  368.  Tiraboschi,  Storia, 
torn.  vii.  par.  i.  p.  37.     Calcagnini  Opera,  p.  149,  150. 

t  Oeuvres  de  Clement  Marot,  torn.  ii.  p.  182 — 184.  A  la  Have, 
1731. 

t  Ibid.  p.  178 — 181.     Bayle,  Diet.  art.  Soubise,  J.  de  Parthenai. 

§  In  the  biographical  and  critical  preface  to  the  Hague  edition  of 
Marot's  works,  by  Le  Chevalier  Gordon  de  Percel,  (under  which 
name  Nicole  Lcnglet  du  Fresnoy  is  supposed  to  have  concealed  him- 
self,) it  is  stated,  that  the  famous  Diana  of  Poitiers,  afterwards  mis- 
tress of  Henry  II.,  instigated  the  persecution  against  Marot,  in 
revenge  for  some  satirical  verses  which  he  had  written  on  her  for 
deserting  him.     (Tom.  i.  p.  25,  76.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  79 

was  recommended  by  Madame  de  Soubise  to  the 
duchess,  who  made  him  her  secretary  ;*  and  his  friend, 
Lyon  Jamet,  finding  it  necessary  soon  after  to  join 
him,  met  with  a  reception  equally  gracious.t  About 
the  same  time,  the  celebrated  reformer,  John  Calvin, 
visited  Ferrara,  where  he  spent  some  months,  under 
the  assumed  name  of  Charles  Heppeville.  He  re- 
ceived the  most  distinguished  attention  from  the 
duchess,  who  was  confirmed  in  the  Protestant  faith 
by  his  instructions,  and  ever  after  retained  the  highest 
respect  for  his  character  and  talents.J  In  the  year 
1536,  the  duke  of  Ferrara  entered  into  a  league  with 
the  pope  and  the  emperor,  by  one  of  the  secret 
articles  of  which  he  was  bound  to  remove  all  the 
French  from  his  court;  and  in  consequence  of  this,  the 
duchess  was  obliged  reluctantly  to  part  with  Madame 
de  Soubise  and  her  family. §  Marot  retired  to  Venice, 
from  which  he  soon  after  obtained  permission  to  re- 
turn to  his  native  country.  ||   It  is  not  improbable,  that 

*  Oeuvres  de  Marot,  torn.  i.  p.  75 — 79.     Beze,  Hist.  Eccl.  torn.  i. 
p.  22.     Le  Laboureur,  Addit.  aux  Mem.  de  Castelnau,  p.  716.  Nolten, 
Vita  Olympiae  MoratfB,  p.  60 — 62,  edit.  Hesse. 
t  Nolten,  p.  65—67. 

t  Beza,  Vita  Calvini.  Muratori,  Antichita  Estensi,  torn.  ii.  p.  389. 
Ruchat,  Hist,  de  la  Reform,  de  la  Suisse,  tom.  v.  p.  620.  The  mis- 
statements of  Varillas  and  Moreri,  respecting  Calvin's  visit  to  Italy, 
are  corrected  by  Bayle,  Diet.  art.  Soubise. 

§  Epitres  de  Rabelais,  p.  18.  Marot  has  described  with  much  ten- 
derness the  distress  of  mind  which  the  duchess  felt  on  this  occasion, 
in  an  epistle  to  the  queen  of  Navarre  : — 

Ha,  Marguerite  !  escoute  la  soufFrance 
Du  noble  cueur  de  Renee  de  France ; 
Puis  comme  soeur  plus  fort  que  d'esperance 

Console-la. 
Tu  s^ais  comment  hors  son  pays  alia, 
Et  que  parens  et  amis  laissa  id; 
Mais  tu  ne  s^ais  quel  traitement  elle  a 

En  terre  estrange. 
Elle  ne  voit  ceux  k  qui  se  veult  plaindre. 
Son  oeil  rayant  si  loing  ne  peult  attaindre, 
Et  puis  les  monts  pour  se  bien  lui  estaindre 
Sont  entre  deux. 

(Oeuvres,  tom.  ii.  p.  317,  318.) 
il  Tn  the  title  to  his  twenty  first  Cantique,  he  is  said  to  be  "  banni 
de  France,  depuis  chasse  de  Ferrara,  et  de  lii.  retir^  ^  Venise  1536." 
(Oeuvres,  tom.  ii.  p.  316,  comp.  tom.  i.  p.  82,  83.     Bayle,  art.  Marot, 
Clement.) 


80  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  poet  was  induced  at  first  to  take  part  with  the 
Reformers  from  resentment  at  the  opposition  which 
the  clergy  made  to  every  species  of  Uterature ;  but 
he  appears  to  have  conceived  a  real  attachment  to  the 
Protestant  doctrine  during  his  residence  at  Ferrara,  if 
we  may  judge  from  the  strain  of  the  letters  and  other 
pieces  which  proceeded  from  his  pen  at  this  time,  and 
which  breathe  the  spirit  of  martyrdom.  He  would 
probably  have  shrunk  from  the  fiery  trial,  if  he  had 
been  exposed  to  it ;  but  it  does  not  follow  from  this, 
either  that  the  sentiments  referred  to  are  not  noble,  or 
that  the  author  was  not  in  earnest  when  he  uttered 
them.*  Lyon  Jamet  was  allowed  to  remain  with  the 
duchess,  probably  as  a  person  less  known  than  Marot, 
and  discharged  the  duty  of  secretary  to  Renee  after 
the  departure  of  his  friend.t  Hubert  Languet,  an 
accomplished  scholar,  and  one  of  the  first,  or  at  least 
soundest,  politicians  of  his  age,  embraced  the  reformed 
faith  while  residing  in  Ferrara.J 

Several  persons,  who  were  decidedly  favourable  to 
the  Reformation,  obtained  a  place  in  the  university  of 
Ferrara,  which  was  now  fast  recovering  its  former 
lustre,  after  having  suffered  severely  from  the  civil 
wars,  in  which  the  family  of  Este  had,  for  many 
years,  been  involved. §     But  the  reformed  doctrine 

*  The  account  which  he  gave  of  his  faith,  in  his  poetical  epistle, 
addressed  to  his  prosecutor,  Mons.  Bouchar,  in  1525,  differs  widely 
from  that  which  is  contained  in  his  epistle    addressed    to   Francis 
I.  in  1536.    {Oeuvres,  torn.  ii.  p.  39,  comp.  p.  167.)     In  the  latter,  his 
willingness  to  suffer  mart\rdom,  which  his  biographer,  after  Bayle, 
laughs  at,  is  expressed  in  the  following  lines : — 
Que  pleust  a  1'  Eternel, 
Pour  le  grand  bien  du  peuple  desole, 
Que  leur  desir  de  mon  sang  fust  saoule, 
Ettant  d'abus,  dont  ils  se  sont  munis, 
Fussent  a  cler  descouverts  et  punis, 
O  quatre  fois  et  cinq  fois  bien  heureuse 
La  mort,  tant  soit  cruelle  et  rigoureuse  ! 
Qui  feroit  seule  un  million  de  vies 
Sous  tels  abus  n'estre  plus  asservies  ? 
t  Oeuvres  de  Marot,  torn.  ii.  p.  159.     Bayle,  art.  Marot,  Clement. 
t  Langueti  Epistolaj,  lib.  i.  part.  ii.  p.  Ill,  264.     Halae,  1699. 
§  In   the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  there  were  so  many 
English  students  at  the  university  of  Ferrara,  as  to  form  a  distinct 
nation  in  that  learned  corporation.     (Bersetti  Hist.  Gymn.  Ferrar. 
apud  Tiraboschi,  torn.  vii.  p.  119.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  81 

was  propagated  chiefly  by  means  of  those  learned 
men  whom  the  duchess  retained  in  her  family  for  the 
education  of  her  children.  This  was  conducted  on  an 
extensive  scale,  suited  to  the  liberality  of  her  own 
views  and  munificence  of  her  husband.  Teachers  in 
all  branches  of  polite  letters  and  arts  were  provided. 
In  the  galaxy  of  enlightened  men  which  adorned  the 
court  of  Ferrara,  were  Celio  Calcagnini,  Lilio  Giraldi, 
Bartolomeo  Riccio,  Marzello  Palingenio,  and  Marcan- 
tonio  Flaminio,  all  of  them  men  whose  minds  were 
elevated  above  the  superstitions  of  their  age,  if  they 
were  not  converts  to  the  Protestant  faith.*  During  a 
visit  which  the  pontiff,  Paul  III.  paid  to  Ferrara,  in 
the  year  1543,  the  Adelphi  of  Terence  was  acted  by 
the  youth  of  the  family,  and  the  three  daughters  of 
the  duke,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  only  twelve,  and 
the  youngest  five  years  of  age,  performed  their  parts 
with  great  applause. t  His  holiness  was  not  then 
aware  of  the  religious  sentiments  of  the  masters,  by 
whom  the  juvenile  princesses  had  been  qualified  for 
affording  him  this  classical  amusement.  Chilian  and 
John  Sinapi,  two  brothers  from  Germany,  instructed 
them  in  Greek,  and  being  Protestants,  imbued  their 
minds  with  sound  views  of  religion. J  Fulvio  Pere- 
grino  Morata,  a  native  of  Mantua,  and  a  successful 
teacher  of  youth  in  various  parts  of  Italy,  had  been 
tutor  to  the  two  younger  brothers  of  the  duke,  and 
having  returned  to  Ferrara  in  1539,  was  readmitted 
to  his  professorship  in  the  university. §  Like  most  of 
his  learned  countrymen,  Morata's  mind  had  been 
engrossed  with  secular  studies  during  the  first  part  of 

*  Nolten,  Vita  Olympije  Moratae,  p.  67 — 87,  ed.  Hesse. 

t  Muratori,  Anticli.  Est.  ii.  368. 

t  Opera  Olympise  Moratoe,  p.  76,  97,  203,  205. 

§  Nolten,  vt  supra,  p.  14 — 17.  His  works  in  Italian  and  in  Latin 
are  mentioned  by  Tiraboschi,  (Storia,  torn.  vii.  p.  1197 — 1200,)  and 
by  Scheliiorn.  (Anioen.  Eccl.  et  Lit.  torn.  ii.  p.  647.)  A  warm 
eulogium  is  passed  on  him  by  Calcagnini,  (Opera,  p.  156,)  and  by 
Benibo.  (Epist.  Famil.  apud  Schelhorn.)  Bembo,  in  a  letter  "  a  M. 
Bernardo  'lasso,  Secretariodella  Signora  Duchessa  di  Ferrara,"  May 
27,  1529,  speaks  of  "Maestro  Pellegrino  Moretto,"  as  having  said 
some  injurious  things  of  his  prose  works.  (Lettcre,  torn.  iii.  p.  226. 
Milano,  1810.) 


82  HISTORY    OF    THE 

his  life,  but  having  met  with  Celio  Secimdo  Curio,  a 
refugee  from  Piedmont,  he  imbibed  from  him  the 
knowledge  of  evangelical  truth  and  a  deep  sense  of 
religion.*  Esteemed  for  his  learning  and  integrity, 
he  became  still  more  celebrated  as  the  father  of  Olym- 
pia  Morata,  the  most  enlightened  female  of  the  age, 
whom  he  educated  with  a  zeal  prompted  by  parental 
fondness  and  professional  enthusiasm.  In  conse- 
quence of  her  early  proficiency  in  letters,  Olympia 
was  chosen  by  the  duchess  to  be  the  companion  of 
her  eldest  daughter,  Anne,  with  whom  she  improved 
in  every  elegant  and  useful  accomplishment;  and 
although  she  afterwards  acknowledged  that  her  per- 
sonal piety  suffered  from  the  bustle  and  blandishments 
of  a  court,  yet  it  was  during  her  residence  in  the  ducal 
palace  that  she  first  acquired  that  knowledge  of  the 
gospel  which  supported  her  mind  under  the  priva- 
tions and  hardships  which  she  afterwards  had  to 
endure,  t 

We  have  no  means  of  ascertaining  the  number  of 
Protestants  at  Ferrara,  which  probably  varied  at  dif- 
ferent times,  according  to  the  fluctuating  politics  of 
the  duke,  and  the  measures  of  religious  constraint  or 
toleration  which  were  alternately  adopted  by  the 
other  states  of  Italy.  One  account  mentions,  that 
they  had  several  preachers  as  early  as  the  year  1528  -,% 
but  whether  they  were  permitted  to  teach  publicly  or 
not,  we  are  not  informed.  That  their  labours  were 
successful,  is  evident  from  the  number  of  distin- 
guished persons  who  either  imbibed  the  Protestant 
doctrine,  or  were  confirmed  in  their  attachment  to  it, 
at  Ferrara.  The  most  eminent  of  the  Italians  who 
embraced  the  reformed  faith,  or  who  incurred  the  sus- 
picions of  the  clergy  by  the  liberality  of  their  opinions, 
had  resided  for  some  time  at  the  court  of  Ferrara,  or 

*  Fulvio  Morata  calls  Curio  his  "  divine  teacher — one  sent  of  God 
to  instruct  him,  as  Ananias  was  sent  to  Paul."  (Nolten,  Vita  Olym- 
piae  Moratas,  p.  17,  18,  ed.  Hesse.  Opuscula  Olympiae  Moratoe,  p. 
94,  96,  edit.  Basil.  1580.) 

t  Ccelii  Secundi  Curionis  Arancus,  p.  153,  154.     Basil.  1544. 

t  Tempe  Helvetica,  torn.  iv.  p.  138. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  83 

were  indebted  in  one  way  or  other  to  the  patronage 
of  Renee.* 

MoDENA  was  also  under  the  government  of  the 
house  of  Este,  and  most  probably  owed  its  first  ac- 
quaintance with  the  reformed  opinions  to  the  same 
cause  which  introduced  them  into  Ferrara.  Some  of 
the  Modenese  were  among  the  early  correspondents 
of  Luther.t  Few  cities  of  Italy  in  that  age  could 
boast  of  having  given  birth  to  a  greater  number  of 
persons  eminent  for  talents  and  learning  than  Modena. 
It  reckoned  among  its  citizens  four  of  the  most  accom- 
plished members  of  the  sacred  college,  (including  Sado- 
let,)  Sigonio,  the  celebrated  antiquary,  Castelvetro,  a 
critic  of  great  acuteness,  and  many  others,  whose 
names  occur  frequently  in  the  history  of  Italian  litera- 
ture. Modena  possessed  one  of  those  academies  which 
sprung  up  in  such  great  numbers  in  Italy  during  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  threw  into  shade  the  old  and 
endowed  seminaries  of  science.  It  owed  its  origin  to 
Giovanni  Grillenzone,  an  enlightened  physician,  in 
whose  house  it  met.  The  object  of  the  associates 
was,  at  first,  to  promote  their  mutual  improvement, 
by  conversation  and  the  reading  of  papers  on  literary 
and  scientific  subjects.  But  lectures  were  grafted  on 
the  original  institution,  which  became  so  celebrated, 
especially  after  it  procured  the  services  of  Franciscus 
Portus,  a  learned  Greek,  as  to  attract  young  men 
from  all  parts  of  Italy  to  Modena.  The  academy 
appears,  at  an  early  period,  to  have  incurred  the  sus- 
picion of  being  infected  with  the  new  opinions  re- 
specting religion.  A  writer,  who  has  thrown  great 
light  on  the  history  of  Italy,  is  of  opinion,  that  the 
proceedings  against  this  society  originated  in  one  of 
those  quarrels  in  which  the  literati  of  that  age  were 

*  Gerdes.  Ital.Ref.  p.  28,  29.  One  of  these  was  Giovanni  Francesco 
Virginio,  a  native  of  Brescia,  and  author  of  a  paraphrase  on  the 
Epistles  of  Paul  to  the  Romans,  Galatians,  and  Hebrews ;  printed  at 
Lyons  in  1565.  Speaking  of  Renee,  Fontanini  says,  "  Gianfrancesco 
Virginio  Bresciano  in  dedicarle  quegli  le  sue  lettere,  seminata  di  frasi 
Protestanti,  e  stampate  in  Venezia— nel  1548."  (Delia  Eloq.  Ital. 
p.  306.) 

t  Gerdesii  Italia  Reformata,  p.  61. 


84  HISTORY    OF    THE 

not  imfrequently  involved  with  the  reUgious  orders, 
and  in  the  resentment  of  Annibale  Caro  against  Cas- 
telvetro,  a  member  of  the  academy,  who  had  written 
a  severe  criticism  on  one  of  his  poems;*  but  more 
accurate  investigation  has  proved  that  they  had  a 
deeper  foundation.  It  would  seem  that  the  priests 
looked  upon  the  academy,  from  its  commencement, 
with  a  jealous  eye;  while  the  academicians,  in  their 
turn,  were  not  scrupulous  in  expressing  their  con- 
tempt of  the  priests,  and  especially  of  the  monks,  on 
account  of  their  ignorance  and  hypocrisy;  and,  ac- 
cording to  all  accounts,  the  latter  appear  to  have  had 
good  reason  for  the  feelings  which  they  indulged.! 
But  the  clergy  had  also  reason  for  suspecting  that 
their  opponents  had  departed  from  the  Romish  faith. 
In  December  1537,  Serafina,  a  canon  regular  of  St. 
Augustine,  preaching  in  the  cathedral  church,  told  his 
audience  that  the  Lutheran  errors  had  begun  to  spread 
in  Modena;  and,  in  proof  of  his  assertion,  referred  to 
a  book,  infected  with  heresy,  which  had  come  into  his 
hands.  He  had  found  it  in  the  chamber  of  Lucrezia 
Pica,  widow  of  count  Claudio  Rangone,  and  had  ex- 
amined it,  along  with  the  inquisitor  of  heretical  pra- 
vity  and  the  vicar  of  the  diocese,  who  had  set  on  foot 
an  inquiry  into  the  author  of  the  work,  and  the  per- 
son who  had  brought  it  into  the  city.  It  was  easily 
traced  to  Gadaldino,  a  printer  and  bookseller;  the 
author  could  not  be  discovered,  but  it  was  strongly 

*  Muratori,  Vita  del  Castelvetro;  Opere  Critiche,  p.  17.  In  the 
former  edition,  I  was  guided  chiefly  by  the  account  which  Tiraboschi 
gives  of  the  affair  in  his  history  of  Ualian  Literature;  but  I  have 
since  had  access  to  the  Bitdioteca  Modenese  of  that  author,  in  which 
he  furnishes  more  ample  details,  supported  by  the  most  authentic 
documents.     It  is  in  6  vols.  4to,  printed  at  Modena  in  1781 — 1786. 

t  In  1530,  a  fi  iar,  preaching  in  the  cathedral  of  Modena  during 
Lent,  produced  and  read  to  his  audience  a  letter  from  Jesus  Christ, 
drawn  up  in  the  style  of  a  papal  brief;  beginning  with  "  Jesus  Epis- 
copus,"  and  ending  with  "  Nulli  ergo  omnino  hominum,  Sec.  Datum 
in  Paradise  Terrestri  Creationis  Mundi  die  sexto,  Pontificatus  nostri 
anno  seterno,"  Sec.  (Biblioteca  Modenese,  dal  Girolamo  Tiraboschi, 
torn.  i.  p.  11.)  Grillenzone,  in  a  letter  to  Sadolet,  accounts  for  the 
informations  which  the  monks  had  laid  against  him,  by  saying,  "  My 
nature  is  such,  that  I  could  never  conceal  my  displeasure  at  the  con- 
duct of  the  idle,  ignorant,  and  hypocritical."    (lb.  tom.  ii.  p.  435.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  85 

suspected  he  was  one  of  the  members  of  the  academy, 
several  of  whom  did  not  scruple  to  avow  their  appro- 
bation of  the  book,  as  containing  doctrine  which  was 
both  orthodox  and  edifying.  The  book  was  publicly 
burnt  at  Rome,  and  all  the  copies  of  it  appear  to  have 
been  carefully  destroyed.*  Soon  after  this  occurrence, 
at  the  marriage  of  a  daughter  of  Niccolo  Machelli,  a 
member  of  the  academy,  two  persons  in  masks  en- 
tered the  place  of  entertainment,  and  recited  a  long 
satire  on  the  preacher  Serafina ;  and  at  the  same  time 
similar  pasquinades  were  atiixed  to  the  pillars  of  the 
cathedral,  the  gate  of  the  Dominican  convent,  and 
other  public  places  in  the  city.  Through  the  influ- 
ence of  the  countess  Lucrezia,  who  felt  herself  scan- 
dalized by  the  affair,  the  duke  ordered  two  persons, 
tutors  to  two  of  the  principal  families  of  the  city,  to  be 
thrown  into  prison,  as  the  authors  of  this  insult  on  the 
clergy;  but  they  were  soon  after  liberated,  on  the 
ground  that  they  had  not  named  any  individual  as 
the  object  of  their  raillery.  As  the  clergy  persevered 
in  declaiming  against  the  new  opinions,  the  academi- 
cians had  recourse  to  their  former  method  of  retalia- 
tion; and,  irritated  by  the  ignorant  harangues  to  which 
they  were  obliged  to  listen,  they,  in  some  instances, 
rose  up  in  the  midst  of  the  church,  criticised  the  ser- 
mon, and  held  up  the  preacher  to  the  derision  of  the 
audience.  Fra  Serafina,  who  had  left  the  city  for 
some  time,  having  ventured  to  return  in  1539,  was 
driven  from  the  pulpit  in  disgrace.     So  far  indeed 

*  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  8 — 10,  14.  We  are  indebted  for  all 
our  knowledge  of  this  book  to  an  honest  chronicler  who  lived  at  that 
time  in  Modena.  On  hearing-  it  denounced  from  tlie  pulpit  as  hereti- 
cal, he  returned  a  copy  of  it,  which  he  had  lately  purchased,  and  re- 
claimed his  money;  but  his  curiosity  conquered  his  fears  so  far,  that 
he  previously  inserted  a  description  of  it  in  his  diary.  It  was  in 
mezzo  quarto,  and  consisted  of  ninety  six  pages,  divided  into  thirty- 
one  chapters.  The  following  is  the  title: — "II  Summario  de  la 
Sancta  Scriptura,  &  I'ordinario  de  li  Christiani,  qual  demonstra  la 
vere  fede  Christiana,  mediante  la  quale  siamo  justificuti,  cSii-  de  la 
vertu  del  baptismo  secondo  la  doctrina  de  I'Evangelio  &  de  li  Apos- 
toli,  cum  una  informazione,  como  tutti  li  Stati  debbono  vivere  secondo 
TEvangelio."  It  had  no  name  of  author  or  printer,  nor  any  date. 
"  Summarium  Scripturae"  is  mentioned  in  the  Index  Libr.  Frohib.  of 
1559,  sig.  E.  7. 


86  HISTORY    OF    THE 

were  the  monks  from  being  able  to  check  the  pro- 
gress of  the  reformed  doctrine  in  the  city,  that  they 
could  not  prevent  it  from  finding  its  way  into  their 
own  cloisters.  A  friar,  named  Antonio  della  Catellina, 
having  preached  with  great  applause  during  the  feast 
of  Pentecost,  was  accused  of  heresy;  but,  instead  of 
retracting,  he  appeared  again  in  the  pulpit,  and  de- 
fended the  doctrine  which  he  had  taught.*  This  pro- 
duced a  papal  rescript,  charging  the  inquisitor  to  make 
a  strict  investigation  into  the  opinions  of  the  religious 
orders  established  in  the  city.t 

Matters  were  in  this  state,  when,  in  1540,  Paolo 
Ricio  came  to  Modena.ij:  He  was  a  native  of  Sicily, 
obtained  the  degree  of  doctor  of  theology  at  Naples, 
and  belonged  to  the  order  of  Minor  Conventuals ;  but 
having  thrown  off  the  cowl,  that  he  might  dissemi- 
nate the  gospel  with  greater  freedom,  took  the  name 
of  Lisia  Fileno.  He  was  cordially  welcomed  by  the 
members  of  the  academy,  and  made  it  his  business  to 
seek  out  the  friends  of  truth  in  the  city,  whom  he  per- 
suaded to  meet  for  worship  in  a  private  house.  They 
were  confirmed  by  his  instructions,  which  were  the 
means  of  adding  to  their  numbers.  A  great  sensation 
was  produced  in  the  city;  the  Scriptures  became  the 
common  topic  of  conversation;  and  the  subjects  in  dis- 
pute between  the  Church  of  Rome  and  the  Reformers 
were  freely  and  eagerly  discussed.  "  Persons  of  all 
classes,"  says  a  contemporary  historian  of  the  popish 
persuasion,  "  not  only  the  learned,  but  also  the  illiter- 
ate, and  even  women,  wherever  they  met,  in  the  streets, 
in  shops,  or  in  churches,  disputed  about  faith  and  the 
doctrine  of  Christ,  and  all  promiscuously  tortured  the 
sacred  Scriptures,  quoting  Paul,  Matthew,  John,  the 
Apocalypse,  and  all  the  doctors,  whose  writings  they 
never  saw."§  The  news  of  this  success  of  the  gospel 
reached  Germany,  and  drew  from  Bucer  a  letter  of 

*  Bibl.  Modenesc,  torn.  i.  p.  9—12. 
t  Spondani  Annal.  ad  an.  1539. 

t  Riederer,  Nachrichten  zur    Kirchen-gelehrten  und    Biicherges- 
chichte,  torn.  i.  p.  172,  174  ;  torn,  iii,  p.  444. 

§  Cronaca  di  Alessandro  Tassoni:  Tiraboschi,  Storia  della  Letter. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  87 

congratulation  and  advice  to  the  Modenese  disciples.* 
Loud  complaints  were  made  by  the  priests  to  the  Pope, 
who  remonstrated  with  the  duke;  and  Ricio,  who, 
foreseeing  the  danger,  had  left  Modena,  was  seized 
at  the  neighbouring  village  of  Staggio,  and  being  con- 
ducted as  a  prisoner  to  Ferrara,  chose  to  make  a  pub- 
lic recantation  of  his  opinions,  rather  than  be  sent  to 
Rome,  where  he  expected  no  mercy.  But  the  seed 
sown  by  him  in  Modena  had  taken  too  deep  root  to 
be  injured  by  his  defection.  With  the  view  of  pre- 
venting the  renewal  of  the  contentions,  the  duke  had 
issued  orders  that  none  should  occupy  the  pulpit  with- 
out the  permission  of  the  vicar  of  the  diocese;  but  so 
great  was  the  avidity  of  the  people  to  hear  the  Scrip- 
tures expounded,  that  some  of  the  preachers  were 
bold  enough  to  break  through  the  restriction,  in  which 
they  were  supported  by  the  local  magistrates,  who 
wrote  in  their  favour  to  the  ducal  court.  In  the  course 
of  the  year  1540,  the  celebrated  Ochino,  of  whom  we 
shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  speak  largely,  came 
to  Modena,  and  preached  in  the  cathedral  church,  to 
so  great  a  crowd,  that,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
one  of  the  audience,  "  there  was  scarcely  room  to 
stand."  He  resisted  the  entreaties  of  the  academi- 
cians, who  urged  him  to  remain  during  Lent,  promis- 
ing that  they  would  prevail  on  the  preacher,  whose 
services  had  been  engaged  for  that  season,  to  yield 
his  place  to  him.  Though  the  defection  of  Ochino 
from  the  Catholic  faith  was  not  then  known,  the 
clergy  were  displeased  at  a  mode  of  preaching  so 
different  from  their  own,  and  at  the  applause  be- 
stowed on  it,  especially  by  their  adversaries  of  the 
academy.  One  of  the  most  obnoxious  of  these  was 
Giovanni  di  Politiano,  called  also  de'Berettari.  In 
his  youth  he  had  been  highly  esteemed  by  Cardinals 

Ital.  torn.  vii.  p.  168.  Ginguene  has  translated  this  passage  into 
good  French,  and  given  it  as  his  own  description  of  the  fact,  without 
seeming  to  be  aware  that  it  was  the  common  language  of  Roman 
Catholic  writers  of  that  age,  when  they  spoke  of  the  reading  of  the 
Scriptures,  or  conversation  on  religious  topics,  by  the  people. 
*  Buceri  Scripta  Anglicana,  p.  687. 


88  HISTORY    OP    THE 

Bembo  and  Bibbiena  for  his  poetical  vein,  and  was, 
at  this  time,  tutor  to  Camillo,  a  son  of  the  celebrated 
Francesco  Molza.  Being  in  priest's  orders,  he  ex- 
pounded the  Scriptures  in  tlie  house  of  his  patron; 
and  to  this  exercise  the  citizens  resorted  in  great 
numbers  after  the  removal  of  Ricio.  In  consequence 
of  information  lodged  against  him  by  a  spy,  he  was 
accused  of  having  advanced,  in  his  exposition  of 
Paul's  Epistles,  three  erroneous  propositions;  one  of 
which  was,  that  prayers  in  an  unknown  tongue  are 
not  pleasing  to  God.  Berettari  waited  on  the  inqui- 
sitor, to  whom  he  gave  an  explanation  of  his  words; 
but  this  proving  unsatisfactory,  he  was  summoned, 
and,  declining  to  attend,  was  excommunicated  for 
contumacy.  Upon  this  he  appealed  to  the  Pope,  and, 
through  the  influence  of  Molza  with  Cardinal  Far- 
nese,  the  nephew  of  Paul  III.,  the  inquisitor  was 
summoned  to  Rome.  After  a  delay  of  some  months, 
Berettari  was  acquitted,  and,  on  the  first  of  October 
1541,  returned,  along  with  his  pupil,  in  triumph  to 
Modena;  but  his  enemies  were  clamorous,  and  a  new 
process  having  been  commenced  against  him  at  Rome, 
he  was  found  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  do  penance  pri- 
vately in  the  presence  of  a  few  select  persons.* 

During  these  transactions,  cardinal  Morone,  the 
bishop  of  Modena,  was  chiefly  absent  on  missions 
from  the  pope  to  Germany.  Reports  of  the  progress 
of  heresy  in  his  diocese  had  repeatedly  reached  his 
ear,  and  they  gave  him  the  more  uneasiness,  that  he 
was  no  stranger  to  the  corruptions  in  the  church,  and 
felt  an  esteem  for  several  of  the  persons  who  were 
principally  inculpated.  In  a  letter  to  the  duke  of  Fer- 
rara,  dated  21st  of  November  1541,  he  says — "Eight 
days  ago  I  came  to  JVIodena  to  make  residence  at  my 
church,  and  to  endeavour,  with  the  divine  assistance, 
to  do  all  in  my  power,  consistently  with  charity,  to 
remove  the  bad  fame  which  this  city  of  your  excel- 
lency has  incurred,  not  only  in  Italy  but  abroad,  in 
reference  to  the  modern  novelties  of  opinion.     I  had 

■    *  Bibl.  Modenesc,  torn.  i.  p.  12—14,  230—234. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  89 

proceeded  so  far  in  this  affair,  and  brought  it  to  some 
issue,  when  I  received  an  order  from  his  hohness  to 
repair  to  Rome."*  On  occasion  of  another  visit  to 
his  diocese,  he  writes,  on  the  20th  May,  1542,  to  his 
friend,  cardinal  Contarini — "  I  have  found  things  which 
infinitely  distress  me,  and,  while  I  perceive  the  dan- 
ger, am  quite  at  a  loss  as  to  the  means  by  which  I 
can  extricate  myself  in  the  affairs  of  this  flock,  which, 
with  my  blood,  I  would  willingly  secure  to  Christ,  and 
clear  from  public  infamy.  Wherever  I  go,  and  from 
all  quarters,  I  hear  that  the  city  is  become  Lutheran. 
Your  suspicions  are  not  without  foundation,  for  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  much  ignorance,  joined  with 
great  audacity  and  little  charity,  reigns  among  the 
monks ;  but  against  the  other  side  there  are  many  vio- 
lent suspicions,  and  even  some  proofs,  which  I  mean 
to  verify,  with  the  view  of  adopting  the  remedies 
which  God  may  direct."!  And,  on  the  30th  of  July, 
he  writes  to  the  same  person — "  Yesterday  a  minister 
of  that  order  frankly  told  me  that  their  preachers  would 
no  longer  go  to  Modena,  on  account  of  the  persecu- 
tion to  which  they  were  exposed  from  the  academy, 
it  being  every  where  spread  abroad  that  the  city  is 
Lutheran."! 

Florence,  the  capital  of  Tuscany,  rose  to  great 
distinction  at  the  era  of  the  revival  of  letters.  No 
city  in  Italy  could  vie  with  it  in  the  number  of  its 
enlightened  citizens,  the  flourishing  state  of  its  acade- 
mies, and  the  encouragement  which  it  gave  to  every 
branch  of  science  and  liberal  art.  But  the  high  culti- 
vation of  these  studies  has  rarely  been  favourable 
either  to  pure  religion  or  genuine  liberty.  Supersti- 
tion, by  appealing  chiefly  to  the  senses,  allies  itself 
with  the  fine  arts;  and  the  munificence  with  which 
letters  were  fostered  at  their  first  introduction  into 
Europe,  tended  in  many  instances  to  corrupt  both  the 
patrons  and  their  clients.  The  family  of  Medici,  after 
raising  their  native  city  to  renown,  concluded  by  de- 

*  lb.  torn.  iii.  p.  307. 

t  Quirini  Diatrib.  ad  vol.  iii.  Epist.  Card.  Poli,  p.  cclxix. 

I  Ibid.  p.  cclxxxvi. 

7 


90  HISTORY    OF    THE 

priving  it  of  its  liberties;  and  so  true  is  the  maxim, 
"  men  will  praise  thee  when  thou  dost  well  to  thy- 
self," that  their  ambition  has  found  apologists  in  those 
who  have  celebrated  their  early  patriotism.  Florence, 
in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  felt  herself  honoured  by 
seeing  two  of  her  sons  exalted  to  the  chair  of  St.  Peter : 
during  the  pontificate  of  Leo  X.  the  Lutheran  schism 
broke  out;  and  before  the  death  of  Clement  VIL, 
when  it  began  to  spread  in  Italy,  Cosmo  de'  Medici 
had  established  himself  as  duke  of  Tuscany.  In  these 
circumstances,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  Refor- 
mation would  encounter  the  most  strenuous  and 
powerful  resistance  in  that  city. 

Notwithstanding  these  obstacles,  we  are  assured 
that  the  reformed  docrine  had  made  its  way  into  Flo- 
rence before  the  year  1525,  and  was  embraced  by 
many  of  its  citizens.*  Among  these  was  a  person 
who  has  been  already  mentioned,  but  who  deserves 
more  particular  notice  on  account  of  the  invaluable 
services  which  he  rendered  to  Italy  by  his  writings. 
Antonio  Brucioli  was  born  about  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  and  early  distinguished  himself 
among  the  members  of  the  Platonic  academy  erected 
in  his  native  city.  Attached  to  popular  government, 
he  was  induced  by  youthful  ardour  to  embark  in  a 
design  for  expelling  the  house  of  Medici  from  Flo- 
rence; but  the  conspiracy  being  discovered,  he  was 
obliged  to  fly,  and  after  spending  some  time  at  Venice, 
retired  into  France,  from  which  he  went  to  Germany.t 
During  the  five  years  which  he  spent  in  exile,  his 
political  feelings  were  mellowed  by  the  infusion  of 
the  spirit  of  religious  liberty,  and  his  studies  assumed 
a  graver  cast.  At  Venice  he  applied  to  the  study  of 
Febrew,  in  which  he  afterwards  acquired  great  pro- 
ficiency ;.t  and  in  Germany  he  found  the  best  helps 

*  ?antes  Pagnini,  Prsefat.  in  Bibl.  Latin,  anno  1528. 

t  Varchi,  Storia  Fior.  lib.  vii.  p.  211.  Giornali  de'  Letterati  o'ltalla, 
torn,  xxxii.  p.  232— 240. 

t  In  a  letter  addressed  to  him  in  1537,  Aretino  says,  "  Voi  sete 
huomo  senza  pare  nel'  intelligentia  de  la  lingua  Hebraica  ,  Cireeca, 
Latina,  e  Chaldea."     (Colomesii  Ital.  Orient,  p.  60.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  91 

for  understanding  the  Scriptures.  In  the  year  1527, 
when  the  emperor  had  humbled  Clement  VII.,  and 
the  authority  of  the  Medici  was  suspended  in  Flo- 
rence, Brucioli  returned  to  his  native  city;  but  his  late 
intercourse  with  Lutherans  had  brought  upon  him  the 
suspicion  of  heresy,  which  was  increased  by  the  free 
manner  in  which  he  talked  of  the  clergy.  His  friends 
warned  him  to  be  more  guarded  in  his  conversation, 
but  he  replied,  "  If  I  speak  truth,  I  cannot  speak 
wrong.''  The  Dominicans  of  St.  Marco  were  parti- 
cularly galled  with  his  censures;  and  one  of  their 
number,  Fojano,  then  a  popular  preacher  in  Florence, 
denounced  him  one  day  from  the  pulpit  as  a  heretic, 
and,  in  allusion  to  the  meaning  of  his  name,  exclaim- 
ed, "  Brucioli  is  fit  for  nothing  but  to  be  burned."* 
He  was  soon  after  thrown  into  prison,  and,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  charge  of  lieresy,  was  accused  of  corres- 
ponding with  France  to  the  prejudice  of  his  native 
country;  but,  when  his  papers  were  examined,  nothing 
suspicious  was  found  among  them,  except  specimens 
of  a  translation  of  the  Bible,  and  a  cypher  which  he 
had  used  in  corresponding  with  his  friend  Alamanno. 
The  monks  pleaded  hard  for  capital  punishment,  and 
Brucioli  irritated  the  judge  before  whom  he  was  tried 
by  the  boldness  of  his  defence;  but,  through  the  influ- 
ence of  friends,  his  sentence  was  restricted  to  banish- 
ment for  two  years.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  ever 
again  entertained  thoughts  of  returning  to  Florence, 
though  he  addressed  one  of  his  works  to  Cosmo  de' 
Medici,  in  a  respectful  dedication,  in  which  he  praises 
the  mildness  of  his  administration,  and,  without  ask- 
ing any  personal  favour,  exhorts  him  to  encourage 
the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  by  his  people,  as  calcu- 
lated, above  all  other  means,  to  make  them  devout 
men  and  dutiful  subjects.  Neither  his  dedications 
nor  letters  are  dated  from  any  place,  probably  from  a 
prudential  regard  to  his  safety;  but  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  he  resided  ordinarily  in  Venice.  He  had 
to  struggle  at  first  with  the  privations  attendant  on 

+  Brucioli^  in  Italian,  means  twigs  or  shavings  of  wood. 


$2  HISTORY    OF    THE 

exile,*  but  rather  than  become  dependent  on  the 
bounty  of  a  rich  patron,  he  chose  to  Uve  obscurely, 
and  to  support  himself  by  the  productions  of  his  pen. 
For  some  time  he  acted  as  a  corrector  of  the  press, 
(no  mean  employment  in  those  days,)  until  he  was 
able,  along  with  Francesco  and  Alessandro  Brucioli, 
his  brothers,  or,  as  some  say,  his  cousins,  to  establish 
a  printing-office  in  the  place  of  his  sojourning.  From 
1530  to  1556,  the  probable  year  of  his  death,  he  pub- 
lished a  variety  of  works  of  his  own,  including  trans- 
lations of  the  classics ;  but  his  biblical  labours  were 
the  most  valuable. 

Besides  his  version  of  the  Scriptures,  already  men- 
tioned,! Brucioli  produced  a  commentary  on  the  whole 
Bible,  extending  to  seven  volumes  in  folio.  Father 
Simon  grants,  that  he  translated  from  the  original,  and 
not,  like  the  Roman  Catholics  from  the  vulgate ;  but 
says  that,  being  imperfectly  acquainted  with  Hebrew, 
he  fell  into  a  multitude  of  errors  by  following  Pag- 
nini.  The  charge  has,  however,  been  shown,  by  the 
most  satisfactory  proof,  to  be  one  of  the  rash  judg- 
ments pronounced  by  this  ingenious  critic,  f  There  is 
more  truth  in  another  remark  of  the  same  writer, 
that  his  version  otfends  frequently  against  the  purity 
of  the  Italian  tongue,  and  abounds  with  Hebraisms; 
a  fault  which  every  one  who  resolves  to  give  a  literal 
translation  must  inevitably  commit. §     We  are  pre- 

*  In  his  dedication  of  his  translation  and  exposition  of  the  book  of 
Job,  printed  in  1534,  he  speaks  of  himself  as  "  in  bassa  epovera  for- 
tuna  locate." 

t  &chcil.ojn  (Eigcelz.  toin.  i.  p.  405 — 415,  648 — 670)  has  given 
a  list  of  his  works,  (accompanied  with  a  specimen  of  his  hymns,) 
among  which  is  the  following: — "Ant.  Brucioli  Sermoni  xxii. ;"  to 
which  is  added,  "  Epistola  a  Renata  di  Francia,  Duchessa  di  Ferrara, 
intorno  a  Christo  Messia,  Venezia  per  Alessandro  Brucioli  e  fratelli, 
1547." 

t  Simon,  Hist.  Crit.  du  V,  Test.  liv.  ii.  chap.  22.  Anmerkung 
ueber  des  Urtheil  P.  Rich.  Simons  von  des  Brucioli  Italianischen  Bi- 
bel-Uebersetzung  :  Schelhorn,  Ergoetzlichkeiten,  torn.  ii.  p.  535 — 551. 

§  It  was  the  object  of  Rusticio  to  correct  this  fault  in  Brucioli's 
translation.  But  his  version  is  very  interior  in  this  respect  to  that  of 
Diodati,  an  Italian  refugee,  published  at  Geneva  in  1607,  of  which 
Dr.  Geddes  gives  the  following  character: — "There  is  an  elegance 
and  ease  in  this  translation  that  are  extremely  pleasing  to  the  reader, 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  93 

pared  to  expect, that  the  Uterary  fame  of  BrucioU  would 
suffer  from  his  reUgious  opmions,  and  that  his  country- 
men would  be  cautious  in  the  commendations  which 
they  bestow  on  his  talents  and  erudition.     "  He  was 
well  acquainted,"  says  one  of  them,  "  with  Greek, 
Hebrew,  and  Latin,  and  endowed  by  nature  with 
rare  talents;  but,  trusting  to  his  genius,  he  plunged 
into  grievous  errors,  which  are  scattered  over  many 
of  his  writings ;  and  he  died  without  making  any  re- 
cantation."*    His  translations  of  the  Bible  were  put 
into  the  first  class  of  forbidden  books,  and  all  his 
works,  on  whatever  subject,  "  published  or  to  be  pub- 
lished," together  with  all  books  which  came  from  his 
press,  even  after  his  death,  were  strictly  prohibited.t 
His  commentary  on  the  Scriptures  is  exceedingly  rare, 
but  a  foreign  writer  who  examined  it,  and  was  every 
way  qualified  to  pronounce  a  correct  judgment  on  the 
subject,  has  assured  us,  that  it  contains  numerous  and 
decisive  proofs  of  the  author's  attachment  to  evangeli- 
cal truth.  J     So  far  as  the  influence  of  the  press  is 
concerned,  Brucioli  is  entitled  to  the  name  of  the  re- 
former of  Italy.     "  Though  Italy  be  the  fortress  and 
strength  of  the  papal  empire,"  say  the  Lucchese  re- 
fugees at  Geneva,  "  because  the  authority  of  the  pope 
is  most  firmly  established  over  the  people  of  that 
country,  this  could  not  prevent  the  light  from  pene- 
trating  it   in   different   quarters;  in   consequence  of 
which,  the  scales  fell  from  the  eyes  and  the  shackles 
from  the  hands  of  many  who  sat  in  darkness  and  cap- 
tivity.    This  was  effected  by  means  of  an   Italian 

joined  with  a  conciseness  which  one  would  think  hardly  compatible 
with  ease  and  elegance.  F.  Simon  greatly  injures  him,  when  he  says, 
he  is  rather  a  paraphrast  than  a  translator;  but  this  is  not  the  only 
rash  assertion  which  this  father  has  made."     (Prospectus,  p.  86.) 

*  Negri,  Istor.  degli  Scrittori  Fiorentini,  p.  561.  A  similar  cha- 
racter of  him  is  given  by  Poccianti,  Catal.  Script.  Florent.  p.  18. 

+  Ind.  Libr.  Prohib.  sig.  A  4.  F.  3,  b.,  anno  1559. 

X  Schelhorn,  Ergoetzliciikeiten.  tom.  i.  p.  417.  With  this  writer 
Tiraboschi  agrees.  He  accounts  for  the  opposition  made  to  Brucioli, 
*'  per  le  molti  eresie  di  cui  egli  imbratto  la  stessa  vcrsione,  e  piu  an- 
cora  il  diffusa  commento  in  sette  tomi  in  foglio,  che  poi  diedc  in  luce." 
(Storia,  tom.  vii.  p.  404.  Conf.  Scipio  Maifei,  Traduttori  Ital.  p.  32. 
Fontanini,  Delia  Eloq.  Ital.  p.  305.) 


94  HISTORY    OF    THE 

translation  of  the  Bible  by  Brucioli,  which  was  pub 
lished  at  that  time,  and  which  it  was  not  judged  pru- 
dent to  stifle  in  its  birth,  by  those  violent  measures 
which  were   afterwards   employed  for  its   suppres- 
sion.'^* 

The  fact  of  three  natives  of  Florence  having  at 
this  time  translated  the  Scriptures,!  whether  it  be 
viewed  in  the  light  of  a  cause  or  an  elfect,  aff'ords 
the  strongest  presumptive  proof  that  Scriptural  know- 
ledge was  in  request,  and  that  the  reformed  doctrine 
had  made  no  inconsiderable  advances,  in  Tuscany. 
We  may  draw  the  same  inference  from  the  lamenta- 
tions of  the  popish  clergy,  taken  in  connexion  with 
the  number  of  persons  who,  as  we  shall  afterwards 
see,  forsook  this  delightful  country  to  escape  the  cru- 
elties of  the  inquisition.  "Oh,  Florence!"  exclaimed 
a  friar  of  that  day  from  the  pulpit.  "What  is  the 
meaning  of  Florence?  The  flower  of  Italy;  and 
thou  wast  so,  till  these  Ultramontanes  persuaded  thee 
that  man  is  justified  by  faith  and  not  by  works.":}: 

Bologna,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  formed  part  of 
the  territories  of  the  church ;  and  from  it  the  supreme 
pontiffs  issued  some  of  the  severest  of  their  edicts 
against  heresy.  But  this  did  not  prevent  the  light, 
which  was  shining  around,  from  penetrating  into  that 
city.  The  university  of  Bologna  was  one  of  the  ear- 
liest, if  not  the  very  first,  of  the  great  schools  of  Eu- 
rope ;  and  the  extensive  privileges  enjoyed  by  its 
members  were  favourable  to  liberal  sentiments  and 
the  propagation  of  the  new  opinions  in  religion.  The 
essential  principles  of  liberty,  equally  obnoxious  to 
political  and  ecclesiastical  despots,  were  boldly  avow- 
ed in  public  disputations  before  the  students,  at  a 
time  when  they  had  fallen  into  disrepute  in  those 
states  of  Italy  which  still  retained  a  shadow  of  their 
former  freedom. §     John  MoUio,  a  native  of  Montal- 

*  Lettre  de  M.  Le  Cardinal  Spinola,  Eveque  de  Luquez — Avec  les 
Considerations,  (Sec.  p.  23.     Genev.  1660. 
t  Hrucioli,  Marmocliini  and  Teofilo. 
\  Gilles,  Hist,  des  Eglis.  Ref.  ou  Vaud.  p.  21. 
§  Life  of  John  Knox,  vol.  ii.  p.  125.     In  the  fifteenth  century,  the 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  95 

cinOj  in  the  territory  of  Sienna,  was  a  principal  in- 
strument of  promoting  the  gospel  at  Bologna.  He 
had  entered  in  his  youth  into  the  order  of  Minorites; 
but  instead  of  wasting  his  time,  like  the  most  of  his 
brethren,  in  idleness  or  superstition,  had  devoted  him- 
self to  the  study  of  polite  letters  and  theology.  By 
the  careful  perusal  of  the  Scriptures  and  certain  books 
of  the  Reformers,  he  attained  to  clear  views  of  evan- 
gelical truth,  which  his  talents  and  his  reputation  for 
learning  and  piety  enabled  him  to  recommend,  both 
as  a  preacher  and  an  academical  professor.*  After 
acquiring  great  celebrity  as  a  teacher  in  the  universi- 
ties of  Brescia,  Milan,  and  Pavia,  he  came,  about  the 
year  1533,  to  Bologna.  Certain  propositions  which 
he  advanced  in  his  lectures,  relating  to  justification  by 
faith,  and  other  points  then  agitated,  were  opposed  by 
Cornelio,  a  professor  of  metaphysics,  who,  being  foil- 
ed in  a  public  dispute  which  ensued  between  them, 
lodged  a  charge  of  heresy  against  his  opponent,  and 
procured  his  citation  to  Rome.  MoUio  defended  him- 
self with  such  ability  and  address,  that  the  judges  ap- 
pointed by  Paul  III.  to  try  the  cause  were  forced  to 
acquit  him,  in  the  way  of  declaring  that  the  senti- 
ments which  he  had  maintained  were  true,  although 
they  were  such  as  could  not  be  publicly  taught  at  that 
time  without  prejudice  to  the  apostolical  see.  He 
was  therefore  sent  back  to  Bologna,  with  an  admoni- 
tion to  abstain  for  the  future  from  explaining  the 
epistles  of  St.  Paul.  But,  continuing  to  teach  the 
same  doctrine  as  formerly,  and  with  still  greater  ap- 
plause from  his  hearers,  cardinal  Campeggio  procured 
an  order  from  the  pope  to  remove  him  from  the  uni- 
versity.t 

Hussites,  indignant  at  the  burning  of  Wiclet's  books,  as  contrary  to 
the  privileges  of  the  university  of  Prague,  having  sent  a  deputy  to 
the  university  of  Bologna,  to  complain  of  this  indignity,  the  latter 
had  the  boldness  to  condemn  the  deed — "on  ne  devait  pas  avoir  brule 
les  livres  de  ce  Docteur,  de  peur  de  s'attirer  quelque  ressentiment  de  la 
part  de  I'Angleterre."  (L'Enfant,  Hist,  de  Concile  de  Pise,  torn.  ii. 
p.  48.) 

*  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  f.  264,  edit.  1597,  folio.  Zanchu  Epist. 
lib.  ii.  col.  278. 

t  Pantaleon,  Rerum  in  Eccl.  Gest.  lib.  ix.  f  263. 


96  HISTORY    OF    THE 

The  state  of  religious  feeling  at  Bologna  is  depict- 
ed in  a  letter,  as  singular  in  its  style  as  in  its  matter, 
which  some  inhabitants  of  that  city  addressed,  in 
1533,  to  John  Planhz,  ambassador  from  the  elector  of 
Saxony  to  Charles  V.,  who  was  then  in  Italy.  Hav- 
ing mentioned  the  report  that  he  was  sent  to  entreat 
the  emperor  to  use  his  influence  with  the  pope  to  call 
a  council  for  the  reformation  of  the  church,  an  object 
which  had  been  long  and  earnestly  expected  by  aU 
good  men,  they  proceed  in  the  following  manner: — 
"If  this  be  true,  as  we  trust  it  is,  then  we  offer  our 
thanks  to  you  all — to  you  for  visiting  this  Babylonian 
land — to  Germany  for  demanding  a  council — and  es- 
pecially to  your  evangelical  prince,  who  has  under- 
taken the  defence  of  the  gospel  and  of  all  the  faith- 
ful, with  such  ardour,  that  not  content  with  restor- 
ing the  grace  and  liberty  of  Chiist  to  his  native 
Saxony  and  to  Germany,  he  seeks  to  extend  the  same 
blessings  to  England,  France,  Spain,  Italy,  and  the 
churches  in  every  other  country.  We  are  quite 
aware  that  it  is  a  matter  of  small  consequence  to  you 
whether  a  council  is  assembled  or  not,  seeing  you 
have  already,  as  becomes  strenuous  and  faithful  Chris- 
tians, thrown  off  the  tyrannical  yoke  of  antichrist, 
and  asserted  your  right  to  the  sacred  privileges  of  the 
free  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ;  so  that  you  everywhere 
read,  write,  and  preach  at  your  pleasure,  without  any 
other  restraint  than  the  apostolic  rule,  that  the  spirits 
of  the  prophets  be  subject  to  the  judgment  of  the 
prophets  who  mutually  teach  and  hear.  We  are 
aware,  also,  that  it  gives  you  no  uneasiness  to  know 
that  you  are  loaded  in  foreign  countries  with  the 
heavy  charge  of  heresy,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  you 
esteem  it  matter  of  joy  and  eternal  gloriation  to  be 
the  first  to  suffer  reproaches,  imprisonment,  and  fire 
and  sword,  for  the  name  of  Jesus.  It  is  therefore 
plain  to  us,  that,  in  urging  the  convocation  of  such  a 
synod,  you  do  not  look  to  the  advantage  of  the  Ger- 
mans, but  that,  obeying  the  apostolical  injunction,  you 
seek  the  advantage  and  salvation  of  other  nations. 
On  this  account,  all  Christians  profess  themselves  un- 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  97 

der  the  deepest  obligations  to  you,  and  especially  we 
of  Italy,  who,  in  proportion  to  our  proximity  to  the 
tyrannical  court,  (alas !  we  cherish  the  tyrant  in  our 
bosom,)  are  bound  to  give  thanks  for  the  divine  bless- 
mg  of  your  liberation.  We  beseech  and  obtest  you, 
by  the  faith  of  Christ,  (though  you  are  sufficiently  dis- 
posed to  this  already,  and  need  not  our  admonitions,) 
to  employ  every  means  in  your  power  with  the  religi- 
ous emperor,  and  to  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  ob- 
tain this  most  desirable  and  necessary  assembly,  in 
which  you  can  scarcely  fail  to  succeed,  as  his  gentle 
and  gracious  majesty  knows  that  this  is  desired,  de- 
manded, expected,  and  loudly  called  for  by  the  most 
pious,  learned,  and  honourable  men  in  the  most  illus- 
trious cities  of  Italy,  and  even  in  Rome  itself;  many 
of  whom,  we  have  no  doubt,  will  flock  to  you,  as 
soon  as  they  shall  learn  that  this  is  the  object  of  your 
embassy.  In  fine,  we  hope  that  this  will  be  willingly 
granted,  as  a  thing  most  reasonable  in  itself,  and  con- 
sonant to  the  constitutions  of  the  apostles  and  holy 
fathers,  that  Christians  shall  have  lilDerty  to  examine 
one  another's  confessions,  since  the  just  live  not  by 
the  faith  of  others,  but  by  their  own,  otherwise  faith 
is  not  faith;  nor  can  that  persuasion  which  is  not  di- 
vinely produced  in  the  heart  be  properly  called  per- 
suasion, but  rather  a  violent  and  forced  impulse, 
which  the  simplest  and  most  ignorant  must  perceive 
to  be  utterly  unavailing  to  salvation.  But  if  the  mal- 
ice of  Satan  still  rages  to  such  a  degree  that  this  boon 
cannot  be  immediately  obtained,  liberty  will  surely 
be  granted  in  the  mean  time  both  to  clergy  and  laity 
to  purchase  Bibles  without  incurring  the  charge  of 
heresy,  and  to  quote  the  sayings  of  Christ  or  Paul 
without  being  branded  as  Lutherans.  For,  alas !  in- 
stances of  this  abominable  practice  are  common ;  and 
if  this  is  not  a  mark  of  the  reign  of  antichrist,  we 
laiow  not  what  it  is,  when  the  law,  and  grace,  and 
doctrine,  and  peace  and  liberty  of  Christ,  are  so  open- 
ly opposed,  trampled  upon,  and  rejected."* 

The  number  of  persons  addicted  to  Protestantism 

*  Seckendorf,  lib.  iii.  p.  68,  69. 


98  HISTORY    OF    THE 

in  Bologna  continued  to  be  great,  many  years  after 
this  period.  In  a  letter  written  in  the  year  1541,  Bu- 
cer  congratulates  them  on  their  increasing  knowledge 
and  numbers;*  and,  in  1545,  Baldassare  Altieri  writes 
to  an  acquaintance  in  Germany,  that  a  nobleman  in 
that  city  was  ready  to  raise  six  thousand  soldiers  in 
favour  of  the  evangelical  party,  if  it  was  found  neces- 
sary to  make  war  against  the  pope.t 

That  the  desire  for  ecclesiastical  reform  was  as 
strongly  and  generally  felt  through  Italy  as  is  repre- 
sented in  the  letter  of  the  Bolognese  Protestants,  ap- 
pears from  a  measure  adopted  by  the  court  of  Rome 
at  this  time.  Averse  to  the  holding  of  a  general 
council,  and  yet  unable  to  evade  the  importunities  of 
those  who  demanded  it,  pope  Paul  III.  in  1537,  ap- 
pointed four  cardinals  and  five  prelates  J  to  meet  at 
Bologna,  and  charged  them,  after  due  deliberation,  to 
lay  before  him  their  advice  as  to  the  best  method  of 
reforming  the  abuses  of  the  Church.  The  members 
of  this  commission,  including  some  of  the  most  re- 
spectable dignitaries  of  the  Church,  met  according- 
ly, and  presented  their  joint  advice  to  his  holiness. 
Though  they  touched  the  sores  of  the  ecclesiastic 
body  with  a  gentle  hand,  they  acknowledged  that 
both  head  and  members  '^ laboured  under  a  pestife 
rous  malady,  which,  if  not  cured,  would  prove  fatal;" 
and,  among  the  evils  which  cabled  for  a  speedy  reme- 
dy, they  specified  the  admission  of  improper  persons 
to  the  priesthood,  the  sale  of  benefices,  the  disposition 
of  them  by  testaments,  the  granting  of  dispensations 
and  exemptions,  and  the  union  of  bishoprics,  inclu- 
ding "  the  incompatible  offices  of  cardinal  and  bish- 
op." Addressing  the  supreme  pontiff,  they  say, "  Some 
of  your  predecessors  in  the  pontifical  chair,  having 
itching  ears,  have  heaped  to  themselves  teachers  ac- 
cording to  their  own  lusts,  who,  instead  of  instructing 
them  what  they  ought  to  do,  were  expert  in  finding 

*  Buceri  Scripta  Anglican,  p.  687.  t  Seckend.  p.  579. 

t These  were  cardinals  Contarini,  CarafFa,  Sadolet,  and  Pole;  Fre- 
goso,  archbishop  of  Salerno,  Aleander  of  Brindisi,  and  Gibert  of  Ve- 
rona, Cortese,  abbot  of  St.  George  of  Venice,  and  Badia,  master  of  the 
Sacred  Palace. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  99 

out  reasons  to  justify  what  they  wished  to  do,  and  en- 
couraged them  in  their  simoniacal  practices,  by  main- 
taining their  right  to  dispose,  at  their  pleasure,  of  all 
ecclesiastical  property."*  No  one  acquainted  with 
the  politics  of  the  court  of  Rome  will  suppose  that  it 
was  serious  in  the  proposal  to  reform  these  abuses. 
The  Advice  was  approved  of  and  printed  by  the  or- 
der of  Paul  III.;  but,  instead  of  carrying  it  into  exe- 
cution, he  glaringly  transgressed  its  provisions  in  vari- 
ous instances.!  Nor  did.  the  advisers  themselves  tes- 
tify any  forwardness  to  exemplify  their  own  rules. 
The  cardinals  retained  their  bishopricks ;  Pole  did  not 
think  it  necessary  to  lay  aside  the  purple  when  he 
became  primate  of  all  England;  and  Caraffa,  when  he 
afterwards  ascended  the  papal  throne,  under  the  title 
of  Paul  IV.  put  the  Advice  which  he  had  given  to 
his  predecessor  into  the  list  of  prohibited  books. J 
The  protestants,  however,  did  not  overlook  this  docu- 
ment. A  copy  of  the  Advice  being  sent  to  Germa- 
ny,§  it  was  published  in  Latin,  with  a  prefatory  epis- 

*  Wolfii  Lect.  Memorab.  torn.  ii.  p.  398—449  ;  where  the  Consilium 
is  inserted  at  length,  with  a  preface  by  Vergerio.  It  was  reprinted, 
along  with  the  letter  to  cardinal  Quirini  mentioned  in  the  subsequent 
note,  by  Schelhorn,  who  added  to  it  Sturm  ius*  epistle,  and  the  cor- 
respondence to  which  this  gave  rise  between  that  learned  man  and 
Sadolet. 

t  During  the  last  century,  cardinal  Quirini  took  occasion,  from 
this  private  council,  to  extol  the  exertions  of  the  pope  to  reform 
ecclesiastical  abuses,  in  his  prefaces  to  his  edition  of  cardinal  Pole's 
Letters,  and  also  in  his  Diatriba  de  Gesiis  Fauli  III.  Farncsii,  pub- 
lished at  Brescia  in  1745,  To  this  two  able  replies  were  made;  one 
by  Joan.  Rudolphus  Kiesling,  entitled,  Epistola  de  Gcstis  Paiili  Tertii 
ad  emendationem  Ecclesia  spectantihus,  Lipsiee,  1747  ;  and  the  other 
by  Jo.  Georg.  Sehclhorn,  entitled,  De  Consilio  de  Etnendanda  Ecclcsia, 
jussu  Fauli  Tertii,  sed  ah  eodem  ne<rlecto.     Tiguri,  1748. 

X  In  opposition  to  a  statement  by  Schelhorn,  cardinal  Quirini 
maintained  that  Paul  IV.  did  not  condemn  the  Consilium,  but  only 
the  commentaries  which  Sturmius  and  otbers  wrote  on  it.  Schelhorn 
has  refuted  the  arguments  of  the  cardinal,  and  confirmed  his  original 
statement,  in  a  tract,  entitled,  De  Consilio  de  Emendanda  Ecclexiay 
auspiciis  Pauli  III.  consciipto ;  ac  a  Faulo  IV.  damnato.  Tig. 
1748.  It  is  prohibited  under  the  following  title: — "Consiglio  d'alcu- 
ni  Vescovi  congregati  in  Bologna."  (Index  Auct.  et  Lib.  Prohib.  sig. 
B  2.  Romce,  1559.) 

§  Cardinal  Quirini  at  first  asserted  that  it  was  originally  printed  by 
the  Protestants,  but  he  afterv/ards  found  two  copies  of  it  printed  at 
Rome  in  1538,  by  the  authority  of  the  pope.    (Ut  supra,  p.  9.) 


100  HISTORY    OF    THE 

tie  by  Sturmius,  rector  of  the  academy  of  Strasburg ; 
and  in  German  by  Luther,  accompanied  with  ani- 
madversions, in  which  among  other  satirical  remarks, 
he  says,  that  the  cardinals  contented  themselves  with 
removing  the  small  twigs,  while  they  allowed  the 
trunk  of  corruption  to  remain  unmolested,  and  like 
the  Pharisees  of  old,  strained  at  flies  and  swallowed 
camels.  To  set  this  before  the  eyes  of  his  readers, 
he  prefixed  to  the  book  a  print,  in  which  the  pope  is 
represented  as  seated  on  a  high  throne,  surrounded 
by  the  cardinals,  who  hold  in  their  hands  long  poles 
with  foxes'  tails  fixed  to  them  like  brooms,  with 
which  they  sweep  the  room.  Pallavicini  is  displeas- 
ed with  this  measure  of  the  pope,  who,  "by  ordering 
a  reformation  of  manners,  acknowledged  the  exist- 
ence of  corruptions,  and  countenanced  the  detracting 
speeches  which  heretics  circulated  among  the  vul- 
gar."* The  following  was  an  article  of  the  propo- 
sed reform: — "Since  boys  are  now  accustomed  to 
read  at  schools  the  colloquies  of  Erasmus,  in  which 
are  many  things  calculated  to  betray  uninformed 
minds  into  impiety,  the  reading  of  that  book  or  any 
other  of  the  same  kind  shall  be  prohibited  in  semina- 
ries of  learning.^t  To  this  was  affixed  the  name  of 
Sadolet !  Well  might  Melanchthon  express  a  sur- 
prise, not  unmingled  with  scorn,  at  this  conclusion, 
and  at  the  whole  of  the  ridiculous  affair.  "I  have 
not  yet  answered  Sadolet,"  says  he,  in  a  letter  to  a 
friend.  "I  would  certainly  have  written  him,  if  I 
had  leisure  for  it;  but  am  of  opinion,  that  the  delay 
will  not  be  without  its  utility,  considering  the  way  in 
which  he  is  acting.  My  friends  write  me  from  Italy 
that  he  is  off'ended  at  my  silence,  and  that  some  per- 
sons have  incensed  him  against  me.  He  seems  to 
have  thought,  that,  by  one  letter  sent  into  Germany, 


*  Storia  Concil.  Trent,  lib.  iii.  sect.  57,  §  3. 

tOn  the  margin  of  that  part  of  the  Advice  which  relates  to  Eras- 
mus,  Luther  wrote,  Wolte  Gott  er  solte  leben!  O  that  he  had  heen  alive  I 
— an  exclamation  expressive  of  regret  at  the  recent  death  of  an  illus- 
trious antagonist,  mingled  with  delight  at  the  thought  of  the  merited 
castigation  which  Erasmus,  if  he  had  been  in  life,  would  have  be- 
stowed on  the  mitred  censors  of  his  favourite  work.  (Seckend.  lib. 
iii,  p.  164.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  101 

he  would,  as  with  the  music  of  Orpheus,  charm,  not 
only  me,  who,  I  confess,  am  weak,  but  all  my  coun- 
trymen, and  induce  us  to  abandon  the  cause.  The 
only  friend  of  peace  at  Rome  Avas  Schonberg,  cardi- 
nal of  Capua,  who  thought  that  some  concessions 
ought  to  be  made.  I  formerly  looked  upon  him  as  a 
person  of  great  moderation,  and  am  confirmed  in  this 
opinion  by  the  letters  which  I  have  received  from  my 
friends  since  his  death,  which  has  produced  a  great 
change  of  counsels.  There  has  just  been  published 
a  ridiculous  consultation  of  the  cardinals  about  the 
correction  of  abuses,  at  which  the  colloquies  of  Eras- 
mus were  forbidden  to  be  used  in  schools ;  and  to  this 
consultation  were  called  these  heroes,  Aleander  and 
Sadolet.^^"^'  What  pigmies  do  mere  men  of  letters 
appear  in  the  eyes  of  a  man,  I  say  not  of  stern  virtue, 
but  of  sterling  principle  ! 

Faenza  and  Imola  are  both  situated  in  that  part 
of  Italy  which  was  called  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter, 
and  acknowledged  the  popes  as  their  temporal  sover- 
eigns. It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  the  refor- 
med doctrine  was  introduced  into  the  former  city. 
That  it  gained  admission  into  the  latter  appears  from 
an  anecdote  related  in  a  letter  of  Thomas  Lieber,  a 
German,  (better  known,  in  the  controversy  respecting 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  by  his  Greek  name  of  Eras- 
tiis,)  who  was  then  prosecuting  his  medical  studies  at 
the  neighbouring  university  of  Bologna.  An  Obser- 
vantine  monk,  preaching  one  day  at  Imola,  told  the 
people  that  it  behoved  them  to  purchase  heaven  by 
the  merit  of  their  good  works.  A  boy,  who  was 
present,  exclaimed,  "  That's  blasphemy !  for  the  Bible 
tells  us  that  Christ  purchased  heaven  by  his  suffer- 
ings and  death,  and  bestows  it  on  us  freely  by  his 
mercy."  A  dispute  of  considerable  length  ensued 
between  the  youth  and  the  preacher.  Provoked  at 
the  pertinent  replies  of  his  juvenile  opponent,  and  at 
the  favourable   reception  which  the   audience   gave 

*  Melanch.  Epist.  coll,  752,  753.  Slcidan's  account  of  the  senti- 
ments  and  conduct  of  the  cardinal  of  Capua  is  different  from  that  of 
Melanchthon.     (Comment,  torn.  ii.  p.  117.) 


102  HISTORY    OF    THE 

them,  "Get  you  gone,  you  young  rascal!"  exclaimed 
the  monk,  "  you  are  but  just  come  from  the  cradle, 
and  will  you  take  it  upon  you  to  judge  of  sacred 
things,  which  the  most  learned  cannot  explain?" — 
"Did  you  never  read  these  words, ^ Out  of  the  mouths 
of  babes  and  sucklings  God  perfects  praise?'"  rejoin- 
ed the  youth;  upon  which  the  preacher  quitted  the 
pulpit  in  wrathful  confusion,  breathing  out  threaten- 
ings  against  the  poor  boy,  who  was  instantly  thrown 
into  prison,  "where  he  still  lies,"  says  the  writer  of 
the  letter,  which  was  dated  on  the  31st  of  December 
1544.* 

Venice,  of  ah  the  states  of  Italy,  afforded  the 
greatest  facilities  for  the  propagation  of  the  new  opin- 
ions, and  the  safest  asylum  to  those  who  suffered  for 
their  adherence  to  them.  Well  apprized  of  the  am- 
bition and  encroaching  spirit  of  the  Roman  court,  the 
senate  had  uniformly  resisted  the  attempts  made  to 
establish  the  inquisition,  and  was  cautious  in  allowing 
the  edicts  of  the  Vatican  to  be  promulgated  or  carried 
into  efiect,  within  the  Venetian  territories.  Political 
sagacity  counteracted  the  narrow  views  of  a  proud 
and  jealous  aristocracy,  and  taught  them  to  relax  the 
severity  of  their  internal  police.  Venice  had  risen  to 
power  and  opulence  by  commerce ;  and  the  conces- 
sion of  a  more  than  ordinary  freedom  of  thinking  and 
speaking  was  necessary  to  encourage  strangers  to  visit 
her  ports  and  markets.  The  Venetian  republic  was 
then  among  popish  what  Holland  afterwards  be- 
came among  Protestant  states.  She  was  distin- 
guished for  the  number  of  her  printing  presses;!  and 
while  letters  were  cultivated  elsewhere  for  them- 
selves, or  to  gratify  the  vanity  of  their  patrons,  they 
were  encouraged  here,  from  the  additional  considera- 
tion of  their  forming  an  important  and  not  unproduc- 
tive branch  of  manufacture  and  merchandise.  The 
books  of  the  German  and  Swiss  Protestants  were  con- 
signed to  merchants  at  Venice,  from  which  they  were 

*  Schelhorni  AmcEnit.  Hist.  Eccles.  toni.  ii.  p.  54. 
t  See,  besides  the  common  typograpliic  authorities,  Le  Brett  Dis- 
sertatio  de  Ecclesia  Groeca  hodierna  in  Dalmatia,  &c.  p.  22,  93. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  103 

circulated  to  the  different  parts  of  Italy;*  and  it  was 
in  this  city  that  versions  of  the  Bible  and  other  reli- 
gious books  in  the  vulgar  tongue  were  chiefly  printed. 

We  have  already  had  occasion  to  notice,  that  the 
first  writings  of  Luther  were  read  in  Venice  soon  af- 
ter they  were  published.  In  a  letter  written  in  the 
year  1528,  the  reformer  says  to  a  friend,  "You  give 
me  joy  by  what  you  write  of  the  Venetians  receiving 
the  word  of  God.  To  him  be  the  thanks  and  glo- 
ry.''! In  the  course  of  the  following  year,  he  was  in 
correspondence  with  James  Ziegler,  a  learned  man, 
who  possessed  great  authority  at  Venice,  and  was  fa- 
vourable to  the  grand  attempt  to  reform  religion, 
though  he  never  joined  its  standard. J  Ziegler  had 
sent  from  Venice  to  Wittenberg,  his  adopted  brother, 
Theodore  Veit,§  who  acted  for  some  time  as  secretary 
or  amanuensis  to  Luther,  and  afterwards  became 
minister  of  Nurenberg.  This  is  the  person  so  often 
mentioned  under  the  name  of  Theodorus  Vitus  in  the 
letters  of  Melanchthon,  and  through  whom  that  Re- 
former chiefly  received  his  intelligence  respecting  the 
Protestants  in  Italy.  || 

An  occurrence  which  took  place  in  1530,  shows  that 
there  were  then  numbers  in  Venice  who  felt  a  deep 
interest  in  the  cause  of  the  Reformation.     While  car- 

**'BeHe  vale;  et  si  quando  deest  scribendi  argumentum,  vel  de 
communibus  studiis,  vel  si  quid  librorum  Germani  mancipes  nuper 
Venetias  invexerint,  perscribe."  (Gael.  Galcagninus  Peregrine  Mora- 
to;  Epist.  lib.  xi.  p.  158.) 

t  Luther's  Sanitliche  Schriflen,  torn.  xxi.  p.  1092. 

t  Ibid.  p.  1163.  Ziegler  was  the  intimate  friend  of  Celio  Calcagni- 
ri,  who  has  celebrated  his  talents  and  virtues  in  the  warmest  manner. 
(Galcagnini  Opera,  p.  54 — 57,  67,  86.)  He  was  distinguished  for  his 
skill  in  mathematics,  geography,  and  natural  history,  and  published 
the  principal  works  of  the  ancients  on  these  subjects,  with  annota- 
tions. Sciielhorn  published  his  Historia  Clementis  VII.  and  prefixed 
to  it,  a  treatise  De  Vita  et  Sciiptis  Jacobi  Ziegleri,  which  contains  cu- 
rious particulars  concerning  the  learning  and  literati  of  that  time. 
(Amoenit.  Hist.  Eccles.  et  Liter,  torn.  ii.  p.  210,  &c.) 

§  Buddeus,  in  his  Supplement  to  Luther's  Letters,  (p.  74,)  reads, 
"misit  ad  me  ^jirum,  (instead  o^  vitum,)  fratrem  sibi  adoptatum;" 
a  mistake  which  has  been  corrected  by  Walch.  He  is  also  called 
Veit  Dietrich,  in  the  correspondence  of  Luther  and  Melanchthon. 

II  Melanch.  Epist,  col.  598,  835,  &-c.  Conf.  Seckcnd.  Index  I.  art. 
Theodoricus. 


104  HISTORY    OF    THE 

dinal  Campeggio  attended  the  imperial  diet  at  Augs- 
burg as  papal  legate,  a  report  was  widely  spread  that 
he  had  wrought  so  far  on  the  yielding  temper  of  Me- 
lanchthon,  as  to  persuade  him  to  submit  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  supreme  pontiff.  This  excited  great  un- 
easiness in  the  breasts  of  the  Venetians  who  favoured 
the  gospel,  one  of  whom,  Lucio  Paolo  Rosselli,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  that  Reformer,  conceived  in  a  noble 
spirit.  After  expressing  the  high  esteem  which  he 
felt  for  the  character  of  Melanchthon,  and  the  delight 
which  he  had  received  from  his  writings,  he  exhorts 
him,  in  respectful  language,  but  with  an  honest  free- 
dom, to  show  himself  a  firm  and  intrepid  defender  of 
that  faith  to  which  he  had  been  the  honoured  instru- 
ment of  winning  so  many.  "In  this  cause,"  contin- 
ues he,  "you  ought  to  regard  neither  emperor,  nor 
pope,  nor  any  other  mortal,  but  the  immortal  God  on- 
ly. If  there  be  any  truth  in  what  the  papists  circu- 
late about  you,  the  worst  consequences  must  accrue 
to  the  gospel,  and  to  those  who  have  been  led  to  em- 
brace it  through  your  instrumentality  and  that  of  Lu- 
ther. Be  assured  that  all  Italy  waits  with  anxiety  for 
the  result  of  your  assembly  at  Augsburg.  Whatever 
is  determined  by  it,  will  be  embraced  by  Christians  in 
other  countries  through  the  authority  of  the  emperor. 
It  behoves  you  and  others,  who  are  there  for  the  pur- 
pose of  defending  the  gospel,  to  be  firm,  and  not  to 
suffer  yourselves  to  be  either  frightened  from  the 
standard  of  Christ  by  threats,  or  drawn  from  it  by  en- 
treaties and  promises.  I  implore  and  obtest  you,  as 
the  head  and  leader  of  the  whole  evangelical  army,  to 
regard  the  salvation  of  every  individual.  Though 
you  should  be  called  to  suffer  death  for  the  glory  of 
Christ,  fear  not,  I  beseech  you ;  it  is  better  to  die  with 
honour  than  to  live  in  disgrace.  You  shall  secure  a 
glorious  triumph  from  Jesus  Christ,  if  you  defend  his 
righteous  cause;  and  in  doing  this,  you  may  depend 
on  the  aid  of  the  prayers  and  supplications  of  many 
who,  day  and  night,  entreat  Almighty  God  to  prosper 
the  cause  of  the  gospel,  and  to  preserve  you  and  its 
other  champions  through  the  blood  of  his  Son.    Fare- 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  105 

well,  and  desert  not  the  cause  of  Christ."^'  In  the 
course  of  the  same  month,  this  zealous  person  wrote  a 
second  time  to  Melanchthon,  enclosing  a  copy  of  the 
letter  which  the  Reformer  was  said  to  have  addressed 
to  the  legate.  If  unhappily  he  had  been  induced  to 
write  in  a  strain  so  unworthy  of  his  character,  RosseUi 
exhorts  him  to  evince  the  more  courage  and  con- 
stancy for  the  future ;  but  if  it  was  a  fabrication,  as 
many  of  his  friends  asserted,  then  he  should  lose  no 
time  in  exposing  such  a  malicious  calumny,  and  main- 
tain henceforth  a  declared  and  open  warfare  with 
men  who  sought  to  accomplish  their  ends  by  the  base 
arts  of  stratagem  and  falsehood.! 

Among  those  who  contributed  most  to  propagate 
the  reformed  opinions  at  Venice,  were  Pietro  Carne- 
secchi,  Baldo  Lupetino,  and  Baldassare  Altieri.  With 
the  first,  we  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  meet 
among  the  martyrs  of  Italy.  The  second,  who  also 
obtained  the  crown  of  martyrdom,  was  a  native  of 
Albona,  of  noble  extraction,  and  held  in  high  esteem 
for  his  learning  and  worth.  He  was  provincial  of  the 
Franciscans  within  the  Venetian  territories,  and  in 
that  character,  had  the  best  opportunities  of  communi- 
cating religious  instruction,  and  of  protecting  those 
who  had  received  it.  J  It  was  by  his  advice  that  Mat- 
teo  Flacio,  a  kinsman  of  his,  altered  his  resolution  of 
assuming  the  monastic  garb,  and  retired  into  Germa- 
ny, where  he  became  distinguished  for  his  learned 
writings,  and  the  active  though  intemperate  part 
which  he  took  in  the  internal  disputes  which  agitated 
the  Lutheran  church. §     Altieri,  though  a  native  of 

*  "  Venetiis  8.  3  Kal.  Augusti,  anno  1530."  Cselestini  Act.  Comit. 
August,  torn.  ii.  f.  274. 

t  Cselestin.  torn.  iii.  f.  18.  Wolfii  Lect.  Memorab.  torn.  ii.  p.  344 — 
345  ;  where  Melanchthon's  letter  to  Campeggio  is  also  inserted.  If 
really  written  by  him,  it  was  sufficiently  humble. 

I  Ritteri  Vita  Flacii  Illyrici,  p.  8.  apud  Gerdes.  Ital.  Ref.  p.  58, 
172—174. 

§  He  is  usually  called  MatthcBus  Flacius  Elyricus,  and  was  the 
principal  compiler  of  the  Ecclesiastical  History  known  by  the  title  of 
CenturicB  Magdeburgenses,  and  of  the  Catalogus  Testium  Veritatis. 
An  early  and  still  valuable  work  on  biblical  interpretation,  entitled, 
Clavis  Sacra  Scriptures,  is  the  production  of  his  pen.     His  account 

8 


106  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Aqiiila  in  Naples,  had  fixed  his  residence  at  Venice, 
where  he  acted  for  some  time  as  the  secretary  of  the 
EngUsh  ambassador,  and  afterwards  as  agent  for  the 
Protestant  princes  of  Germany.  He  was  distinguish- 
ed for  his  ardent  devotion  to  the  reformed  reUgion, 
which  his  official  situations  enabled  him  to  advance, 
by  the  epistolary  correspondence  which  he  carried  on 
with  foreign  courts,  the  books  which  he  brought  into 
Italy,  and  the  advice  and  assistance  which  he  was 
always  ready  to  afford  to  such  of  his  countrymen  as 
had  embraced  or  were  inquiring  after  the  truth.* 

The  evangelical  doctrine  had  made  such  progress 
in  the  city  of  Venice  between  the  years  1530  and 
1542,  that  its  friends,  who  had  hitherto  met  in  pri- 
vate for  mutual  instruction  and  religious  exercises, 
held  deliberations  on  the  propriety  of  organizing  them- 
selves into  regular  congregations  and  assembling  in 
public.t  Several  members  of  the  senate  were  favour- 
able to  it,  and  hopes  were  entertained  at  one  time 
that  the  authority  of  that  body  would  be  interposed 
in  its  behalf  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1538, 
Michele  Bracchiolii  came  from  Italy  to  Wittemberg 
to  confer  on  religion  with  Melanchthon,  who  was 
greatly  delighted  with  his  manners  and  the  elegance 
of  his  taste. §  Being  called  home  unexpectedly,  by 
information  that  his  brother  was  in  danger  of  pro- 
scription, he  returned  to  Germany  in  the  course  of  a 
year,  charged  with  a  message  to  Melanchthon,  from 

of  his  own  life,  under  the  title  of  Historia  Actionum  ct  Certaminum, 
vvliich  abounds  in  anecdotes  of  his  time,  is  exceedingly  rare. 

*  Laderchii  Annal.  Eccl.  torn.  xxii.  f.  325.  Seckendorf,  lib.  iii.  p. 
404,  578,  614.     Schelhorn,  Ergoetzlichkeiten,  torn.  i.  p.  423. 

t  Gerdes.  Ital.  Ref.  p.  57. 

t  Schelhorn  thinks  it  probable  that  the  translator,  mistaking  the 
handwriting  of  Melanchthon,  which  was  not  very  legible,  had  read 
Bracchiolns  instead  of  Brucchioliis,  and  that  the  person  referred  to 
might  be  a  brother  of  Brucioli,  the  translator  of  the  Bible.  (ErgcEtz- 
lichkeiten,  torn.  i.  p.  420 — 422.)  There  certainly  is  some  mistake 
as  to  the  name;  for  the  person  who  is  called  Bracchiolus  in  one  letter 
of  Melanchthon,  is  called  DraccicUis  in  another. 

§  "Est  enim  et  ingenii  suavitate  summa  praeditus,  et  in  versu 
scribendo  elegans  et  venustus,  seque  ad  imitationem  Catulli  compa- 
ravit,  quern  feliciter  exprimit."  (Epist.  Melanchthonis  ad  Vitum,  a. 
1538.  Collect.  Joh.  Sauberti,  lib.  iv.  p.  46.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  107 

the  friends  of  reformation  in  Venice.  This  encour- 
aged the  Reformer  to  address  a  letter  to  the  senate,  in 
which  he  expressed  the  high  satisfaction  which  he 
felt  at  hearing,  that  many  honourable  persons  among 
them  entertained  a  favourable  opinion  of  the  reform 
of  ecclesiastical  abuses  which  had  been  made  in  Ger- 
many. After  a  short  statement  of  the  cautious  man- 
ner in  which  the  Reformers  had  proceeded,  by  taking 
care  to  repress  popular  tumults  and  avoid  dangerous 
innovations,  and  after  suggesting  some  considerations 
to  show  that  various  corruptions  had  been  introduced 
into  the  church,  Melanchthon  adds — "Such  slavery 
surely  ought  not  to  be  established,  as  that  we  should 
be  obliged,  for  peace's  sake,  to  approve  of  all  the 
errors  of  those  who  govern  the  church;  and  learned 
men  especially  ought  to  be  protected  in  the  liberty  of 
expressing  their  opinions  and  of  teaching.  As  your 
city  is  the  only  one  in  the  world  which  enjoys  a  gen- 
uine aristocracy,  preserved  during  many  ages  and 
always  hostile  to  tyranny,  it  becomes  it  to  protect  good 
men  in  freedom  of  thinking,  and  to  discourage  that 
unjust  cruelty  which  is  exercised  in  other  places. 
Wherefore,  I  cannot  refrain  from  exhorting  you  to 
employ  your  care  and  authority  for  advancing  the 
divine  glory,  a  service  which  is  most  acceptable  to 
God."*  Had  Venice  been  then  treated  by  the  court 
of  Rome  in  the  same  manner  in  which  it  was  treated 
by  it  at  the  commencement  of  the  seventeenth  centu- 

*  Melanchthonis  Epistolse,  Coll.  150—154,  edit.  Londini.  Schel. 
horn  (Amoen.  Liter,  torn.  i.  p.  422)  suspects  that  Melanchthon  was 
not  on  terms  of  such  intimacy  with  the  senators  of  Venice  as  to 
address  a  letter  to  them,  and  is  of  opinion  that  it  was  addressed  Ad 
Venetorvm  quosdam  Evangelii  studiosos,  under  which  title  it  appears 
in  the  Selectee  Declamationes  of  the  author,  published  in  1541,  p.  804. 
But  the  letter  contains  internal  evidence  of  its  having  been  intended 
for  the  magistrates  of  that  repubhc;  and  Bock  states,  that  he  had 
seen,  in  the  Royal  Library  of  Koenigsberg,  a  copy  of  the  original  edi- 
tion, printed  at  Nurenberg,  and  bearing  this  title,  Epislola  Philippi 
Melanchthonis  ad  Senatum  Venetiim.  It  was  a  presentation  copy  to 
Prince  Albert  the  elder,  who  had  written  on  the  title-page,  "  Acccpi 
d.  17.  Julii,  a.  1538,  per  Eliam  Plesse,  Wratislauicnsem ;"  which 
proves  that  the  letter  was  written  earlier  than  has  been  supposed. 
(Hist.  Antitrin.  torn.  ii.  p.  398.) 


lOS  HISTORY    OF    THE 

ry,  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  republic  would  have 
declared  in  favour  of  the  Reformation;  and,  in  that 
case,  it  might  at  this  day  have  possessed  its  political 
independence,  if  not  also  regained  its  ancient  glory. 

The  gospel  was  introduced  into  the  different  terri- 
tories belonging  to  the  republic  of  Venice.  At  Padua 
it  was  embraced  by  many  of  the  students  and  some 
of  the  professors  in  the  university,  which  was  cele- 
brated at  that  period  as  a  school  of  medicine.*  At 
Verona  and  at  Brescia  there  were  converts  to  the 
reformed  faith.t  In  the  Bergamasco,  the  bishop,  Vit- 
tore  Soranzo,  was  favourable  to  evangelical  doctrine, 
and  exerted  himself  in  reforming  his  clergy,  ij:  But 
the  greatest  number  of  Protestants  were  to  be  found 
in  the  P^icentino  diwdi  TVei^z^aTzo,  situated  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Venice.  In  the  year  1535,  the  doge  de- 
livered up  to  the  vicar-general  of  Vicenza  a  German, 
named  Sigismund,  to  be  punished  for  disseminating 
the  Lutheran  heresy  in  that  diocese ;  for  which  act  of 
filial  obedience  his  excellency  was  formally  thanked 
by  Paul  III.  in  a  pontifical  brief  §  This  example  of 
severity  had  not,  however,  the  effect  of  arresting  the 
progress  of  the  reformed  doctrine,  which  was  patron- 
ized, or  at  least  connived  at  and  tolerated  by  the  local 
magistrates;  for,  in  a  papal  rescript  addressed  to  the 
doge  and  senate  ten  years  after,  his  holiness  repre- 
sents, that  he  had  repeatedly  notified  to  them,  by 
letters  and  nuncios,  that  heresy  had  sprung  up  and 
been  embraced  by  not  a  few  in  their  city  of  Vicenza, 
and  that  the  governor  and  magistrates  of  that  place, 
though  instructed  by  them  to  co-operate  with  their 
bishop  in  extirpating  it,  had  hitherto  refused  to  grant 
that  assistance  which  was  absolutely  necessary  to  ac- 

*  Melanch.  Epist.  coll.  373,  443,  758.  Preface,  by  Cselio  Secundo 
Curio,  to  the  Life  of  Francis  Spira,  by  Matteo  Gribaldi,  first  printed 
in  1550. 

t  Gerdes.  Ital.  Ref.  p.  274, 280,  338,  351. 

I  De  Porta,  Hist.  Reformat.  Ecclesiarum  Rhoeticarum,  torn.  ii. 
p.  253.  Laderchius  introduces  Victor  Saranzius,  bishop  of  Berg-amo, 
among  those  whom  he  calls  Valdesians,  Lutherans,  Zuinglians,  and 
Calvinists.     (Annales  ad  an.  1567.) 

§  Raynaldi  Annal.  ad  an.  1535. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  109 

complish  this  pious  purpose :  so  that  the  heretics  had 
been  emboldened,  and  there  was  reason  to  fear  that 
these  pestilent  tenets  would  take  root  and  spread  to 
adjoining  cities,  unless  prompt  measures  were  taken 
to  apprehend  and  punish  the  guilty.* 

A  letter  addressed  to  Luther,  in  the  year  1542,  by 
Altieri,  "in  the  name  of  the  brethren  of  the  Church  of 
Venice,  Vicenza,  and  Treviso,"  is  valuable,  as  evin- 
cing the  excellent  spirit  of  the  writer,  and  throwing 
light  on  the  state  of  the  Protestant  interest  in  that 
quarter,  and  in  Italy  at  large.      They  felt  ashamed, 
he  said,  and  were  unable  to  account  for  the  fact,  that 
they  had  so  long  failed  to  acknowledge  the  deep  obli- 
gations which  they  lay  under  to  him  as  the  individual 
by  whom  they  had  been  brought  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  way  of  salvation ;  whether  it  was  that  the  sud- 
denness of  their  emancipation  had  astounded  their 
minds,  or  whether  a  certain  rustic  bashfulness  and 
servile  dread  had  deterred  them  from  addressing  so 
grave  and  holy  a  personage.     But  now  necessity,  and 
the  urgency  of  their  circumstances,  had  driven  them 
to  that  course  which  ingratitude  and  culpable  negli- 
gence had  hitherto  prevented  them  from  taking.  Anti- 
christ had  begun  to  rage  against  them.  Some  of  their 
number  had  been  obliged  to  leave  the  country,  others 
were  thrown  into  prison,  and  the  rest  were  in  a  state 
of  trepidation.     As  members  of  the  same  body,  they 
looked  for  the  sympathy  and  assistance  of  their  breth- 
ren in  Germany,  at  whose  call  they  had  come  forth 
and  espoused  that  cause  for  the  sake  of  which  they 
were  now  exposed  to  such  imminent  danger.     What 
they  begged  of  him  was,  to  use  his  influence  with  the 
evangelical  princes  of  Germany  to  write  in  their  be- 
half, requesting  the  senate  of  Venice  to  abstain  from 
that  violence  which  the  ministers  of  the  pope  urged 
it  to  employ  against  the  poor  flock  of  Christ,  and  to 
permit  them  to  enjoy  their  own  manner  of  worship, 
at  least  until  the  meeting  of  a  general  council,  in  the 
way  of  adopting  measures  to  prevent  all  sedition  and 

*  Raynaldi  Annal.  ad  an.  1545. 


110  HISTORY    OF    THE 

disturbance  of  the  public  peace.  "If  God  grant/^ 
continues  he,  "that  we  obtain  a  truce  of  this  kind, 
what  accessions  will  be  made  to  the  kingdom  of  Christ 
in  point  of  faith  and  charity  !  How  many  preach  es 
will  appear  to  announce  Christ  faithfully  to  the  peo- 
ple !  How  many  prophets,  who  now  lurk  in  corners, 
exanimated  with  undue  fears,  will  come  forth  to  ex- 
pound the  Scriptures !  The  harvest  is  truly  great,  but 
there  are  no  labourers.  You  know  what  a  great  in- 
crease your  churches  had,  and  what  a  wide  door  was 
opened  for  the  gospel,  by  the  truce  which,  as  we  un- 
derstand, you  have  enjoyed  for  three  years.  Exert 
yourselves  to  procure  the  same  favour  for  us;  cherish 
the  common  cause ;  do  your  endeavour,  that  by  this 
means  the  consolation  which  is  by  Christ  may  be  im- 
parted to  us,  who  daily  suffer  for  Christ ;  for  it  is  our 
fervent  desire  that  the  word  of  God  may  be  spread 
abroad,  but  we  have  none  to  feed  us,  unless  our  want 
be  supplied  out  of  your  abundance."* 

The  Milanese,  as  early  as  the  year  1542,  con- 
tained adherents  to  the  reformed  doctrine. t  Several  " 
causes  contributed  to  its  propagation  in  this  interest- 
ing portion  of  Italy.  The  struggle  which  Milan,  the 
capital  of  Lombardy,  had  anciently  maintained  for  its 
ecclesiastical  independence,  continued  to  be  remem- 
bered long  after  its  submission  to  the  see  of  Rome ;  a 
circumstance  which,  joined  to  the  natural  advantages 
of  the  country,  drew  to  it  those  who  dissented  from 
the  doctrines  or  declined  the  communion  of  the  gen- 
eral Church.  The  Milanese  bordered  on  Switzerland, 
in  which  the  reformed  doctrine  established  itself  at  an 
early  period,  and  on  Piedmont,  where  the  Vaudois 
had  for  centuries  fixed  their  residence.  To  these 
causes  may  be  added  the  political  state  of  the  duchy, 
and  the  protracted  contest  for  its  sovreignty  between 
Francis  I.  and  Charles  V.,  with  its  alternate  occupa- 
tion by  the  armies  of  the  contending  monarchs;  in 
consequence  of  which,  the  efforts  of  the  Reformers  to 

*  Seckendorf,  lib.  iii.  p.  401. 

t  Erasmi  Epistolae :  Gerdes.  Hist.  Ref.  torn.  iv.  p.  30. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  Ill 

spread  their  sentiments  were  for  a  time  overlooked. 
In  a  brief  addressed  to  the  bishop  of  Modena,  in  the 
year  1536,  Paul  III.  states  that  he  was  informed  that 
there  had  been  lately  discovered,  in  the  religious  and 
illustrious  state  of  Milan,  conventicles,  consisting  of 
noble  persons  of  both  sexes,  belonging  to  a  sect  hold- 
ing and  observing  the  tenets  of  one  friar  Batista  de 
Crema,  by  which  many  heresies,  condemned  by  the 
ancient  Church,  were  fostered.  His  holiness  there- 
fore commands  the  bishop,  who  was  then  at  Milan, 
to  make  inquisition  after  these  conventicles  and 
heretics,  and  to  see  that  condign  punishment  was  in- 
flicted on  the  guilty,  so  that  the  pravity  sown  by  the 
devil  might  be  extirpated  before  it  had  time  to  shoot 
up  and  strengthen.*  Though  the  "impure  tenets  of 
ancient  heretics"  are  imputed  to  these  "innovators," 
according  to  the  usual  language  of  the  Church  of 
Rome,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they  held  the 
common  opinions  of  Luther  and  Zuingle. 

This  part  of  our  history  is  closely  connected  with 
some  interesting  facts  in  the  chequered  life  of  a  man 
who  had  great  influence  in  promoting  the  cause  of 
the  Reformation  in  Italy.  Celio  Secundo  Curione,  or 
Curio,  was  born  at  Turin  in  1503,  and  was  the 
youngest  of  twenty -three  children.  When  only  nine 
years  of  age  he  was  left  an  orphan,  but  being  allied 
to  several  noble  families  in  Piedmont,  received  a 
liberal  education  at  the  university  of  his  native  city. 
In  his  youth,  he  was  induced  to  read  the  Bible  with 
more  than  ordinary  attention,  in  consequence  of  his 
father  having  bequeathed  him  a  copy  of  that  book 
beautifully  written ;  and  when  he  reached  his  twen- 
tieth year,  he  had  the  writings  of  the  Reformers  put 
into  his  hands,  by  means  of  Jeronimo  Negri  of  Fos- 
sano,  who,  along  with  some  others  in  the  Augustinian 
monastery  of  Turin,  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  truth.  This  inflamed  him  with  a  desire  of  visiting 
Germany,  to  which  he  set  out,  accompanied  by  Gia- 
como  Cornello  and  Francesco  Guarino,  who  after- 
wards became  distinguished  ministers  of  the  reformed 

*  Raynaldi  Annales,  ad  an.  1536. 


112  HISTORY    OF    THE 

church.  Having,  on  their  journey,  entered  incautious- 
ly into  dispute  on  the  controverted  heads  of  rehgion, 
they  were  informed  against,  seized  by  the  spies  of  the 
cardinal  bishop  of  Ivree,  and  thrown  into  separate 
prisons.  Curio  was  released  through  the  intercession 
of  his  relations ;  and  the  cardinal,  pleased  with  his 
talents,  endeavoured  to  attach  him  to  himself  by  the 
offer  of  pecuniary  assistance  in  his  studies,  and  by 
placing  him  in  the  neighbouring  priory  of  St.  Benigno, 
with  the  administration  of  which  he  had  been  in- 
trusted by  the  late  pope  Leo  X.  In  this  situation 
Curio  exerted  himself  in  enlightening  the  monks  and 
freeing  their  minds  from  the  influence  of  superstition. 
He  one  day  opened  a  box,  placed  on  the  altar  of  the 
chapel,  and  having  abstracted  the  relics  from  it,  sub- 
stituted a  copy  of  the  Bible,  with  the  following  inscrip- 
tion, "  This  is  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  which  contains 
the  oracles  of  God,  the  true  relics  of  the  saints."  When 
the  relics  were  required  on  the  next  solemn  festival,  the 
trick  was  discovered,  and  suspicion  having  fallen  on 
Curio,  he  fled  and  made  his  escape  to  Milan.  This  hap- 
pened about  the  year  1530.  After  visiting  Rome  and 
several  cities  in  Italy,  he  returned  to  the  Milanese, 
where  he  married  a  lady  belonging  to  the  illustrious 
family  of  the  Isacii,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  teach- 
ing of  polite  letters,  by  which  he  gained  great  reputa- 
tion in  the  city  and  vicinity  of  Milan.  The  ravages 
committed  by  the  Spanish  troops  obliging  him  to  quit 
the  Milanese,  he  embraced  an  invitation  from  the 
count  of  Montferrat,  under  whose  protection  he  re- 
sided for  some  years  in  tranquillity  at  Casale.* 

Being  persuaded  to  visit  his  native  country,  with 
the  view  of  recovering  his  patrimony,  he  found  it 
seized  by  one  of  his  sisters  and  her  husband,  who 
unnaturally  preferred  a -charge  of  heresy  against  him, 
as  the  most  effectual  way  of  defeating  his  legal  claims. 
Upon  this  he  retired  to  a  village  in  the  territories  of 
the  duke  of  Savoy,  where  he  was  employed  in  teach- 
ing the  children  of  the  neighbouring  gentlemen.  Hav- 

*  Stupani  Oratio  de  Ccelii  Secundi  Curionis  Vita  atque  Obitu;  in 
Schelhorni  Amoen.  Liter,  torn.  xiv.  p.  328 — 336. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  113 

ing  gone  one  day,  in  company  with  some  of  his  pa- 
trons, to  hear  a  Dominican  monk  from  Turin,  the 
preacher,  in  the  course  of  his  sermon,  drew  a  frightful 
picture  of  the  German  Reformers,  and,  in  proof  of  its 
justness,  gave  false  quotations  from  a  work  pubUshed 
by  Luther.  Curio  went  up  to  the  friar  after  sermon, 
and,  producing  the  book,  which  he  happened  to  have 
in  his  possession,  read  the  passages  referred  to  in  the 
presence  of  the  most  respectable  part  of  the  audience, 
who,  indignant  at  the  misrepresentations  which  had 
been  impudently  palmed  on  them,  drove  their  ghostly 
instructor,  with  disgrace,  from  the  town.  Information 
was  immediately  given  to  the  inquisitor,  and  Curio 
was  apprehended  and  carried  a  prisoner  to  his  native 
city,  when  his  meditated  journey  to  Germany  and  his 
abstracting  of  the  relics  at  St.  Benigno,  were  produced 
as  aggravations  of  his  crime  and  strong  presumptions 
of  heretical  pravity.  As  his  friends  were  known  to 
possess  great  influence,  the  administrator  of  the  bishop- 
ric of  Turin  went  to  Rome  to  secure  his  condemnation, 
leaving  him  under  the  charge  of  a  brother  of  cardinal 
Cibo,  who,  to  prevent  any  attempt  at  rescue,  removed 
him  to  an  inner  room  of  the  prison,  and  ordered  his 
feet  to  be  made  fast  in  the  stocks.  In  this  situation  a 
person  of  less  fortitude  and  ingenuity  would  have  given 
himself  up  for  lost;  but  Curio,  having  in  his  youth 
lived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  jail,  devised  a 
method  of  escape,  which,  through  the  favour  of  Pro- 
vidence, succeeded.  His  feet  being  swoln  by  confine- 
ment, he  prevailed  on  his  keeper  to  allow  him  to  have 
his  right  foot  loosed  for  a  day  or  two.  By  means  of 
his  shoe,  together  with  a  reed  and  a  quantity  of  rags 
which  lay  within  his  reach,  he  formed  an  artificial 
leg,  which  he  fastened  to  his  right  knee,  in  such  a 
manner  as  that  he  could  move  it  with  ease.  Having 
obtained  permission  to  have  his  other  foot  relieved,  he 
inserted  the  artificial  limb  into  the  stocks.  Both  his 
feet  being  thus  at  liberty,  he,  during  the  following 
night,  forced  the  door  of  his  apartment,  felt  his  way 
through  the  dark  passages,  dropped  from  a  window, 
and  having  scaled  the  walls  of  his  prison  with  difli- 


114  HISTORr    OF    THE 

culty,  made  his  escape  into  Italy.  As  he  had  extracted 
the  fictitious  Umb  from  the  stocks,  and  taken  it  to 
pieces,  before  leaving  the  prison,  his  persecutors  could 
not  account  for  his  escape,  and  circulated  the  report 
that  he  had  effected  it  by  magic ;  upon  which  he  pub- 
lished an  account  of  the  whole  affair,  in  the  form  of 
a  dialogue,  interspersed  with  humorous  and  satirical 
strictures  upon  some  of  the  popish  errors.*  After 
remaining  some  months  with  his  family  at  Sale,  a  re- 
mote village  in  the  territory  of  Milan,  he  was  drawn 
from  his  retirement  by  his  former  friends  and  placed 
in  the  university  of  Pavia.  As  soon  as  this  was  known, 
orders  were  sent  from  Rome  to  apprehend  him ;  but 
so  great  was  the  favour  in  which  he  was  held  by  the 
principal  inhabitants  of  the  place,  and  by  the  students, 
many  of  whom  had  come  from  other  seminaries  to 
attend  his  lectures,  that  he  was  protected  for  nearly 
three  years  from  the  attempts  of  the  inquisitors;  a 
guard,  composed  of  his  scholars,  accompanying  him 
to  and  from  his  house  every  day,  during  a  great  part 
of  that  time.  At  last,  the  pope  threatening  the  senate 
of  the  town  with  excommunication,  he  was  forced 
to  retire  to  Venice,  from  which  he  removed  to  Fer- 
rara.  The  labours  of  Curio  were  blessed  for  opening 
the  eyes  of  many  to  the  errors  and  corruptions  of  the 
Roman  church,  during  his  journeys  through  Italy, 
and  the  residence  which  he  made  in  several  parts  of 
it,  especially  in  the  Milanese.! 

Naples  and  Sicily  had  for  some  time  belonged  to 
the  crown  of  Spain,  and  were  now  governed  by  sepa- 
rate viceroys  under  the  emperor  Charles  V.  In  Cala- 
bria, which  formed  one  of  the  departments  of  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  the  Vaudois  still  existed;  and 
the  doctrine  of  Luther  and  the  other  Reformers  now 
spread  extensively  in  the  Neapolitan  territory,  and 

*  It  is  entitled  "  Caelii  Secundi  Curionis  Pasquillus  Ecstaticus,  una 
cum  aliis  etiam  aliquot  Sanctis  pariter  et  lepidis  Dialogis;"  without 
date  or  place  of  printing.  The  book  was  reprinted  at  Geneva  in 
1667,  which  is  the  edition  I  have  used.  The  Dialogue,  so  far  as  it 
relates  to  his  escape  from  Turin,  is  inserted  by  Schelhorn  in  the 
second  volume  of  his  Amcenitates  Hist.  Eccles.  et  Hist.  p.  759 — 776. 

t  Stupani  Oratio,  p.  342. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  115 

especially  in  its  capital.  It  is  supposed  to  have  been 
first  introduced  by  the  German  soldiers,  who,  after 
the  sack  of  Rome,  obliged  Lautrec,  the  French  gene- 
ral, to  raise  the  siege  of  Naples,  and  continued  to 
garrison  that  city  for  some  time.*  A  rigorous  edict, 
published  by  Charles  V.  in  the  year  1536,  by  which 
he  charged  Don  Pedro  de  Toledo,  his  viceroy  at  Na- 
ples, with  the  punishment  of  all  who  were  infected 
with  heresy,  or  who  inclined  to  it,  was  intended  to 
extirpate  the  seeds  which  had  been  sown  by  these 
foreigners.! 

The  Germans  were  succeeded  by  a  person  who, 
according  to  the  account  of  a  contemporary  popish 
historian,  "  caused  a  far  greater  slaughter  of  souls  than 
all  the  thousands  of  heretical  soldiery." J  This  was 
Juan  Valdes,  or  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Valdesso, 
a  Spanish  gentleman,  who  had  gone  to  Germany 
along  with  his  sovereign,  Charles  V.  by  whom  he 
was  knighted  and  sent  to  Naples,  where  he  acted  as 
secretary  to  the  viceroy,  don  Pedro  de  Toledo.  In 
tracing  the  progress  which  the  Reformation  made  in 
Spain,  we  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  showing  how 
the  religious  opinions  of  Valdes  were  formed. §  His 
character  was  admirably  adapted  to  produce  an  im- 
pression favourable  to  the  new  opinions.  Possessed 
of  considerable  learning  and  of  superior  address,  fer- 
vent in  his  piety  and  gentle  in  his  dispositions,  polite 
in  manners  and  eloquent  in  conversation,  he  soon  be- 
came a  favourite  with  the  principal  nobility  and  widi 
all  the  enlightened  men,  who,  at  a  certain  season  of 
the  year,  resorted  in  great  numbers  to  the  Neapolitan 
metropolis.  Valdes  did  not  take  on  him  the  office  of  a 
preacher,  and  he  is  an  example  of  the  extensive  good 
which  may  be  done  by  one  who  confines  himself  to  the 
sphere  within  which  Providence  has  placed  him.  By 
his  private  instructions,  he  not  only  imbued  the  minds 

*  Anton  Caraccioli,  Collect,  de  Vita  Pauli  IV.  p.  239. 
t  Giannone,  Hist.  Civ.  de  Naples,  liv.  xxxii.  chap.  5. 
I  Caraccioli,  Collect,  ut  supra. 

§  History  of  the  Progress  and  Suppression  of  the  Reformation  in 
Spain. 


116  HISTORY    or    THE 

of  many  distinguished  laymen  with  the  knowledge  of 
evangelical  truth,  but  contributed  materially  to  ad- 
vance the  illumination  and  to  stimulate  the  zeal  of 
others,  whose  station  gave  them  an  opportunity  of 
preaching  the  gospel  to  the  people,  or  of  instilling  its 
doctrines  into  the  minds  of  the  ingenuous  youth  whose 
studies  they  superintended.*  Among  these  were  Ochi- 
no  and  Martyr,  two  persons  of  whom  it  is  proper  to 
give  an  account,  as  they  produced  a  strong  sensation 
in  their  native  country,  and  distinguished  themselves 
afterwards  in  the  reformed  churches  on  this  side  the 
Alps. 

Bernardino  Ochino,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called, 
Ocello,  was  born  in  the  year  1487,  at  Sienna,  a  city  of 
Tuscany,  of  obscure  parents.  Feeling,  from  his  earliest 
years,  a  deep  sense  of  religion,  he  devoted  himself, 
according  to  the  notions  of  that  age,  to  a  monastic 
life,  and  joined  the  Franciscan  Observantines,  as  the 
strictest  of  all  the  orders  of  the  regular  clergy.  For 
the  same  reason  he  left  them,  and,  in  1534,  became  a 
member  of  the  Capuchin  brotherhood,  which  had 
been  recently  established  according  to  the  most  rigid 
rules  of  holy  living,  or  rather  voluntary  humility  and 
mortification.t  During  his  monastic  retirement,  he 
acknowledges  that  he  escaped  those  vices  with  which 
his  life  might  have  been  tainted  if  he  had  mixed  with 
the  world ;  and  from  the  studies  of  the  cloister,  bar- 
ren and  unprofitable  as  they  were,  reaped  a  portion 
of  knowledge  which  was  afterwards  of  some  use  to 
him; J  but  he  failed  completely  in  gaining,  what  was 
the  great  thing  which  induced  him  to  choose  that 
unnatural  and  irksome  mode  of  life,  peace  of  mind 
and  assurance  of  salvation.     But  let  us  hear  his  own 

*  Caraccioli,  ut  supra.  Giannone,  ut  supra.  Schelhorni  Amoenit. 
Hist.  Eccl.  torn.  ii.  p.  49.  Simleri  Oratio  de  Vita  Martyris,  sig.  b.  iij. 

t  De  Vita,  Religione,  et  Fatis  Bernardini  Ochini  Senensis ;  pub- 
lished in  Observ.  Select.  Liter.  Halens.  torn.  iv.  p.  409 — 414.  The 
author  of  this  Life  of  Ochino  was  Burch.  Gottlieb  Struvius.  Some 
popish  writers  had  incautiously  stated  that  Ochino  was  the  founder 
of  the  Capuchins,  a  heretical  blot  which  their  successors  were  eager 
to  remove. 

t  Ochini  Dialogi,  torn.  ii.  p.  374.    Basil  1563. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  117 

account  of  his  feelings,  and  of  the  manner  in  which 
a  change  was  first  wrought  on  his  sentiments  con- 
cerning rehgion.  "Wlien  I  was  a  young  man,  I 
was  under  the  dominion  of  the  common  error  by 
which  the  minds  of  all  who  live  under  the  yoke  of 
the  wicked  Antichrist  are  enthralled;  so  that  I  be- 
lieved that  we  were  to  be  saved  by  our  own  works, 
fastings,  prayers,  abstinence,  watchings,  and  other 
things  of  the  same  kind,  by  which  we  were  to  make 
satisfaction  for  our  sins,  and  purchase  heaven,  through 
the  concurring  grace  of  God.  Wherefore,  being  anx- 
ious to  be  saved,  I  deliberated  with  myself  what  man- 
ner of  life  I  should  follow,  and  believing  that  those 
modes  of  religion  were  holy  which  were  approved 
by  the  Roman  Church,  which  I  regarded  as  infallible, 
and  judging  that  the  life  of  the  friars  of  St.  Francis, 
called  de  observantia,  was  above  all  others  severe, 
austere,  and  rigid,  and,  on  that  account,  more  perfect 
and  conformable  to  the  life  of  Christ,  I  entered  their 
society.  Although  I  did  not  find  what  I  had  expect- 
ed, yet  no  better  way  presenting  itself  to  my  blinded 
judgment,  I  continued  among  them  until  the  Capu- 
chin friars  made  their  appearance,  when,  being  struck 
with  the  still  greater  austerity  of  their  mode  of  living, 
I  assumed  their  habit,  in  spite  of  the  resistance  made 
by  my  sensuality  and  carnal  prudence.  Being  now 
persuaded  that  I  had  found  what  I  was  seeking,  I 
said  to  Christ, '  Lord,  if  I  am  not  saved  now,  I  know 
nothing  more  that  I  can  do.'  In  the  course  of  my 
meditations,  I  was  often  perplexed  and  felt  at  a  loss 
to  reconcile  the  views  on  which  I  acted  with  what  the 
Scriptures  said  about  salvation  being  the  gift  of  God 
through  the  redemption  wrought  by  Christ;  but  the 
authority  of  the  Church  silenced  these  scruples,  and 
in  proportion  as  concern  for  my  soul  became  more 
intense,  I  applied  myself  with  greater  diligence  and 
ardour  to  those  bodily  exercises  and  mortifications 
which  were  prescribed  by  the  doctrine  of  the  Church, 
and  by  the  rules  of  the  order  to  which  I  had  submit- 
ted. Still,  however,  I  remained  a  stranger  to  true 
peace  of  mind,  which  at  last  I  found  by  searching  the 


118  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Scriptures,  and  such  helps  for  understanding  them  as  I 
had  access  to.  I  now  came  to  be  satisfied  of  the  three 
following  truths: — First,  that  Christ,  by  his  obedi- 
ence and  death,  has  made  a  plenary  satisfaction  and 
merited  heaven  for  the  elect,  which  is  the  only  right- 
eousness and  ground  of  salvation;  secondly,  that  re- 
ligious vows  of  human  invention  are  not  only  useless 
but  hurtful  and  wicked ;  and,  thirdly,  that  the  Roman 
Church,  though  calculated  to  fascinate  the  senses  by 
her  external  pomp  and  splendour,  is  unscriptural  and 
abominable  in  the  sight  of  God.'^* 

In  Italy  it  was  not  the  custom,  as  in  Germany,  for 
the  secular  clergy  to  preach:  this  task  was  performed 
exclusively  by  the  monks  and  friars.  The  chapters  of 
the  different  orders  chose  such  of  their  number  as  pos- 
sessed the  best  pulpit  talents,  and  sent  them  to  preach 
in  the  principal  cities  during  the  time  of  Lent,  which 
was  almost  the  only  season  of  the  year  in  which  the 
people  enjoyed  religious  instruction.  Ochino  attained 
to  the  highest  distinction  in  this  employment,  to  which 
he  was  chosen  by  his  brethren  at  an  early  period.  His 
original  talents  compensated  for  his  want  of  erudition. 
He  was  a  natural  orator;  and  the  fervour  of  his  piety 
and  the  sanctity  of  his  life  gave  an  unction  and  an 
odour  to  his  discourses  which  ravished  the  hearts  of 
his  hearers.  "  In  such  reputation  was  he  held,'^  says 
the  annalist  of  the  Capuchins,  after  Ochino  had  brought 
on  them  the  stigma  of  heresy,  "  that  he  was  esteemed 
incomparably  the  best  preacher  of  Italy;  his  powers 
of  elocution,  accompanied  with  the  most  admirable 
action,  giving  him  the  complete  command  of  his  au- 
dience, and  the  more  so  that  his  life  corresponded  to 
his  doctrine. '^t  His  external  appearance,  after  he  had 
passed  middle  age,  contributed  to  heighten  this  effect. 
His  snow-white  head,  and  his  beard  of  the  same 

*  Bernardini  Ochini  Responsio,  qua  rationem  reddit  discessus  ex 
Italia.  Venet.  1542.  Ep.  Dedic. :  Observat.  Select.  Halenses,  torn.  iv. 
p.  412 — 414.  Epistre  aux  Magnifiques  Seigneurs  de  Siene — par 
Bernardin  Ochin.  Avec  un  autre  Epistre  a  Mutio  Justinopolitain, 
1544.  The  epistle  to  Mutio  is  a  translation  of  the  work  first  men- 
tioned.    M.  Aug.  Beyeri  Menrior.  Libr.  Rariorum,  p.  259 — 2G1. 

t  Bzovius,  apud  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrin.  torn.  ii.  p.  485. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  119 

colour  flowing  down  to  his  middle,  added  to  a  pale 
countenance,  which  led  the  spectators  to  suppose  that 
he  was  in  bad  health,  rendered  his  aspect  at  once 
venerable  and  deeply  interesting.*  He  never  rode  on 
horseback  or  in  a  carriage,  but  performed  all  his  jour- 
neys on  foot ;  a  practice  which  he  continued  after  he 
was  advanced  in  years.  When  he  paid  a  visit  to  the 
palaces  of  princes  or  bishops,  he  was  always  met  and 
received  with  the  honours  due  to  one  of  superior  rank, 
and  accompanied,  on  his  departure,  with  the  same 
marks  of  distinction;  yet,  wherever  he  lodged,  he 
retained  all  the  simplicity  and  austerity  of  the  reli- 
gious order  to  which  he  belonged.!  As  a  preacher, 
he  was  admired  and  followed  equally  by  the  learned 
and  illiterate,  by  the  great  and  the  vulgar.  Charles 
v.,  who  used  to  attend  his  sermons  when  in  Italy, 
pronounced  this  high  encomium  on  him — "  That  man 
would  make  the  stones  weep !":}:  Sadolet  and  Bembo, 
who  were  still  better  judges  than  his  imperial  majesty, 
assigned  to  Ochino  the  palm  of  popular  eloquence.  § 
At  Perugia,  he  prevailed  on  the  inhabitants,  by  his 
discourses,  to  bury  all  their  animosities  and  bring 
their  lawsuits  to  an  amicable  settlement;  and  in 
Naples,  he  preached  to  so  numerous  an  assembly  and 
with  such  persuasive  eloquence  as  to  collect  at  one 
time,  for  a  charitable  purpose,  the  almost  incredible 
sum  of  five  thousand  crowns.  || 

The  fame  of  the  devout  and  eloquent  Capuchin 
was  so  great,  that  the  most  respectable  inhabitants  of 
Venice,  in  the  year  1538,  employed  cardinal  Bembo 
to  procure  him  to  preach  to  them  during  the  ensuing 
Lent.  The  cardinal  wrote  to  Vittoria  Colonna,  mar- 
chioness of  Pescaro,  begging  her  to  intercede  with 

*  Graziani,  Vita  Card.  Commendoni,  lib.  ii.  cap,  9.     . 

t  Ibid. 

t  Schroekh,  Christliche  Kirchengeschichte  seit  der  Reformation, 
torn.  ii.  p.  780. 

§  Sadoleti  Epist.  in  Oper.  Aonii  Palearii,  p.  558.  edit.  Halbaueri. 
Quirini  Diatrib.  prefix.  Epp.  Reg.  Poli,  torn.  iii.  p.  86. 

II  Annali  de'  Fratri  Minori  Capuccini  composti  dal  P.  Zaccaria 
Boverio  da  Saluzzo,  e  tradotti  en  volgare  dal  P.  F.  Benedetto  San- 
benedetti  da  Milano,  torn.  i.  p.  411.     Vcnct.  1643. 


120  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Ochino,  over  whom  she  had  great  influence,  to  visit 
Venice,  where  he  would  find  all  the  inhabitants  in- 
flamed with  the  most  passionate  desire  to  hear  him.* 
He  went  accordingly,  and  the  reception  he  met  with 
is  thus  described  by  the  elegant  pen  of  Bembo,  in  a 
letter  to  the  marchioness,  dated  from  Venice,  the  23d 
day  of  February,  1539: — "  I  send  your  highness  the 
extracts  of  our  very  reverend  Frate  Bernardino,  to 
whom  I  have  listened,  during  the  small  part  of  this 
Lent  which  is  over,  with  a  pleasure  which  I  cannot 
sufficiently  express.  Assuredly  I  never  heard  so  edi- 
fying and  holy  a  preacher,  and  do  not  wonder  that 
your  highness  esteems  him  as  you  do.  He  discourses 
very  differently  from  any  other  that  has  mounted  the 
pulpit  in  my  day,  and  in  a  more  Christian  manner ; 
bringing  forth  truths  of  superior  excellence  and  use- 
fulness, and  enforcing  them  with  the  most  aff'ectionate 
ardour.  He  pleases  every  body  above  measure,  and 
will  carry  the  hearts  of  all  with  him  when  he  leaves 
this  place.  From  the  whole  city  I  send  your  highness 
immortal  thanks  for  the  favour  you  have  done  us; 
and  I  especially  will  ever  feel  obliged  to  you."t  In 
another  letter  to  the  same  lady,  dated  the  15th  of 
March,  he  says — "  I  talk  with  your  highness  as  I  talked 
this  morning  with  the  reverend  father,  Frate  Bernar- 
dino, to  whom  I  have  laid  open  my  whole  heart  and 
soul,  as  I  would  have  done  to  Jesus  Christ,  to  whom 
I  am  persuaded  he  is  acceptable  and  dear.  Never 
have  I  had  the  pleasure  to  speak  to  a  holier  man 
than  he.  I  should  have  been  now  at  Padua,  both  on 
account  of  a  business  which  has  engaged  me  for  a 
whole  year,  and  also  to  shun  the  applications  with 
which  I  am  incessantly  assailed  in  consequence  of 
this  blessed  cardinalate;:j:  but  I  was  unwilling  to  de- 
prive myself  of  the  opportunity  of  hearing  his  most 
excellent,  holy,  and  edifying  sermons. "§    And  on  the 

*  Lettere  di  Pietro  Bembo,  vol.  iv.  p.  108  :    Opere,  vol.  viii.  Mi- 
lano,  1810. 

t  Lettere  di  Pietro  Bembo,  vol.  iv.  p.  109. 

t  Bembo  had  lately  received  a  cardinal's  hat  from  Rome. 

§  Lettere,  ut  supra,  p.  112. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  121 

14th  of  April  he  writes — ^^  Our  Frate  Bernardino, 
whom  I  desire  henceforth  to  call  mine  as  well  as 
yours,  is  at  present  adored  in  this  city.  There  is  not 
a  man  or  woman  who  does  not  extol  him  to  the  skies. 
Oh,  what  pleasure !  Oh,  what  delight!  Oh,  what  joy 
has  he  given !  But  I  reserve  his  praises  until  I  meet 
your  highness,  and,  in  the  meantime,  supplicate  our 
Lord  to  order  his  life  so  as  that  it  may  endure  longer 
to  the  honour  of  God  and  the  profit  of  men,  than  it  can 
endure  according  to  the  way  in  which  he  now  treats 
himself.'^*  The  following  letter,  addressed  by  the 
cardinal  to  the  parson  of  the  church  of  the  Apostles, 
is  still  more  descriptive  of  the  deep  interest  which  was 
felt  for  Ochino  at  Venice : — "  I  pray  you  to  entreat 
and  oblige  the  reverend  father,  Frate  Bernardino,  to 
eat  flesh,  not  for  the  gratification  and  benefit  of  his 
body,  about  which  he  is  indiflerent,  but  for  the  com- 
fort of  our  souls — that  he  may  be  able  to  preach  the 
gospel  to  the  praise  of  our  blessed  Saviour.  For  he 
cannot  continue  his  exercises,  nor  bear  up  under  them, 
during  the  present  Lent,  unless  he  leave  ofi"  the  diet 
of  the  season,  which,  as  experience  proves,  always 
brings  on  him  a  catarrh."! 

These  extracts  will  be  considered  as  sufficient  to 
establish  the  character  of  Ochino  for  piety  and  elo- 
quence ;  but  there  is  another  reflection  which  they 
can  scarcely  fail  to  suggest.  How  deceitful  are  the 
warmest  feelings  excited  by  hearing  the  gospel !  and 
how  do  they  vary  with  the  external  circumstances  in 
which  the  truth  is  presented  to  the  mind!  Bembo 
was  delighted  with  the  sentiments  which  he  heard,  as 
well  as  the  eloquence  with  which  the  preacher  adorn- 
ed them ;  and  yet  the  future  conduct  of  the  cardinal 
leaves  us  at  no  loss  in  determining,  that  he  would 
have  felt  and  spoken  very  diflTerently,  had  he  been  told 
that  the  doctrine  to  which  he  listened  with  such 
devout  ravishment  was  essentially  protestant.  Names 

*  Lettere,  ut  supra,  p.  112, 

t  "  Ali  12  di  Marzo,  1539."  This  letter  was  first  published,  from 
the  archives  of  the  Marquis  Ugolino  Barisone,  by  Chevalier  Jncopo 
Morelli,  in  his  late  edition  of  Bembo's  works.     (Tomo.  ix.  p.  497.) 


122  HISTORY    OF    THE 

exert  great  influence  over  mankind ;  but  let  not  those 
who  can  laugh  at  this  weakness  flatter  themselves 
that  they  have  risen  above  all  the  prejudices  by 
which  the  truth  is  excluded  or  expelled.  The  love 
of  the  world  outweighs  both  names  and  things.  Pro- 
vided men  could  enjoy  the  gospel  within  the  pale  of 
their  own  church,  within  the  circle  of  that  society  in 
which  they  have  been  accustomed  to  move  and  shine, 
and  without  being  required  to  forego  the  profits, 
honours,  or  pleasures  of  this  life,  ^'all  the  world" 
might  be  seen  wondering  after  Christ,  as  it  once 
"wondered  after  the  beast." 

In  a  general  chapter  of  his  order,  held  at  Florence 
in  the  year  1538,  Ochino  was  chosen  general  or  chief 
director  of  the  Capuchins.  And  three  years  after,  in 
another  chapter,  held  at  Whitsuntide,  1541,  in  the 
city  of  Naples,  he  was,  as  an  unexampled  mark  of 
respect,  and  in  opposition  to  his  own  earnest  request, 
unanimously  re-elected  to  the  same  office.*  Before 
Ochino  was  advanced  to  these  honours,  or  had  ac- 
quired such  extensive  popularity  as  a  preacher,  the 
change  in  his  religious  sentiments,  already  described, 
had  taken  placet  It  produced  a  corresponding  change 
on  his  strain  of  preaching,  which,  for  some  time,  was 
felt  rather  than  understood  by  his  hearers.  He 
appealed  directly  to  the  Scriptures  in  support  of  the 
doctrines  which  he  delivered,  and  exhorted  the  people 
to  rest  their  faith  on  the  infallible  authority  of  the 
word  of  God,  and  to  build  their  hopes  of  salvation  on 
the  obedience  and  death  of  Christ  alone.  But  a  pru- 
dential regard  to  his  own  safety,  and  to  the  edifica- 

*  Boverio,  Annali  Capuccini  ad  ann.  1539,  1541.  His  official 
designation  is  expressed  in  the  title  of  one  of  his  first  publications — 
"  Dialogi  Sacri  del  Rev.  Padre  Frate  B.  Ochino  da  Siena,  Generals 
de  i  Frati  Capuzzini.  Venetio,  1542."  (De  Bure,  Partie  Theolo- 
gique,  p.  432.) 

t  Observ.  Select.  Hallens.  torn.  iv.  p.  416.  Caraccioli,  Collect,  p. 
239.  Giannone,  liv.  xxxvii.  chap.  v.  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrin.  torn.  ii. 
p.  489 — 491.  Caraccioli  says,  that  Ochino's  adoption  of  the  Protes- 
tant tenets  was  discovered  as  early  as  the  year  1536.  This  error  has 
been  corrected  by  Bock,  who  has  himself  fallen  into  a  mistake  in 
stating  that  Ochino  was  drawn  over  to  the  evangelical  party  by  Val- 
des  in  the  year  1541;  whereas  the  latter  died  in  1540. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  123 

tion  of  his  hearers,  whose  minds  were  not  prepared 
for  the  discovery,  prevented  him  for  some  time  from 
exposing  the  errors  and  superstition  by  which  Chris- 
tianity had  been  corrupted.  When  he  came  to  preach 
at  Naples,  the  sagacious  eye  of  Juan  Valdes  quickly 
detected  the  protestant  under  the  patched  rocket  and 
sharp-horned  cowl  of  the  Capuchin;  and,  having 
gained  his  friendship,  he  introduced  him  to  the  pri- 
vate meetings  held  by  the  converts  to  evangelical 
doctrine  in  that  city. 

Pietro  Martire  Vermigli*  was  born  in  the  year 
1500,  of  an  honourable  family  in  Florence,  and  receiv- 
ed that  liberal  education  which  had  been  denied  to 
Ochino.  In  his  youth  he  was  taught  Latin  by  his 
mother ;  and  having,  when  he  arrived  at  the  age  of 
sixteen,  entered,  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  his  parents, 
among  the  canons  regular  of  St.  Augustine,  he  passed 
his  noviciate  in  their  convent  at  Fiezoli,  which  the 
liberality  of  the  Medici  had  furnished  with  an  excel- 
lent library.  From  this  he  was  sent  to  the  university 
of  Padua,  where  he  made  great  proficiency  in  philoso- 
phy and  the  Greek  language.  He  afterwards  visited 
the  most  celebrated  academies  of  his  native  country. 
At  Vercelli,  by  the  persuasion  of  his  intimate  friend 
Cusano,  he  interpreted  Homer;  and  at  Bologna  he 
acquired  the  knowledge  of  Hebrew  from  a  Jewish 
physician,  named  Isaac.  Being  selected  by  the  Augus- 
tinians  as  one  of  their  public  preachers,  he  distin- 
guised  himself  by  the  solidity  and  eloquence  of  his 
discourses  at  Rome,  Bologna,  Fermo,  Pisa,  Venice, 
Mantua,  Bergamo  and  Montferrat.  Having  thus 
recommended  himself  to  those  of  his  order  by  his 
talents  and  labours,  he  was  unanimously  elected 
abbot  of  Spoleto,  and  soon  after  provost  of  the  college 

*  His  father's  name  was  Stefano  Vermigli,  from  whom  he  is  ordi- 
narily designated  Petrus  Martyr  Verinilitis,  to  distinguish  him  from 
Petrus  Martyr  Mediolanensis,  a  martyr  after  whom  he  was  named, 
in  consequence  of  a  vow  of  his  parents;  and  also  to  distinguish  him 
from  a  learned  countryman  and  contemporary  of  his  own,  Petrus 
Martyr  Angleiius,  (of  Anghiera,)  whose  epistles  are  known  to  the 
learned  as  throwing  great  light  on  the  history  of  the  early  part  of 
the  sixteenth  century. 


124  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  St.  Pietro  ad  aram,  in  the  city  of  Naples,  a  situa- 
tion of  dignity  and  emolument.  This  was  about  the 
year  1530,  and  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age.  It 
was  at  this  time,  and  Avhen  he  had  the  prospect  of 
certain  and  rapid  advancement  in  the  Romish  church, 
that  a  change  took  place  on  his  religious  sentiments, 
which  gave  a  complete  turn  to  his  future  life.  From 
his  youth,  as  he  himself  has  told  us,  he  had  a  decided 
preference  for  sacred  studies;  and  having  access  to 
the  Scriptures  in  the  convent  to  which  he  belonged, 
applied  himself  to  read  them  with  great  care,  and  not 
altogether  without  profit  to  himself  and  others.*  At 
a  subsequent  period  he  fell  in  with  the  treatises  of 
Zuingle  on  True  and  False  Religion,  and  on  Provi- 
dence, and  with  some  of  Bucer's  commentaries  on 
Scripture,  which  left  hnpressions  in  his  mind.  These 
were  now  confirmed  and  deepened  by  the  conversa- 
tion of  Valdes,  Flaminio,  and  others,  with  whom  he 
became  acquainted  at  Naples.! 

Martyr  excelled  as  much  in  judgment  and  learning, 
as  Ochino  did  in  popular  eloquence.  To  their  exer- 
tions in  difiusing  evangelical  truth  were  added  those 
of  Mollio,  formerly  mentioned,  who  now  filled  the 
station  of  lecturer  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Lorenzo  at 
Naples.  While  Ochino  employed  his  persuasive 
eloquence  in  the  pulpit.  Martyr  and  Mollio  read  lec- 
tures, chiefly  on  Paul's  epistles,  which  were  attended 
by  the  monks  of  difl^rent  convents,  by  many  of  the 
nobility,  and  by  individuals  of  the  episcopal  order. 
The  three  friends  did  not  fail  to  meet  with  opposition 
from  the  strenuous  adherents  of  the  established  reli- 
gion, who  were  supported  by  the  authority  of  the 
viceroy ;  but  such  was  the  prudence  with  which  they 
conducted  themselves,  and  the  countenance  which 
they  received  from  persons  of  the  first  consideration 
in  the  city,  that  they  were  able  to  maintain  their 

*  Oratio  quam  Tiguri  primum  habult:  Martyris  Loc.  Commun. 
p.  744. 

t  Simleri  Oratio  dc  Vita  et  Obitu  Petri  Martyris  Vermilii,  praafix. 
ad  Loc.  Commun.  Martyris,  &\g.  b.  ij.  b.  iij.  Genev.  1624.  This 
funeral  oration  was  republished  by  Gerdes,  in  his  Scriniuvi  Antiqua- 
riurrif  tom.  iii.  par.  ii. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  125 

ground,  and  for  a  time  to  triumph  over  their  adver- 
saries. The  favourite  doctrine  of  Ochino  was  justifi- 
cation by  faith  in  Christ,  which,  as  appears  from  his 
printed  sermons,  he  perfectly  understood,  and  explain- 
ed with  much  Scriptural  simplicity.  Purgatory,  pen- 
ances, and  papal  pardons,  fell  before  the  preaching 
of  this  doctrine,  as  Dagon  of  old  before  the  ark  of 
Jehovah.  An  Augustinian  monk  of  Trevigio,  as 
much  perhaps  with  the  view  of  recommending  him- 
self to  his  superiors  as  from  any  hopes  of  success, 
challenged  Ochino  and  his  colleagues  to  a  dispute  on 
these  points;  but  he  was  worsted  and  put  to  silence 
by  their  superior  talents  and  acquaintance  with  Scrip- 
ture. The  church  of  Rome  had  long  relied  on  the 
third  chapter  of  the  first  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,* 
as  one  of  the  main  pillars  of  purgatory ;  and  from  this 
passage  the  monks  were  accustomed  to  draw  their 
most  popular  arguments  in  favour  of  that  lucrative 
doctrine.  Martyr  did  not  directly  attack  the  doctrine ; 
but,  in  the  course  of  his  lectures  on  that  epistle,  he 
gave  a  quite  different  interpretation  of  the  words, 
which  he  confirmed  by  arguments  drawn  from  the 
text  and  context,  and  by  appeals  to  the  writings  of 
the  most  learned  and  judicious  among  the  fathers. 
This  view  of  the  passage  occasioned  great  specula- 
tion; and  the  monks,  provoked  by  the  favourable 
reception  which  it  met  with,  and  dreading  that  the 
most  fertile  source  of  their  gain  would  be  dried  up, 
moved  heaven  and  earth  against  the  daring  innovator. 
B}^  the  influence  of  the  viceroy,  and  their  own  repre- 
sentations, they  obtained  an  order  interdicting  him 
from  preaching  and  lecturing.  Martyr  enjoyed  the 
favour  of  Gonzago,  cardinal  of  Mantua  and  protec- 
tor of  his  order ;  and  he  was  well  known  to  cardinals 
Contarini,  Pole,  Bembo,  and  Fregoso,  all  men  of 
learning,  and  some  of  them  favourable  to  ecclesiasti- 
cal reform.  Relying  on  their  patronage,  he  carried 
his  cause  by  appeal  to  Rome,  and  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing the  removal  of  the  interdict.! 

*Ver.  13— 15. 

t  Simler,  Vita  Martyris,  sig.  b.  iij. 


126  HISTORY    OF    THE 

By  the  blessing  of  God  on  the  labours  of  these  men, 
a  reformed  Chm'ch  was  established  in  Naples,  which 
included  persons  of  the  first  rank  in  the  kingdom, 
both  male  and  female.  Among  these  were  Galeazzo 
Caraccioli,  the  eldest  son  of  the  marquis  of  Vico ;  his 
noble  relation,  Gianfrancesco  de  Caserta,  by  whom  he 
was  first  induced  to  attend  the  discourses  of  Martyr;"^ 
and  Bernardino  Bonifacio,  marquis  of  Oria,  a  noble- 
man equally  distinguished  by  his  learning  and  piety, 
who  after  travelling  through  various  countries,  settled 
at  last  in  Nurenberg.t 

It  would  be  improper  to  omit  here  the  name  of 
another  Neapolitan  nobleman,  who  acquired  a  taste 
for  the  reformed  doctrine  in  Italy,  though  he  did  not 
profess  it  until  he  had  left  his  native  country.  This 
was  Antonio  Caraccioli,  the  son  of  the  prince  of  Mel- 
phi,  and  who  was  usually  known  by  his  father's  title. 
Having  gone  to  France,  he  was  made  abbot  of  St. 
Victor  in  Paris,  and  afterwards  bishop  of  Troyes,  in 
Champagne.  He  had  been  long  acquainted  with  the 
writings  of  the  reformers,  especially  those  of  Calvin; 
and  on  his  advancement  to  the  bishoprick,  in  1551, 
began  to  inveigh  with  great  boldness  and  eloquence 
against  the  abuses  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Multitudes 
flocked  to  his  sermons,  attracted  by  curiosity  to  hear 
a  bishop  preach,  or  by  love  to  the  truth ;  but  being 
summoned  to  answer  for  his  conduct,  he  disappointed 
the  hopes  of  many  by  making  a  public  recantation  in 
his  own  cathedral.  In  1557,  his  zeal  for  the  reform- 
ed faith  was  rekindled  by  an  interview  which  he 
had  with  Calvin  and  Beza,  at  Geneva,  on  his  return 
from  a  visit  to  Italy.  J  After  the  conference  between 
the  Catholics  and  Protestants  at  Poissy,  in  1560,  at 
which  he  was  present,  he  was  accompanied  to  Troyes 
by  his  countryman,  Peter  Martyr,  to  whom  he  ex- 

*  Simler,  ut  supra.     Life  of  Galeas  Caraccioli,  p.  3 — 5. 

t  Vita  Philippi  Camerarii,  per  Schelhornium,  p.  142.  Micrelii 
Syntag.  p.  313.  Fontanini,  p.  498.  Some  of  his  poems  are  included 
in  DelicicB  Poetarum  Italorinn. 

I  Beze,  Hist,  des  Eglis.  Reform,  de  France,  lorn.  i.  p.  83,  86.  Mar- 
tene  et  Durand,  Collect.  Vet.  Script,  et  Monument,  tom.  i.  col.  1615. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  127 

pressed  his  resolution,  at  all  hazards,  to  avow  and 
abide  by  the  truth,  of  which  he  was  now  thoroughly- 
convinced  in  his  conscience.  Accordingly,  he  met 
with  the  Protestants  in  that  city,  and  having  made  a 
profession  of  his  faith,  and  stated  his  scruples  as  to 
the  validity  of  his  episcopal  orders,  declared  his  will- 
ingness to  serve  them,  provided  they  gave  him  a  call 
to  the  pastoral  office ;  upon  which  they  unanimously 
made  choice  of  him  as  their  minister.*  It  is  unneces- 
sary to  add,  that  this  step  led  to  his  degradation 
by  the  popish  clergy.  Subsequently,  the  reformed 
bishop  gave  offence  to  his  new  friends,  by  deserting 
his  Church  and  attaching  himself  to  the  court,  but  he 
did  not  desist  altogether  from  preaching,  and  perse- 
vered in  the  Protestant  religion  to  his  death.t 

While  the  church  at  Naples  was  enjoying  peace 
and  daily  increasing  in  numbers,  it  was  deprived  of 
Valdes,  to  whom  it  chiefly  owed  its  plantation.  He 
died  in  the  year  1540,  deeply  lamented  by  many  dis- 
tinguished persons,  who  owned  him  as  their  spiritual 
father.  "  I  wish  we  were  again  at  Naples,^'  says 
Bonfadio,  in  a  letter  to  Carnesecchi.  "But  when  I 
consider  the  matter  in  another  point  of  view,  to  what 
purpose  should  we  go  there,  now  when  Valdes  is 
dead?  His  death  truly  is  a  great  loss  to  us  and  to 
the  world;  for  Valdes  was  one  of  the  rarest  men  in 
Europe,  as  the  writings  left  by  him  on  the  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul,  and  the  Psalms  of  David  abundantly  de- 
monstrate. J  He  was,  beyond  all  doubt,  a  most  accom- 
plished man  in  all  his  words,  actions,  and  counsels. 
Life  scarcely  supported  his  infirm  and  spare  body; 

*  Langueti  Epist.  ep.  63,  64.  Martyris  EpistoIaB,  in  Loc.  Com- 
mun.  p.  582.  Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1561. 

t  Beze,  vol.  ii.  p.  148,  246.  Prosper  Marchand,  art.  Caraccioli. 
Colomies  says,  that  he  wrote  a  defence  of  the  count  de  Montgomery, 
who  mortally  wounded  Henry  II.  (Colomesiana,  edit.  De  Maiseaux, 
torn.  i.  p.  585.) 

X  These  works  must  have  been  then  in  manuscript.  His  commen- 
tary on  the  Romans  was  published  in  Spanish,  at  Venice  in  1556; 
and  his  commentary  on  the  Psalms  at  the  same  place  in  the  follow- 
ing year.  His  countryman  and  friend,  Juan  Perez,  the  translator  of 
the  New  Testament  into  Spanish,  prefixed  an  epistle  dedicatory  to 
each.     (Baumgarten,  apud  Gerdes.  Ital.  Ref.  p.  344.) 


128  HISTORY    OF    THE 

but  his  nobler  part  and  pure  intellect,  as  if  it  had 
been  placed  without  the  body,  was  wholly  occupied 
with  the  contemplation  of  truth  and  divine  things.  I 
condole  with  Marco  Antonio,  (Flaminio,)  for,  above 
all  others,  he  greatly  loved  and  admired  him."*  The 
fervent  piety  of  Valdes,  and  the  unspotted  purity  of 
his  life,  are  universally  acknowledged.  The  charge 
of  heterodoxy  of  sentiment,  brought  against  him  after 
his  death,  rests  chiefly  on  the  very  questionable 
ground  that  some  of  those  who  were  intimate  with 
him  ultimately  inclined  to  the  sect  denominated  So- 
cinian;  for  it  cannot  be  pleaded  that  their  tenets  are 
to  be  found  in  his  writings,  which,  it  must  be  allow- 
ed, contain  some  other  opinions  which  are  either 
untenable  or  unguardedly  expressed.t 

The  doctrines  of  the  gospel  were  most  eagerly  re- 
ceived in  the  capital,  but  they  spread  also  through  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  and  even  reached  Sicily,  which 
was  at  that  period  an  appendage  to  the  crown  of 
Spain.  Occupied  in  defending  the  coasts  against  the 
Turk,  the  viceroys  who  governed  that  island  under 
Charles  V.  were  not  involved  in  the  intrigues  of  Ita- 
lian policy;  and  those  who  fled  from  persecution  on 
the  continent,  found  protection  under  their  compara- 

*  Lettere  volgari  di  diversi  nobilissimi  huomini,  p.  33.    Aid.  1543. 

t  Sandius  (Bibl.  Antitrin.  p.  2.)  claims  him  as  an  anti-trinitarian; 
but  that  writer  puts  in  the  same  claim  to  Wolfgang,  Fabricius  Capito, 
and  others,  who  are  known  to  have  entertained  opposite  sentiments. 
(Schelhorni  Amceni.  Liter,  torn.  xiv.  p.  386.  Amcenit.  Eccles.  torn. 
ii.  p.  51 — 53.)  If  Ochino  ever  embraced  that  creed,  (which  some  have 
denied,)  it  was  unquestionably  long  after  he  left  Italy.  (Observ.  Sel. 
Hal.  tom.  iv.  obs.  20.  tom.  v.  obs.  1,  2.)  Beza,  while  he  expresses 
his  dissatisfaction  with  some  things  in  the  Divine  Considerations  of 
Valdes,  declares  that  he  meant  nothing  disrespectful  to  the  author, 
and  does  not  insinuate,  in  the  slightest  degree,  that  he  erred  as  to 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  (Epistolae,  p.  43,  276.)  Some  remarks 
on  the  peculiar  opinions  of  Valdes  will  be  found  elsevv^here.  (Hist, 
of  the  Progr.  and  Suppress,  of  the  Reformation  in  Spain.  The 
following  is  the  title  of  the  Considerations  in  ihe  Italian,  which 
appears  to  have  been  the  original  edition,  and  published  ^by  Celio 
Secundo  Curio: — "Le  Cento  e  Dicci  Considerationi  de  Signore  Val- 
desso,  nelle  quale  si  ragiona  cose  piu  utile,  piu  necessarie,  et  piu  per- 
fette  della  Christiana  IJcligione.  In  Basilea,  1550."  8vo.  In  the 
French  translation  of  the  Considerationi  the  author  is  called  Jan  de 
Val  d^Esso. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  129 

tively  mild  administration.  Benedetti,  surnamed  Lo- 
carno, from  the  place  of  his  hirth,  a  minister  of  great 
sanctity,  having  gained  the  favour  of  the  viceroy, 
preached  the  truth  under  his  patronage  to  crowded 
audiences  in  Palermo,  and  other  parts  of  that  island.* 
The  seeds  of  his  doctrine  which  afterwards  sprung 
up,  gave  ample  employment  to  the  inquisitors;  and, 
for  many  years,  persons  charged  with  the  Lutheran 
heresy  were  produced  in  the  public  and  private  aiitos 
defe  celebrated  in  Sicily. t 

Lucca,  the  capital  of  a  small  but  flourishing  repub- 
lic, lying  on  the  east  coast  of  the  gulf  of  Genoa,  had 
the  honour  to  reckon  among  its  inhabitants  a  greater 
number  of  converts  to  the  reformed  faith  than  per- 
haps any  other  city  in  Italy.  This  was  chiefly  owing 
to  the  labours  of  Martyr.  Finding,  after  a  trial  of 
several  years,  that  the  climate  of  Naples  was  injuri- 
ous to  his  health,  he  left  it  with  the  consent  of  his 
superiors,  and  was  chosen  visitor  general  of  the  Au- 
gustinians  in  Italy.  The  rigid  inspection  which  he 
exerted  over  them,  and  the  reform  which,  with  the 
concurrence  of  cardinal  Gonzaga,  he  sought  to  intro- 
duce into  their  monasteries,  created  alarm  among  the 
monks,  who  contrived  to  rid  themselves  of  their  trou- 
blesome visitor,  by  getting  him  appointed  prior  of 
St.  Fridiano  at  Lucca,  an  honourable  situation,  which 
invested  him  with  episcopal  powers.  His  adversaries 
hoped  that  he  would  be  unacceptable  in  his  new 
situation,  as  a  Florentine,  on  account  of  an  ancient 
grudge  between  the  Lucchese  and  the  inhabitants  of 
Florence;  but  with  such  prudence  did  he  conduct 
himself,  that  he  was  as  much  esteemed  as  if  he  had 
been  a  native  of  Lucca.  One  object  which  engaged 
the  particular  attention  of  Martyr  was  the  education 
of  the  novices  in  the  priory,  whose  minds  he  was 

*  Jo.  de  Muralto,  Oratio  de  Persecutione  Locarnensi,  sec.  iii.  et 
append,  no.  ii.  iii.:  Tempe  Helvetica,  torn.  iv.  p.  142,  184,  186.  Two 
viceroys  of  Naples,  Don  Pedro  Cordova,  and  the  marquis  de  Terra- 
nova,  one  of  the  grandees  of  Spain,  were  forced  to  do  penance  for 
interfering  with  the  Inquisition.     fLlorente,  ii.  82 — 88.) 

t  Llorente,  ii.  123,  129. 


130  HISTORY    OF    THE 

anxious  to  imbue  with  the  love  of  sacred  Uterature. 
For  this  purpose  he  estabhshecl  a  private  college  or 
seminary,  to  which  he  drew  such  teachers  as  he  knew 
to  be  both  learned  men  and  lovers  of  divine  truth.* 
Paolo  Lacisio,  a  native  of  Verona,  taught  the  Latin 
language;  Celso  Martinengho,  of  the  noble  family  of 
the  counts  of  that  name,  taught  Greek;  and  Emanuel 
Tremellio,  of  Ferrara,  who  afterwards  distinguished 
himself  as  an  oriental  scholar,  gave  instructions  in 
Hebrew.  Martyr  himself  applied  the  literary  know- 
ledge which  the  young  men  imbibed  from  these 
sources  to  the  elucidation  of  the  Scriptures,  by  read- 
ing lectures  to  them  on  the  New  Testament  and  the 
Psalter,  which  were  attended  by  all  the  learned  men 
and  many  of  the  patricians  of  Lucca.  He  also 
preached  publicly  to  the  people,  confining  himself  to 
the  gospels  during  Advent  and  Lent,  according  to  the 
usual  custom  of  the  monks,  but  taking  his  subjects 
from  the  epistles  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  By 
means  of  these  labours  a  separate  church  was  formed 
in  that  city,  of  which  Martyr  became  pastor;  and 
many,  including  persons  of  the  first  respectability  in 
the  place,  gave  the  most  decided  proofs  of  genuine 
piety  and  ardent  attachment  to  the  reformed  faith.t 

While  these  things  were  going  on,  pope  Paul  HL 
paid  a  visit  to  Lucca,  accompanied  by  the  emperor, 
who  was  at  that  time  in  Italy.  It  was  feared  that  the 
enemies  of  Martyr  would  embrace  that  opportunity 
to  inform  against  him,  and  that  his  life  would  be 
brought  into  danger;  but  he  was  not  molested,  prob- 
ably because  it  was  deemed  impolitic  and  premature 
to  attack  a  teacher  whose  reputation  and  authority 
were  then  so  high  among  the  inhabitants.  About  the 
same  time.  Martyr  received  a  visit  from  cardinal 
Contarini,  as  he  passed  through  Lucca,  on  his  return 
from  Germany,  where  he  had  been  in  the  character 

*  Cello  Secundo  Curio  resided  for  some  time  at  Lucca,  where  he 
taught  in  the  university,  having  been  recommended  to  the  senators 
by  the  duchess  of  Ferrara.     (Stupani  Oratio,  p.  343,  344.) 

t  Simler,  ut  supra,  sig.  b  iij. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  131 

of  papal  legate.  They  had  a  confidential  conversa- 
tion on  the  state  of  the  church,  and  on  the  sentiments 
of  the  German  reformers.* 

The  PisANo  received  the  knowledge  of  evangelical 
doctrine  from  Lucca,  and  was  supplied,  for  some 
time,  by  preachers  from  that  place ;  but,  in  the  year 
1543,  the  Protestants  in  the  city  of  Pisa  formed  them- 
selves into  a  church,  and  had  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  supper  celebrated  among  them.t 

The  SiENNESE  contained  many  converts  to  the  re- 
formed doctrine.  Ochino,  in  the  course  of  his  preach- 
ing tours,  frequently  visited  Sienna,  which  was  his 
native  place.  But  the  person  to  whom  the  inhabitants 
of  this  city  were  most  indebted  for  their  illumination 
was  Aonio  Paleario,  a  native  of  Veroli  in  Campagna 
di  Roma,  who  was  on  a  footing  of  intimacy  with  the 
most  learned  men  in  Italy.  He  was  first  a  tutor  in 
the  house  of  Belanti;  and,  about  the  year  1534,  was 
nominated  public  teacher  of  Greek  and  Latin  by  the 
senate  of  Sienna,:|:  where  he  afterwards  read  lectures 
on  Philosophy  and  Belles  Lettres.  Having  studied 
the  Scriptures,  and  read  the  writings  of  the  German 
reformers,  his  lectures  on  moral  philosophy  were  dis- 
tinguished from  those  of  his  colleagues  by  a  liberal 
tone  of  thinking.  This  was  not  more  gratifying  to  the 
students  than  it  was  offensive  to  those  who  adhered 
obstinately  to  the  old  ideas.  §  Cardinal  Sadolet,  in 
the  name  of  his  friends,  set  before  him  the  danger  of 
his  giving  way  to  novelties,  and  advised  him,  in  con- 
sideration of  the  times,  to  confine  himself  to  the  safer 
task  of  clothing  the  peripatetic  ideas  in  elegant  lan- 
guage. ||  This  prudential  advice  was  not  altogether 
congenial  to  the  open  mind  of  Paleario,  and  the  devo- 
tion which  he  felt  for  truth.  The  freedom  with  which 
he  censured  vain  pretenders  to  learning  and  religion 
irritated  a  class  of  men  who  scruple  at  no  means  to 
oppress  and  ruin  an  adversary,  and  who   eagerly 

*  Simler,  ut  supra,  sig.  b  iiij.  t  Ibid, 

t  Galluzzi,  Istoria  del  Granducato  di  Toscano,  torn.  ii.  p.  203. 
§  Palearii  Opera,  p.  527.  edit.  Halbaueri,  Jen®,  1728. 
II  Ibid.  p.  536,  559. 


132  HISTORY    OF    THE 

seized  the  opportunity  to  fasten  on  him  the  charge 
of  heresy.*  His  private  conduct  was  watched;  and 
expressions  which  had  dropped  from  him  in  the 
unsuspecting  confidence  of  private  conversation  were 
circulated  to  his  prejudice.  He  had  laughed  at  a  rich 
priest  who  was  seen  every  morning  kneeling  at  the 
shrine  of  a  saint,  but  refused  to  pay  his  debts.t 
"  Cotta  asserts,"  says  he,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  that, 
if  I  am  allowed  to  live,  there  will  not  be  a  vestige 
of  religion  left  in  the  city.  Why?  Because,  being 
asked  one  day  what  was  the  first  ground  on  which 
men  should  rest  their  salvation,  I  replied,  Christ; 
being  asked  what  was  the  second,  I  replied,  Christ; 
and  being  asked  what  was  the  third,  I  still  replied, 
Christ.''^  But  Paleario  gave  the  greatest  ofi"ence  by 
a  book  which  he  wrote  on  the  Benefit  of  the  death  of 
Christ,§  of  which  he  gives  the  following  account  in 
his  defence  of  himself,  pronounced  before  the  senate 
of  Sienna: — "There  are  some  persons  so  sour,  so 
morose,  so  censorious,  as  to  be  displeased  when  we 
give  the  highest  praise  to  the  authoT  and  God  of  our 
salvation,  Christ,  the  king  of  all  nations  and  people. 
When  I  wrote  a  treatise  this  very  year,  in  the  Tuscan 
language,  to  show  what  great  benefits  accrue  to  man- 
kind from  his  death,  this  was  made  the  ground  of  a 

*  Palearii  Opera,  p.  88,  99,  523—531,  538—543. 

t  Ibid.  p.  545.  t  Ibid.  p.  519. 

§  This  book  was  printed  in  1543  in  Italian,  under  the  title  H  Bene- 
Jicio  di  Christo,  and  was  afterwards  translated  into  Spanish  and 
French.  (Schelh.  Amcenit.  Eccl.  torn.  i.  p.  155 — 159.  Ergotzlich- 
keiten,  vol.  v.  p.  27.)  An  account  of  its  contents  is  given  in  Riede- 
rer,  Nachrichten  zur  kirchen-gelehrten,  torn.  iv.  p.  121,  235 — 241. 
Vergerio  says  of  it,  "  Many  are  of  opinion  that  there  is  scarcely  a 
book  of  this  age,  or  at  least  in  the  Italian  language,  so  sweet,  so 
pious,  so  simple,  so  well  fitted  to  instruct  the  ignorant  and  weak, 
especially  in  the  doctrine  of  justification.  I  will  say  more — Reginald 
Pole,  the  British  cardinal,  and  the  intimate  friend  of  Morone,  was 
esteemed  the  author  of  that  book,  or  partly  so ;  at  least,  it  is  known 
that  he,  with  Flaminio,  Priuli,  and  his  other  friends,  defended  and 
circulated  it."  (Amcenit.  Eccl.  ut  supra,  p.  158.)  Laderchio  asserts 
that  Flaminio  wrote  an  apology  for  the  Bene/icio.  (Annal.  torn.  22. 
f.  326.)  That  it  was  translated  into  English,  and  read  in  Scotland, 
appears  from  the  following  notice: — "  Item,  foure  Benefite  of  Christ, 
the  piece  2  sh."  (Testament  of  Thomas  Bussinden,  printer  in  Edin- 
burgh,  who  deceased  18  October  ]577.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  133 

criminal  accusation  against  me !  Is  it  possible  to  utter 
or  conceive  any  thing  more  shameful?  I  had  said, 
that  since  he  in  whom  the  divinity  resided,  has  poured 
out  his  life's  blood  so  lovingly  for  our  salvation,  we 
ought  not  to  doubt  of  the  good  will  of  heaven,  but 
might  promise  ourselves  the  greatest  tranquillity  and 
peace.  I  had  affirmed,  agreeably  to  the  most  unques- 
tionable monuments  of  antiquity,  that  those  who  turn 
with  their  souls  to  Christ  crucified,  commit  themselves 
to  him  by  faith,  acquiesce  in  the  promises,  and  cleave 
with  assured  confidence  to  him  who  cannot  deceive, 
are  delivered  from  all  evil,  and  enjoy  a  plenary  par- 
don of  their  sins.  These  things  appeared  so  grievous, 
so  detestable,  so  execrable  to  the  twelve — I  cannot 
call  them  men,  but — inhuman  beasts,  that  they  judged 
the  author  worthy  of  being  committed  to  the  flames. 
If  I  must  undergo  this  punishment  for  the  foresaid 
testimony,  (for  I  deem  it  a  testimony  rather  than  a 
libel,)  then,  senators,  nothing  more  happy  can  befall 
me.  In  such  a  time  as  this  I  do  not  think  a  Christian 
ought  to  die  in  his  bed.  I  am  not  only  wilhng  to  be 
accused,  to  be  dragged  to  prison,  to  be  scourged,  to 
be  hung  up  by  the  neck,  to  be  sewed  up  in  a  sack,  to 
be  exposed  to  wild  beasts — let  me  be  roasted  before  a 
fire,  provided  only  the  truth  be  brought  to  light  by 
such  a  death."*  Addressing  his  accuser,  he  says — 
"  You  accuse  me  of  being  of  the  same  sentiments  with 
the  Germans.  Good  God,  what  an  illiberal  charge ! 
Do  you  mean  to  bind  up  all  the  Germans  in  one  bun- 
dle? Are  they  all  bad?  Though  you  should  restrict 
your  charge  to  their  divines,  still  it  is  ridiculous.  Are 
there  not  many  excellent  divines  in  Germany?  But 
your  accusation,  though  full  of  trifling,  has  neverthe- 
less a  sting,  which,  as  proceeding  from  you,  is  charged 
with  poison.  By  Germans,  you  mean  Ecolampade, 
Erasmus,  Melanchthon,  Luther,  Pomeran,  Bucer,  and 
others  who  have  incurred  suspicion.  But  surely  there 
is  not  a  divine  among  us  so  stupid  as  not  to  perceive 
and  confess,  that  the  writings  of  these  men  contain 
many  things  worthy   of  the   highest   praise — many 

*  Palearii  Opera,  p.  101,  102. 


134  HISTORY    OF    THE 

things  gravely,  accurately,  and  faithfully  stated,  re- 
peated from  the  early  fathers,  who  have  left  us  the 
institutes  of  salvation,  and  also  from  the  later  com- 
mentaries of  the  Greeks  and  Latins,  Avho,  though  not 
to  be  compared  with  those  pillars,  are  still  of  use  for 
interpretation.  '  But  do  not  you  approve  of  all  that 
the  Germans  have  done?"  This,  Otho,  is  like  the 
rest  of  your  questions;  yet  I  will  answer  it.  I  approve 
of  some  things;  of  others  I  disapprove.  To  pass  by 
many  things,  I  praise  the  Germans,  and  consider 
them  as  entitled  to  public  thanks,  for  their  exertions 
in  restoring  the  purity  of  the  Latin  language,  which, 
till  of  late,  was  oppressed  by  barbarism  and  poverty 
of  speech.  Formerly  sacred  studies  lay  neglected  in 
the  cells  of  idlers,  who  retired  from  the  world  to  enjoy 
their  repose,  (and  yet,  amidst  their  snoring,  they  con- 
trived to  hear  what  we  said  in  cities  and  villages;) 
now  these  studies  are,  in  a  great  measure,  revived  in 
Germany.  Chaldaic,  Greek,  and  Latin  libraries,  are 
erected;  books  are  beautifully  printed;  and  honour- 
able stipends  are  assigned  to  divines.  What  can  be 
more  illustrious  than  these  things?  what  more  glori- 
ous ?  what  more  deserving  of  perpetual  praise  ?  After- 
wards arose  civil  discords,  intestine  wars,  commotions, 
seditions,  and  other  evils,  which,  for  the  sake  of  charity 
and  brotherly  love  among  Christians,  I  deplore.  Who 
does  not  praise  the  former?  who  is  not  displeased 
with  the  latter?"* 

The  eloquent  defence  of  Paleario,  in  which  boldness 
and  candour  were  tempered  by  prudence  and  address, 
triumphed  over  the  violence  and  intrigues  of  his  ad- 
versaries. He  was,  however,  obliged  soon  after  to 
quit  Sienna;  but  though  he  changed  the  place  of  his 
residence,  he  did  not  escape  from  the  odium  which  he 
had  incurred;  and  we  shall  afterwards  find  him  en- 
during that  martyrdom  which  he  early  anticipated, 
and  for  which  it  appears  to  have  been  his  object  all 
along  to  prepare  his  thoughts.  Some  idea  may  be 
formed  of  the  extent  to  which  the  reformed  opinions 
had  spread  in  Sienna,  from  the  number  of  individuals 

*  Palearii  Opera,  p.  92 — 95. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  135 

belonging  to  it,  who,  at  a  subsequent  period,  submit- 
ted to  a  vountaiy  exile  on  their  account,  among  whom 
were  Lanctantio  Ragnoni,  Mino  Celso,*  and  the  Soc- 
cini,  Avho  became  celebrated  by  giving  their  name  to 
a  new  sect. 

Mantua,  which,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  gave 
birth  to  several  persons  of  distinguished  talents,  did 
not  shut  out  the  light  of  the  Reformation.  In  the 
capital,  and  throughout  the  duchy,  there  were  many 
who  sighed  under  the  tyranny  which  oppressed  the 
human  mind,  and  made  a  generous  effort  to  break 
asunder  its  chains.  To  this  they  were  not  a  little  en- 
couraged by  their  countryman,  Gianbattista  Folengo, 
a  liberal  and  pious  Benedictine,  who  was  anxious  to 
heal  the  schism  which  afflicted  the  church,  by  intro- 
ducing an  extensive  reform  among  both  secular  and 
regular  clergy.t  Cardinal  Gonzaga,  bishop  of  Man- 
tua, evinced  the  same  disposition,  and  extended  his 
protection  to  those  who  swerved  from  the  established 
faith,  as  far  as  was  consistent  with  the  station  which 
he  held  in  the  church.  On  this  ground  he  appears  to 
have  given  offence  at  Rome ;  and  on  the  7th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1545,  Paul  III.  addressed  a  brief  to  him,  with 
the  view  of  stimulating  his  slumbering  zeal.  His 
holiness  states,  that  he  had  heard  of  certain  illiterate 
clergymen  and  artizans,  in  the  city  of  Mantua,  having, 
to  the  ruin  of  their  own  souls  and  the  great  scandal 
of  others,  rashly  dared  to  dispute  and  even  to  doubt 
of  matters  belonging  to  the  catholic  doctrine,  the  articles 
of  belief,  and  the  rites  of  the  holy  Roman  Church;  he 
therefore  exhorts  the  bishop  to  persevere  in  the  pious 
vigilance  which  he  had  begun  to  show,  and  by  himself 
or  his  deputies  to  proceed  against  all  suspected  of  here- 
sy, including  the  clergy,  secular  and  regular,  of  every 
order,  in  the  city  of  Mantua  and  throughout  the  whole 
diocese ;  to  inquire  if  they  have  read  or  possess  any 
heretical  books,  or  if  they  have  taught  any  opinion 
condemned  by  the  church;  to  take  the  deposition  of 

*  Giannoiie,  Hist,  de  Naples,- torn.  iv.  p.  149.     Schelhorn,  Diss,  de 
Mino  Celso,  p.  18,  61. 

t  Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1559. 


136  HISTORY    OP    THE 

witnesses,  seize  the  persons  of  the  accused  or  suspect- 
ed, examine  them  by  the  tortm'e,  and,  having  brought 
the  processes  as  far  as  the  definitive  sentence,  to  trans- 
mit the  whole  in  an  authentic  shape  to  Rome  for 
judgment.*  The  reigning  duke  for  some  time  screen- 
ed his  subjects  from  the  effects  of  this  persecuting 
edict,  and  incurred,  as  we  shall  afterwards  see,  the 
indignation  of  the  pope  by  this  humane  interference. 
Locarno  is  a  city  of  Italy,  and  the  capital  of  a 
province  or  bailiwick  of  that  name,  situate  on  the 
lake  Maggiore,  in  the  southern  confines  of  the  Alps. 
It  was  one  of  four  provinces  which  JNIaximilian  Sforza, 
duke  of  Milan,  in  the  year  1513,  gave  to  the  Swiss 
cantons  as  a  remuneration  for  the  military  aids  which 
they  had  furnished  him ;  and  was  governed  by  a  pre- 
fect, whom  the  cantons  sent  by  turns  every  two  years. 
Though  the  territory  was  small,  its  inhabitants  were 
possessed  of  considerable  wealth,  derived  from  the 
riches  of  the  country  in  their  neighbourhood,  and 
from  their  bemg  carriers  in  the  trade  which  was  main- 
tained between  Italy  and  Switzerland.  So  early  as 
the  year  1526,  the  reformed  opinions  were  introduced 
into  it  by  Baldassare  Fontana,  whom  we  have  already 
had  occasion  to  mention,  t  The  number  of  converts 
was  for  some  time  small.  "  There  are  but  three  of 
us  here,"  says  that  zealous  and  devoted  servant  of 
Christ,  in  a  letter  to  Zuingle,  "  who  have  enlisted  and 
confederated  in  the  cause  of  propagating  the  truth. 
But  Midian  was  not  vanquished  by  the  multitudes  of 
brave  men  who  flocked  to  the  standard  of  Gideon, 
but  by  a  few  selected  for  that  purpose  by  God.  Who 
knows  but  he  may  kindle  a  great  fire  out  of  this  in- 
considerable smoke?  It  is  our  duty  to  sow  and  plant: 
the  Lord  must  give  the  increase. "J  Twenty  years 
elapsed  before  the  fruit  of  the  prayers  and  labours  of 
these  good  men  sprung  up  ;  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that,  before  this  happened,  they  had  all  gone  to  re- 
ceive their  reward  in  a  better  world.     In  the  year 

*  Raynaldi  Annales,  ad  an.  1545.  t  See  before,  p.  54. 

I  Jo.  de  Muralto,  Oratio  de  Pcrsecutione  Locarnensium:  inTempe 
Helvetica,  torn.  iv.  p.  141. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  137 

1546,  Benedetto  Locarno  returned  to  his  native  place, 
after  he  had  been  employed  in  preaching  the  gospel 
in  various  parts  of  Italy,  and  in  the  island  of  Sicily. 
His  exertions  to  enlighten  the  minds  of  his  townsmen 
were  zealously  seconded  by  Giovanni  Beccaria,  com- 
monly called  the  apostle  of  Locarno,  a  man  of  excel- 
lent character  and  good  talents,  who,  by  reading  the 
Scriptures  without  the  aid  of  a  teacher  or  any  human 
writings,  had  discovered  the  principal  errors  and  cor- 
ruptions of  the  ChTirch  of  Rome.  To  these  were 
soon  added  four  individuals  of  great  respectability, 
and  animated  by  the  true  spirit  of  confessors — Var- 
nerio  Castiglione,  who  spared  neither  time  nor  labour 
in  promoting  the  truth;  Ludovico  Runcho,  a  citizen; 
Taddeo  de  Dunis,  a  physician,  who,  as  well  as  Run- 
cho, was  a  young  man  of  genius  and  undaunted  reso- 
lution; and  Martino  de  Muralto,  a  doctor  of  laws, 
and  a  person  of  noble  birth,  who  had  great  influence 
in  the  bailiwick.  In  the  course  of  four  years  the  Pro- 
testants of  Locarno  had  increased  to  a  numerous 
church,  which  was  regularly  organized,  and  had  the 
sacraments  administered  in  it  by  a  pastor  whom  they 
called  from  the  church  of  Chiavenna.*  The  daily  ac- 
cessions which  it  received  to  its  numbers  excited  the 
envy  and  chagrin  of  the  clergy,  who  were  warmly 
supported  by  the  prefect  appointed,  in  the  year  1549, 
by  the  popish  canton  of  Underwald.  A  priest  belong- 
ing to  the  neighbouring  bailiwick  of  Lugano,  who  was 
employed  to  declaim  from  the  pulpit  against  the  Locar- 
nese  Protestants,  loaded  them  with  calumnies  of  all 
kinds,  and  challenged  their  preacher  to  a  public  dispute 
on  the  articles  controverted  between  the  two  churches. 
He  was  completely  silenced  on  the  day  of  trial ;  and,  to 
revenge  his  defeat,  the  prefect  ordered  Beccaria  into 
prison.  This  step  excited  such  indignation  in  the 
city,  that  the  prisoner  was  immediately  enlarged,  and 
the  enemies  of  the  Protestants  were  obliged  to  wait 
for  a  more  favourable  opportunity  of  attack.! 

IsTRiA,  a  peninsular  district  on  the  Gulf  of  Venice, 

*  Muralto,  Oratio,  ut  supra,  p.  142— 144;  conf.  p.  150. 
t  Ibid.  p.  144—148.;  conf.  p.  150. 

10 


138  HISTORY    OF    THE 

belonged  to  the  Venetian  republic.  It  is  mentioned 
separately,  and  in  this  place,  because  it  was  the  last 
spot  which  the  light  of  the  reformation  visited  in  its 
progress  through  Italy,  and  because  it  gave  birth  to 
two  distinguished  Protestants,  both  of  whom  were 
bishops  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  one  of 
them  a  papal  legate.  Pierpaolo  Vergerio  was  a  na- 
tive of  Capo  d'Istria,and  sprung  from  a  family  which 
had  shared  in  the  literary  reputation  of  the  fifteenth 
century.  We  have  already  had  occasion  to  notice 
him  as  a  young  man  of  promising  talents  and  excel- 
lent character,  who  felt  a  desire  to  visit  Wittenberg 
for  the  purpose  of  finishing  his  studies.*  Having  de- 
voted himself  to  the  study  of  law,  he  obtained  the  de- 
gree of  doctor  from  the  university  of  Padua,  where 
he  acted  for  some  time  as  a  professor,  and  as  vicar  to 
the  Podesta,  and  afterwards  distinguished  himself  as 
an  advocate  at  Venice.!  Such  was  his  fame  for  elo- 
quence and  address,  that  pope  Clement  VII.  sent  him 
into  Germany  as  legate  to  Ferdinand,  king  of  the 
Romans,  at  whose  court  he  remained  for  some  years, 
advancing  the  interests  of  the  court  of  Rome,  and  op- 
posing the  progress  of  Lutheranism.J  On  the  death 
of  Clement,  his  successor  Paul  III.  recalled  Vergerio, 
but,  after  receiving  an  account  of  his  embassy,  sent 
him  back  to  Germany,  where  he  treated  with  the 
German  princes,  and  had  more  than  one  interview 
with  Luther,  respecting  the  proposed  general  council. 
On  his  return  to  Italy  in  1536,  he  was  advanced  to 
the  episcopal  dignity,  being  made  first  bishop  of 
Modrusium  in  Croatia,  a  see  in  the  patronage  of  Fer- 
dinand, and  afterwards  of  Capo  d'Istria,  his  native 
place.  Having  gone  into  France,  he  appeared,  in 
1541,  at  the  conference  of  Worms,  in  the  name  of  his 
Christian  Majesty,  but,  as  was  believed,  with  secret 
instructions  from  the  pope.§     It  is  certain,  that  he 

*  See  before,  p.  50. 

t  Tiraboschi,  Storia,  vii.  375,  376. 

\  Sleidan  (lib.  vii.  torn.  i.  p.  395)  represents  Vergerio  as  sent  to 
Ferdinand  in  1530 ;  Tiraboschi  says  it  was  in  1532.  (Tom.  vii.  p.  377.) 

§  Tiiis  is  asserted  by  Father  Paul,  (lib.  i.)  and  Sleidan,  (lib.  xiii. 
torn.  ii.  204,)  but  contradicted  by  Pallavicini,  (lib.  iv.  cap.  12,)  and 


REFORMATION    IN   ITALY.  139 

drew  up  at  this  time  an  oration  on  the  unity  of  the 
Church,  in  opposition  to  the  idea  of  a  national  coun- 
cil, which  was  desired  by  the  Protestants. 

His  mind  appears,  however,  to  have  received  a 
bias  in  favour  of  the  Reformation  during  his  resi- 
dence in  Germany.  Protestant  writers  assert,  that 
the  pope  intended  to  confer  a  cardinal's  hat  on  him 
at  his  return,  but  was  diverted  from  this  by  the  sus- 
picions raised  against  his  soundness  in  the  faith.  This 
is  denied  by  Pallavicini  and  Tiraboschi;  but  they 
allow  that  his  Holiness  was  informed,  that  Vergerio 
had  cultivated  undue  familiarity  with  the  German 
heretics,  and  spoken  favourably  of  them;  and  that,  on 
this  account,  means  were  used  to  oblige  him  to  re- 
turn to  Italy,  and  to  convince  him  that  he  had  incur- 
red the  displeasure  of  his  superiors.  This  is  confirmed 
by  the  letters  of  cardinal  Bembo.  In  a  letter  to  his 
nephew,  who  appears  to  have  held  a  high  official 
situation  in  the  Istrian  government,  the  cardinal  sig- 
nifies that  the  bishop  of  Capo  d'Istria  had  urged  him 
"  to  intercede  for  some  of  his  relations,  who  had  been 
unjustly  thrown  into  prison."  This  was  on  the  24th 
of  September  1 541 ;  and  on  the  1st  of  February  follow- 
ing, Bembo  expresses  his  satisfaction  that  his  request 
had  not  been  granted,  adding,  "I  hear  some  things  of 
that  bishop  which,  if  true,  are  very  bad — that  he  not 
only  has  portraits  of  Lutherans  in  his  house,  but  also 
tliat,  in  the  causes  which  come  before  him,  he  is  eager 
to  favour,  in  every  way,  the  one  party,  whether  right 
or  wrong,  and  to  bear  down  the  other."* 

It  was  no  easy  matter  for  a  person  in  Vergerio's 
circumstances  to  relinquish  the  honourable  situation 
which  he  held,  and  to  sacrifice  the  flattering  prospects 
of  advancement  which  he  had  long  cherished.  Be- 
sides, his  convictions  of  the  truth  were  still  imperfect 
and  unsteady.  When  he  first  retired  from  the  bustle 
of  public  life  to  his  diocese,  he  set  about  finishing  a 
work  which  he  had  begun,  "  against  the  apostates  of 

Tiraboschi.     (Ut  sup.  p.  380.)  Courayer  supports  the  former  opinion, 
in  his  notes  on  Father  Paul's  History. 
*  Bembo,  Opere,  torn,  ix.  p.  288,  294. 


140  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Germany,'^  by  the  publication  of  which  he  expected 
to  remove  the  suspicions  which  he  had  incurred ;  but, 
in  the  course  of  writing,  and  of  examining  the  books 
of  the  Reformers,  his  mind  was  so  struck  with  the 
force  of  the  objections  which  it  behoved  him  to  an- 
swer, that  he  threw  aAvay  the  pen,  and  abandoned 
the  work  in  despair.  He  now  sought  rehef  by  un- 
bosoming himself  to  his  brother,  Gianbattista,  bishop 
of  Pola  in  the  same  district.  The  latter  was  thrown 
into  great  distress  by  this  communication;  but,  upon 
conference  with  his  brother,  and  hearing  the  reasons 
of  his  change  of  views,  especially  on  the  head  of  jus- 
tification, he  became  himself  a  convert  to  the  Protes- 
tant doctrine.  The  two  brothers  now  concerted  a 
plan  for  enlightening  their  dioceses,  by  conveying 
instruction  to  the  people  on  the  leading  articles  of  the 
gospel,  and  withdrawing  their  minds  from  those  cere- 
monial services  and  bodily  exercises  in  which  they 
were  disposed  to  place  the  whole  of  religion.  This 
they  were  able  to  effect  in  a  good  degree  by  means 
of  their  own  personal  labours,  and  the  assistance  of 
some  persons  who  had  previously  received  the  know- 
ledge of  the  truth;  so  that,  before  the  year  1546,  a 
great  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  district  had  em- 
braced the  reformed  faith  and  made  considerable 
advances  in  the  knowledge  of  Christian  doctrine.* 

Ancona  deserves  to  be  mentioned  here,  if  it  were 
for  no  other  reason  than  its  having  given  birth  to 
Matteo  Gentilis,  and  his  two  accomplished  sons, 
Alberic  and  Scipio.  The  father  left  his  native  coun- 
try for  the  sake  of  the  reformed  doctrine,  and  settled 
in  Carniola,  where  he  followed  his  profession  as  a 
physician.  The  two  sons  became  eminent  civilians. 
Alberic,  the  eldest,  came  to  England,  and  was  made 
professor  of  laws  at  Oxford.t  His  brother  held  the 
same  situation  at  Altorf,  and,  in  addition  to  his  legal 

*  Sleidan,  lib.  xxi.  torn.  iii.  p.  150 — 152.  Ughelli  Italia  Sacra, 
torn.  V.  p.  341,  391. 

t  Wood's  Athenae  Oxon.  vol.  ii.  p.  90,  edit.  Bliss.  Albericus  Gen- 
tilis, doctor  of  the  civil  law  of  the  university  of  Perugia,  was  incor- 
porated at  Oxford,  March  6,  1580.     (Fasti  Oxon.  217.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  141 

knowledge,  was  distinguished  for  his  poetical  talents 
and  skill  in  biblical  criticism.* 

Besides  the  places  which  have  been  specified,  ad- 
herents to  the  reformed  opinions  were  to  be  found  at 
this  time  in  Genoa,  in  Verona,  in  Cittadella,  in  Cre- 
mona, in  Brescia,  in  Civita  di  Friuli,  in  various  parts 
of  the  Roman  territories,  and  in  Rome  itself.t 


CHAPTER  IV. 


MISCELLANEOUS    FACTS   RESPECTING   THE    STATE   OF   THE   REFORMED 
OPINIONS    IN    ITALY. 

J 

There  are  a  number  of  facts  which  could  not  well  be 
interwoven  with  the  preceding  narrative,  but  which 
are  of  too  great  importance  in  themselves,  and  as 
throwing  light  on  the  progress  of  the  Reformation  in 
Italy,  to  be  omitted  in  this  history.  I  shall  therefore 
collect  them  in  this  chapter,  under  the  following 
heads: — The  disputes  which  unhappily  arose  among 
the  Italian  Protestants;  the  illustrious  females  who 
embraced  the  new  opinions;  and  the  learned  men 
who  favoured  the  views  of  the  Reformers,  though 
they  declined  embarking  in  their  cause. 

I.  It  is  well  known  that  a  controversy  arose  at  an 
early  period  between  the  two  principal  Reformers 
respecting  the  presence  of  Christ  in  the  sacrament  of 
the  supper;  Luther  insisting  that  the  words  of  insti- 
tution ought  to  be  understood  in  a  literal  sense,  while 
Zuingle  interpreted  them  figuratively.  At  a  confer- 
ence held  at  Marburg  in  the  year  1529,  and  procured 
chiefly  by  the  influence  of  Philip,  landgrave  of  Hesse, 

*  Scipionis  Gentilis  in  Epist.  ad  Philem.  Comment.  Norim.  1574. 
The  charge  of  Photinianism  brought  against  him  by  Crcnius  has 
been  wiped  off  by  Zeltner.  (Hist.  Crypto-Sociniani  Altorfini,  tom.  i. 
p.  71,  357.) 

+  Gerdesii  Specimen  Italiae  Reformata).  Martyris  Epistolse.  Zanchii 
Epistolffi.  Melanchthonis  Epistolae. 


142  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  two  parties,  after  ascertaining  that  their  senti- 
ments harmonized  on  all  other  points  agreed  to  bear 
with  each  other,  and  to  cultivate  mutual  peace  and 
good  will,  notwithstanding  their  different  views  of 
this  single  article.  But  the  controversy  broke  out 
afresh,  chiefly  through  the  ill  oflices  of  some  forward 
and  injudicious  friends  of  Luther,  and  being  inflamed 
by  publications  on  both  sides,  laid  the  foundation  of 
a  lasting  division  between  the  churches  of  Switzer- 
land and  Upper  Germany.  After  the  death  of  Zuin- 
gle,  his  opinions  were  vigorously  defended  by  Eco- 
lampade,  Bullinger,  and  Calvin. 

The  Protestants  of  Italy  had  been  equally  indebted 
to  the  two  Reformers  for  the  knowledge  which  they 
had  obtained  of  the  truth.  If  the  circumstance  of 
the  works  of  Zuingle  having  been  chiefly  composed 
in  Latin  gave  an  advantage  to  his  opinions,  by  con- 
tributing to  their  more  extensive  circulation,  this  was 
counterbalanced  by  the  celebrity  of  Luther's  name, 
and  the  numbers  of  his  countrymen  who  frequented 
Italy  and  carried  his  opinions  along  with  them.  It 
would  appear,  however,  that  the  Italian  Protestants 
Avere  generally  favourable  to  the  views  of  the  Swiss 
Reformer.  This  may  be  concluded  from  their  writings, 
and  from  the  fact,  that  by  far  the  greater  part  of  those 
who  were  obliged  to  leave  their  native  country  sought 
an  asylum  in  the  Protestant  cantons  of  Switzer- 
land.^ 

That  this  dispute  was  warmly  agitated  among  the 
Protestants  of  Modena,  Bologna,  and  other  parts  of 
Italy  in  1541,  we  learn  from  three  letters  addressed 
to  them  in  the  course  of  that  year  by  Bucer.  This 
ReformxCr  had  all  along  been  a  strenuous  friend  to 
peace  and  concord  between  the  contending  parties. 
It  seems  to  have  been  his  sincere  belief  that  there  was 

*  Vergerio  had  more  connection  with  the  Germans  than  most  of 
his  countrymen;  and  yet  we  find  Paulus  Ebcrus,  a  professor  of  Wit- 
tenberg, writing  of  him  as  follows,  in  a  letter  dated  June  21,  1556  : 
— "Jam  coenabimus  cum  Petro  Paulo  Vergerio,  qui  fuit  Justinopoli- 
tanus  cpiscopus,  et  nunc  vocatus  a  ducc  Alberto  proficiscetur  in 
Borussiam.  Eum  audio  non  dissimulantcr  probare  sententiam  Cal- 
vini."     (Scrinium  Antiquarium,  tom.  iv.  p.  713.) 

m 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  143 

no  real  difterence  of  sentiment  between  them ;  and 
although  he  evidently  inclined  to  the  explications 
given  by  the  Swiss  divines,  yet  in  his  efforts  for  paci- 
fication, he  alternately  employed  the  phrases  of  both 
sides;  a  method  which  threw  an  obscurity  over  his 
writings,  and  is  not  the  best  calculated  for  promoting 
conciliation  between  men  of  enlightened  understand- 
ing. However,  the  advice  which  he  imparted  on  the 
present  occasion  was  in  the  main  sound,  and  does 
great  honour  to  his  heart.  In  a  letter  "  to  certain 
friends  of  the  truth  in  Italy,"*  he  says — "I  hear,  my 
good  brethren,  that  Satan,  who  has  afflicted  us  long, 
and  with  great  defection  in  religion,  has  begun  to 
disturb  you  also;  for  it  is  said,  that  a  dispute  has 
arisen  among  you  respecting  the  eucharist.  This 
grieves  me  exceedingly.  For,  what  else  can  you 
expect  from  this  controversy  than  what  we  have 
experienced,  to  the  great  damage  of  our  churches  ? 
Dear  brethren,  let  us  rather  seek  to  embrace  Christ  in 
the  eucharist,  that  so  we  may  live  in  him  and  he  in 
us.  The  bread  and  the  wine  are  symbols,  not  things 
of  such  great  mystery.  This  all  confess;  but  God 
forbid  that,  on  the  other  hand,  any  should  imagine 
that  empty  symbols  are  exhibited  in  the  supper  of 
the  Lord ;  for  the  bread  which  we  break  is  the  par- 
ticipation of  the  Lord's  body,  and  not  bread  only. 
Avoid  strifes  of  words:  support  the  weak.  While 
our  confidence  is  placed  in  Christ,  all  is  well;  all  men 
cannot  at  once  see  the  same  things.  Studiously  cul- 
tivate concord:  the  God  upon  whom  we  call  is  not 
the  God  of  division.  Thus  live,  and  advance,  and 
overcome  every  evil."t  In  another  letter  to  the  same 
persons, J  after  giving  his  views  of  the  subject,  this 
amiable  man  adds — "  This  is  my  opinion  on  the  whole 
matter  in  dispute.  If  I  have  not  explained  myself 
with  sufficient  perspicuity,  the  reason  is,  that  from 
constitution,  and  owing  to  the  defects  of  my  educa- 
tion, I  am  apt  to  be  obscure  and  perplexed,  and  also 

*  "  August!  17,  1541."  t  Buceri  Scripta  Anglicana,  p.  686. 

X  "  Anno  1541.  23.  Decemb." 


144  HISTORY    OF    THE 

that  I  write  in  haste,  and  without  the  helps  necessary 
for  discussing  such  a  subject;  which,  indeed,  appears 
too  evidently  in  all  my  writings.  I  desire  to  avoid 
giving  offence,  whenever  it  is  lawful;  yet,  were  I 
able,  I  would  wish  to  explain  as  clearly  as  possible 
those  things  which  it  concerns  the  church  to  know. 
I  exhort  you,  beloved  brethren,  to  avoid  in  these  ques- 
tions, with  all  possible  care,  a  spirit  of  curiosity  and 
contention.  Let  those  who  are  strong  in  knowledge 
bear  with  the  weak ;  and  let  the  weak  pay  due  defer- 
ence to  the  strong.  We  ought  to  know  nothing  but 
Christ  and  him  crucified.  All  our  exertions  ought  to 
be  directed  to  this,  that  he  may  be  formed  more  fully 
in  us,  and  portrayed  in  a  more  lively  manner  in  the 
whole  of  our  conduct.  You  ascribe  too  much  to  me ; 
I  know  my  own  weakness.  Express  your  love  by 
praying  to  God  forme,  rather  than  by  praising  me."* 
In  a  letter  to  the  Protestants  at  Bologna  and  Modena, 
he  says — "  The  too  sharp  contention  which  has  taken 
place  among  us  in  Germany  respecting  this  sacrament 
was  a  work  of  the  flesh.  We  thought,  that  Luther 
fixed  Christ  glorified  to  earthly  signs  by  his  too  strong 
language ;  he  and  his  friends,  on  the  contrary,  thought 
that  we  acknowledged  and  gave  nothing  in  the  sup- 
per but  bread  and  wine.  At  length,  however,  the 
Lord  has  brought  us  to  a  happy  agreement,  both  in 
words  and  as  to  the  matter;  which  is  to  this  purpose, 
that  both  parties  should  speak  honourably  of  these 
mysteries,  so  that  the  one  should  not  appear  to  ascribe 
to  Christ  what  is  unworthy  of  him,  nor  the  other  to 
celebrate  the  Lord's  supper  without  the  Lord.  I 
beseech  you,  keep  this  agreement  along  with  us ;  and 
if,  in  any  instance,  it  has  been  injured,  restore  it, 
imitating  our  conduct  so  far  as  it  is  according  to 
Christ,  and  not  wherein  it  is  according  to  the  flesh. 
This  should  be  the  only  dispute  and  contest  among 
saints.'' t 

But  the  controversy  was  carried  on  with  the  greatest 
heat  within  the  Venetian  territories,  where  the  Pro- 

*  Buceri  Scripta  Anglicana,  p.  690. 
t  Ibid.  p.  689. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  145 

testants  had  all  along  kept  up  a  close  correspondence 
with  the  divmes  of  Wittenberg,  and  where  there  were 
individuals  not  disposed  to  yield  implicit  submission 
to  the  authority  of  any  name,  however  high  and  vene- 
rated. We  learn  this  fact  from  the  letter  which  the 
excellent  Baldassare  Altieri  addressed,  in  the  name  of 
his  brethren,  to  Luther,  and  from  which  I  have  al- 
ready made  a  quotation.*  The  following  extract  con- 
tains some  additional  particulars  as  to  the  state  of  the 
reformed  cause  in  that  quarter  of  Italy,  at  the  period 
when  it  was  written  :t — "  There  is  another  affair 
which  daily  threatens  our  churches  with  impending 
ruin.  That  question  concerning  the  Lord's  Supper, 
which  arose  first  in  Germany,  and  subsequently  has 
been  introduced  among  us,  alas!  what  disturbances 
has  it  excited !  what  dissensions  has  it  produced ! 
what  offences  to  the  v/eak,  what  losses  to  the  Church 
of  God,  has  it  caused !  what  impediments  has  it  thrown 
in  the  way  of  the  propagation  of  the  glory  of  Christ ! 
For  if  in  Germany,  where  there  are  so  many  churches 
rightly  constituted,  and  so  many  holy  men,  fervent  in 
spirit  and  eminent  for  every  kind  of  learning,  its  poison 
has  prevailed  so  far  as  to  form  two  parties  through 
mutual  altercation,  (for  although  it  behoved  such 
things  necessarily  to  happen,  yet  are  they  to  be 
guarded  against  as  dire,  dreadful,  and  abominable 
before  God,)  how  much  more  is  the  prevalence  and 
daily  increase  of  this  plague  to  be  dreaded  with  us? 
With  us,  where  there  are  no  public  assemblies,  but 
where  every  one  is  a  church  to  himself,  acting  accord- 
ing to  his  own  will  and  pleasure ;  the  weak  exalting 
themselves  above  the  strong  beyond  the  measure  of 
their  faith,  and  the  strong  not  receiving  the  weak  and 
bearing  with  them  in  the  spirit  of  meekness  and  gen- 
tleness, mindful  that  they  are  themselves  encom- 
passed with  the  same  infirmity  and  sin,  instead  of 
which  they  proudly  neglect  and  despise  them.  All 
would  be  teachers,  instead  of  disciples,  although  they 
know  nothing,  and  are  not  led  by  the  Spirit  of  God. 
There  are  many  teachers  who  do  not  understand  what 

*  See  before,  p.  109.  t  "  Kal.  Dec.  6,  1542." 


146  HISTORY    OF    THE 

they  say  or  whereof  they  affirm;  many  evangelists 
who  would  do  better  to  learn  than  to  teach  others; 
many  apostles  who  are  not  truly  sent.  All  things 
here  are  conducted  in  a  disorderly  and  indecorous 
manner.'^  Altieri  goes  on  to  state,  that  Bucer  had 
written  them  that  the  two  parties  in  Germany  had 
come  to  a  happy  agreement,  of  which  Melanchthon 
was  about  to  publish  a  defence ;  and  had  exhorted  the 
friends  of  truth  in  Italy  to  lay  aside  their  contentions, 
and  with  one  mouth  to  glorify  him  who  is  the  God  of 
peace  and  not  of  confusion.  This  intelligence,  Altieri 
says,  had  filled  them  with  joy,  and  on  a  sudden  all  was 
harmony  and  peace  among  them.  But  of  late  again, 
at  the  instigation  of  the  great  adversary  of  the  truth, 
certain  foolish  and  unreasonable  men  had  embroiled 
matters,  and  raised  new  disputes  and  animosities.  He 
therefore  begs  Luther  to  write  to  them ;  for,  though 
they  were  not  ignorant  of  his  opinion  on  the  disputed 
question,  (to  which  they  meant  to  adhere,  as  most 
consonant  to  the  words  of  Christ  and  Paul,)  and 
although  they  relied  on  and  rejoiced  at  the  information 
of  Bucer,  yet  they  were  anxious  to  be  certified  of  the 
mode  of  conciliation  from  Luther  himself,  to  whose 
opinion  they  paid  a  higher  deference  than  to  that  of 
any  other  person,  and  to  receive  from  him  the  above- 
mentioned  defence,  or  any  other  books  lately  pub- 
lished relating  to  that  subject  or  to  the  general  cause. 
The  letter  contains  the  warmest  professions  of  regard 
for  the  Reformer,  and  of  solicitude  for  the  success  of 
the  Reformation  in  Germany;  "for,"  says  the  writer, 
"  whatever  befalls  you,  whether  prosperous  or  ad- 
verse, we  consider  as  befalling  ourselves,  both  be- 
cause we  have  the  same  spirit  of  faith,  and  also 
because  on  the  issue  of  your  affairs  depends  our 
establishment  or  overthrow.  Be  mindful  of  us,  most 
indulgent  Luther,  not  only  before  God  in  your  fervent 
prayers,  that  we  may  be  filled  with  the  knowledge  of 
him  through  the  Spirit  of  Christy  but  also  by  the  fre- 
quency of  your  learned,  pleasant,  and  fruitful  writings 
and  letters;  that  so  those  whom  you  have  begotten 
by  the  word  of  truth  may  the  sooner  grow  up  to  the 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  147 

Stature  of  a  perfect  man  in  Christ.  We  labour  here 
under  a  great  and  painful  scarcity  of  the  word  of  God, 
not  so  much  owing  to  the  cruelty  and  severity  of  the 
adherents  of  antichrist,  as  to  the  almost  incredible 
wickedness  and  avarice  of  the  booksellers,  who,  after 
bringing  your  writings  here,  conceal  them  with  the 
view  of  raising  the  price  to  an  exorbitant  rate,  to  the 
great  loss  of  the  whole  church.  The  brethren,  who  are 
numerous  here,  salute  you  with  the  kiss  of  peace."* 

Luther  had  it  in  his  power  to  do  much  at  this  time 
for  the  advancement  of  the  evangelical  cause  in  Italy. 
The  flames  of  persecution  were  just  ready  to  burst 
upon  its  friends,  while  they  were  unhappily  become 
a  prey  to  intestine  dissensions.  It  appears  that  the 
greater  part  of  the  Protestants  in  the  Venetian  states 
were  favourable  to  the  opinion  of  the  German  Refor- 
mer as  to  the  eucharist ;  but  it  is  also  evident,  that 
they,  or  at  least  the  leading  men  among  them,  were 
inclined  to  moderation,  and  willing  to  live  in  harmony 
with  such  of  their  brethren  as  thought  in  a  diflerent 
manner  from  themselves  on  the  controverted  article, 
and  to  wait  till  God,  who  had  wonderfully  brought 
them  to  the  knowledge  of  many  great  truths  of  which 
they  had  been  profoundly  ignorant,  should  "reveal 
this  also  to  them."  Feeling  the  highest  veneration 
for  the  character  of  Luther,  they  were  disposed  to  pay 
a  deference  almost  implicit  to  his  advice,  and  a  single 
word  from  him  would  either  allay  or  inflame  the  dis- 
sension which  had  arisen.  Unhappily  he  adopted  that 
method  which  naturally  produced  the  last  of  these 
effects.  In  his  answer  to  the  letter  from  the  Venetian 
Protestants,  he  not  only  dissipated  the  pleasing  delu- 
sion which  they  were  under  as  to  a  reconciUation 
having  been  effected,  but  inveighed,  in  the  most  bit- 
ter terms,  against  the  sacramentarians  and  fanatics, 
as  he  abusively  denominated  the  Swiss  divines;  and 
asserted  that  "  the  popish  tenet  of  transubstantiation 
was  more  tolerable  than  that  of  Zuingle."t    Nor  was 

*  Seckendorf,  lib.  iii.  p.  402. 

t  Hospiniani  Hist.  Sacrament,  part.  ii.  p.  184.  The  letter  is  pub- 
lished  in  Hummelii  Neue  Bibliothcck  von  seltenen  BUchern,  torn.  i.  p. 
•239—246.  Numb.  1775. 


148  HISTORY    OF    THE 

he  a  whit  more  moderate  in  another  letter  written  by 
him  in  the  course  of  the  following  year,  in  which  he 
stimulated  the  Italians  to  write  against  the  opinions 
of  Zuingle  and  Ecolampade,  whom  he  did  not  scruple 
to  stigmatize  as  "poisonous  teachers"  and  "false  pro- 
phets," who  "did  not  dispute  under  the  influence  of 
error,  but  opposed  the  truth  knowingly,  at  the  insti- 
gation of  Satan."*  In  addition  to  this,  he  caused 
some  of  his  controversial  writings  against  the  Zuin- 
glians  to  be  translated  and  sent  into  Italy. 

Alas !  what  is  man !  What  are  great  men,  those 
who  would  be  thought,  or  are  represented  by  their 
fond  admirers,  to  be  gods !  Lighter  than  vanity — a 
lie.  Willingly  would  I  have  passed  over  this  portion 
of  history,  and  spared  the  memory  of  a  man  who  has 
deserved  so  much  of  the  world,  and  whose  character, 
notwithstanding  all  the  faults  which  attach  to  it,  will 
never  cease  to  be  contemplated  with  admiration  and 
gratitude.  But  the  truth  must  be  told.  The  violence 
with  which  Luther  acted  in  the  dispute  that  arose 
between  him  and  his  brethren  respecting  the  sacra- 
ment is  too  well  known;  but  never  did  the  character 
of  the  Reformer  sink  so  much  into  that  of  the  leader  of 
a  party,  as  it  did  on  the  present  occasion.  Some  ex- 
cuse may  be  found  for  the  manner  in  which  he  treated 
those  who  opposed  his  favourite  dogma  in  Germany, 
and  even  in  Switzerland;  but  one  is  utterly  at  a  loss 
to  conceive  the  shadow  of  an  apology  for  his  conduct 
in  reference  to  the  Italians.  Surely  he  ought  to  have 
considered  that  the  whole  cause  of  evangelical  reh- 
gion  was  at  stake  among  them,  that  they  were  few 
in  number  and  rude  in  knowledge,  that  there  were 
many  things  which  they  were  not  yet  able  to  bear, 
that  they  were  as  sheep  in  the  midst  of  v/olves,  and 
that  the  only  tendency  of  his  advice  was  to  set  them 
by  the  ears,  to  divide,  and  scatter,  and  drive  them  into 
the  mouths  of  the  wild  beasts  which  stood  ready  to  de- 
vour them.  This  was  foreseen  by  the  amiable  and 
pacific  Melanchthon,  who  had  always  written  in  a 
very  difl'erent  strain  to  his  correspondents  in  Italy, 

*  Luther's  Sammtliche  Schriflen,  torn.  xvii.  p.  2632.  edit.  Walch. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  149 

and  who  deplored  this  rash  step  of  his  colleague; 
although  the  mildness  and  timidity  of  his  disposition 
prevented  him  on  this,  as  on  some  other  occasions, 
from  adopting  those  decisive  measures  which  might 
have  counteracted  in  a  great  degree  its  baneful  effects.* 

But  another  controversy  had  arisen  among  the 
Italian  Protestants,  bearing  on  points  of  vital  import- 
ance to  Christianity,  and  calculated,  if  it  had  become 
general,  to  inflict  a  deeper  injury  on  the  interests  of 
religion  than  the  dispute  to  which  I  have  just  advert- 
ed. This  related  primarily  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity,  and  by  consequence  to  the  person  and  atone- 
ment of  Christ;  and  it  extended  to  most  of  the  articles 
which  are  peculiar  and  distinguishing  in  the  Christian 
faith. 

It  has  been  supposed  by  some  writers,  that  persons 
attached  to  the  opinions  of  Arius  had  remained  con- 
cealed in  Italy  down  to  the  sixteenth  century;  and 
that  the  fame  of  the  Reformation  begun  in  Germany 
drew  them  from  their  lurking  places.t  Some  have 
even  asserted  that  the  mind  of  the  well-known  Michael 
Servetus  was  first  tainted  by  intercourse  with  Italian 
heretics.:}:  But  there  is  no  good  evidence  for  either 
of  these  opinions.  It  is  much  more  probable  that  the 
Spaniard  acquired  his  peculiar  views,  so  far  as  they 
were  not  the  offspring  of  his  own  invention,  in  Ger- 
many, subsequently  to  the  visit  which  he  paid  to 
Italy  at  a  very  early  period  of  his  life.  Before  his 
name  had  been  heard  of,  and  within  a  few  years  after 
the  commencement  of  the  Reformation,  certain  con- 
fused notions,  sometimes  approaching  to  the  ancient 
tenets  of  Arius  and  Pelagius,  and  at  other  times 
assuming  a  form  which  bore  a  nearer  resemblance  to 
those  afterwards  called  Socinian,  were  afloat  in  Ger- 
many, and  vented  by  some  of  those  who  went  by  the 
common  name  of  anabaptists.     Among  these  were 

*  In  a  letter  to  Vitus  Theodorus,  written  in  1543,  Melanchthon 
complains,  "quod  horridius  scripserit  Lutherus  ad  Italos."  (Hospin, 
ut  supra.) 

t  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrinit.  torn.  ii.  p.  414. 

t  L'Abbe  d'Artigny,  Nouveaux  Memoires,  torn.  ii.  p.  58,  59. 


150  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Hetzer  and  Denck,  who  published  translations  of  parts 
of  Scripture  before  Luther.*  In  the  conference  held 
at  Marburg,  in  1529,  between  the  Saxon  and  Swiss 
Reformers,  it  Avas  stated  by  Melanchthon,  as  matter 
of  complaint,  or  at  least  of  suspicion,  that  the  latter 
had  among  them  persons  who  entertained  erroneous 
opinions  concerning  the  Trinity.  Zuingle  cleared  him- 
self and  his  brethren  from  this  imputation,  without 
denying,  however,  that  there  might  be  individuals 
lurking  among  them  who  cherished  such  tenets.t  It 
is  not  improbable,  that,  on  his  return,  means  were 
taken  to  discover  these  concealed  heretics,  and  that, 
being  expelled  from  Switzerland,  some  of  them  trav- 
elled into  Italy.  We  know  that  the  reformed  church 
at  Naples  was,  in  its  infancy,  disturbed  by  Arians  and 
anabaptists;!  but  this  appears  to  have  happened  at  a 
later  period,  and  the  persons  referred  to  might  be  dis- 
ciples of  Servetus.  He  began  to  publish  against  the 
Trinity  in  the  year  1531,  and  there  is  ground  to  believe 
that  his  books  were  soon  after  conveyed  to  Italy. § 
Though  he  had  not  formed  his  peculiar  opinions  when 
he  was  in  that  country,  yet  he  contracted,  during  the 
visit  which  he  paid  to  it,  an  intimate  acquaintance 
with  several  persons  with  whom  he  maintained  an 
epistolary  correspondence  to  a  late  period  of  his  life ; 
and  it  is  known  that  he  was  as  zealous  in  propagating 
his  notions  by  private  letters  as  by  the  press.  ||  Upon 
the  whole,  it  is  highly  probable  that  the  antitrinitarian 
opinions  were  introduced  into  Italy  by  means  of  the 
writings  of  Servetus. 

When  the  minds  of  men  have  been  suddenly  eman- 
cipated from  implicit  subjection  to  human  authority, 
and  disentangled  from  the  errors  into  which  it  had 

*  Zuinglii  et  CEcolampadii  Epistolse,  f.  82, 197.  Bock,  Hist.  Anti- 
trin.  torn.  ii.  p.  134 — 136.  Ruchat,  Histoire  de  la  Reform,  de  la 
Suisse,  torn.  ii.  p.  509.    Hetzer  and  Denck  retracted  their  sentiments. 

t  Zuinglii  et  (Ecol.  Epist.  f.  24.     Ruchat,  ut  supra,  p.  461,  483. 

t  Life  of  Galeacius  Caracciolus,  Marquesse  of  Vico,  p.  13.  Lond. 
1635. 

§  Sandii  Nucleus  Hist.  Eccl.  append,  p.  90.  Boxhornii  Hist.  Univ. 
p.  70. 

II  Calvini  Opera,  torn.  viii.  p.  517. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  151 

betrayed  them,  they  are  in  great  danger  of  overleap- 
ing the  boundaries  prescribed  to  them  by  that  autho- 
rity which  is  divine,  and  of  phmging  rashly  into  inqui- 
ries, which  reason,  as  well  as  revelation,  pronounce 
to  be  impracticable  and  pernicious.  The  genius  of 
the  Italians  led  them  to  indulge  in  subtle  and  curious 
speculations,  and  this  disposition  was  fostered  by  the 
study  of  the  eclectic  and  sceptical  philosophy,  to  which 
many  of  them  had  of  late  years  been  addicted.*  Crude 
and  indigested  as  the  new  theories  respecting  the 
Trinity  and  collateral  topics  were,  they  fell  in  with  this 
predisposition;  and  not  a  few  Protestants  found  them- 
selves entangled,  before  they  were  aware,  in  the  mazes 
of  an  intricate  and  deceitful  theology,  into  which  they 
had  entered  for  the  sake  of  intellectual  exercise  and 
amusement.  These  speculations  appear  to  have  com- 
menced at  Sienna,  whose  inhabitants  were  proverbial 
among  their  countrymen  for  levity  and  inconstancy 
of  mind;t  and  from  it  they  were  transferred  to  the 
Venetian  territories,  where  the  friends  of  the  Reforma- 
tion Avere  mmierous,  but  not  organized  into  congrega- 
tions, nor  placed  under  the  superintendence  of  regular 
teachers.  J 

The  letter  addressed  by  Melanchthon  to  the  Senate 
of  Venice  in  the  year  1538,  and  from  which  a  quota- 
tion has  already  been  made,  shows  that  the  antitrini- 

*  Illgen,  Vita  Laelii  Socini,  p.  7.  Lips.  1814.  Melanchthon  speaks 
repeatedly  of  the  "  Platonic  and  sceptical  theories"  with  which  he 
found  the  minds  of  his  Italian  correspondents  and  acquaintance 
enamoured.  (Epist.  coll.  852,  941.)  And  Calvin,  speaking  of  that 
vain  curiosity  and  insatiable  desire  of  novelty  which  leads  many  into 
pernicious  errors,  says — "  In  Italis,  propter  rarum  acumen,  magis 
eminet."     (Opera,  tom.  viii.  p.  510.) 

t Was  ever  race 

Light  as  Sienna's  ?     Sure  not  France  herself 
Can  show  a  tribe  so  frivolous  and  vain  ! 

Dante,  Inf.  c.  xxix. 
t  Altieri's  letter,  as  quoted  above,  p.  145 — 147.  Bock  (Hist.  Anti- 
trin.  ii.  405)  refers  to  the  academy  at  Venice,  and  its  form  and  con- 
stitution, which  allowed  great  liberty  in  starting  doubts,  and  can- 
vassing opposite  opinions,  as  confirming  the  accounts  of  the  rise  of 
Socinianism  in  that  state.  But  that  learned  writer  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  aware,  that  academies  of  this  description,  and  founded 
on  the  same  principles,  were,  in  that  age,  common  throughout  Italy. 


152  HISTORY    OF    THE 

tarian  tenets  had  then  gained  admission  into  that  state.* 
"  I  know,"  says  he,  "  that  very  different  judgments 
have  always  prevailed  in  the  world  respecting  reli- 
gion, and  that  the  devil  has  been  intent  from  the 
beginning  on  sowing  impious  doctrines,  and  inciting 
men  of  curious  and  depraved  minds  to  corrupt  and 
overthrow  the  truth.  Aware  of  the  dangers  arising 
from  this  quarter  to  the  church,  we  have  been  careful 
to  keep  within  proper  bounds;  and  while  we  reject 
certain  errors  more  recently  introduced,  do  not  depart 
from  the  apostolical  writings,  from  the  Nicene  and 
Athanasian  creeds,  nor  even  from  the  anci«^nt  consent 
of  the  Catholic  church.  I  understand  there  has  lately 
been  introduced  among  you  a  book  of  Servetus,  who 
has  revived  the  error  of  Samosatenus,  condemned  by 
the  primitive  church,  and  who  seeks  to  overthrow  the 
doctrine  of  the  two  natiu'es  in  Christ  by  denying  that 
Uhe  word'  is  to  be  understood  of  a  person,  when 
John  says, '  In  the  beginning  was  the  word.'  Although 
my  opinion  on  that  controversy  is  already  in  print, 
and  I  have  condemned  the  tenet  of  Servetus  by  name 
in  my  Common  Places,  yet  I  think  it  proper  at  present 
to  admonish  and  obtest  you  to  use  your  utmost  exer- 
tions to  persuade  persons  to  avoid,  reject  and  exe- 
crate that  impious  opinion."  Having  advanced  some 
considerations  in  support  of  the  orthodox  doctrine  on 
that  head,  he  adds — "  I  have  written  these  things 
more  largely  than  the  bounds  of  a  letter  admit,  but 
too  briefly  for  the  importance  of  the  subject.  My 
object  was  merely  to  let  you  know  my  opinion,  not 
to  enter  at  length  into  the  controversy;  but,  if  any 
one  desires  it,  I  shall  be  ready  to  discuss  the  question 
more  copiously."  t  The  representations  of  Melanch- 
thon,  though  they  might  check,  failed  in  arresting  the 
progress  of  these  opinions.    In  a  letter  to  Camerarius, 

*  Bock,  in  givingr  an  account  of  this  letter,  has  expressed  himself 
in  such  a  way  as  may  lead  his  readers  to  think  that  Melanchthon 
had  signified  his  having  heard  that  above  forty  persons  in  the  city 
and  territories  of  Venice,  distinguished  by  their  rank  and  talents, 
had  embraced  Servetianism.  (Hist.  Antitrin.  ii,  407.)  Nothing  of 
that  kind  appears  in  the  copy  of  the  letter  which  is  now  before  me. 

t  Melanch.  Epist.  coll.  150—154. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  153 

written  in  1 544,  he  says — "  I  send  you  a  letter  of  Vi- 
tus, and  another  written  from  Venice,  which  contains 
disgraceful  narratives;  but  we  are  admonished,  by 
these  distressing  examples,  to  preserve  discipline  and 
good  order  with  the  greater  care  and  unanimity."* 
And,  in  another  letter  to  the  same  correspondent, 
dated  on  the  31st  of  May  1545,  he  writes — "  I  yester- 
day returned  an  answer  to  the  theological  question  of 
the  Italians,  transmitted  by  Vitus  last  winter.  Italian 
theology  abounds  with  Platonic  theories;  and  it  will 
be  no  easy  matter  to  bring  them  back  from  that  vain- 
glorious science  of  which  they  are  so  fond,  to  truth 
and  simplicity  of  explanation."! 

Socinian  writers  have  fixed  the  origin  of  their  sect 
at  this  period.  According  to  their  account,  upwards 
of  forty  individuals  of  great  talents  and  learning  were 
in  the  habit  of  meeting  in  private  conferences,  or 
"colleges,"  as  they  have  called  them,  within  the  ter- 
ritories of  Venice,  and  chiefly  at  Vicenza,  to  deliberate 
on  the  plan  of  forming  a  purer  faith,  by  discarding 
a  number  of  opinions  held  by  Protestants  as  well  as 
papists ;  but  these  meetings,  being  discovered  by  the 
treachery  of  an  individual,  were  dispersed  in  the  year 
1546;  some  of  the  members  having  been  thrown  into 
prison,  and  others  forced  to  flee  into  foreign  countries. 
Among  the  latter  they  mention  Lselius  Socinus,  Ca- 
millus  Siculus,  Franciscus  Niger,  Ochino,  Alciati,  Gen- 
tilis,  and  Blandrata.  These  writers  have  gone  so  far 
as  to  present  us  with  a  creed  or  system  of  doctrine 
agreed  upon  by  the  coUegiates  of  Vicenza,  as  the  re- 
sult of  their  joint  inquiries  and  discussion.  J 

Historians  distinguished  for  their  research  and  dis- 
crimination, as  well  as  their  impartiality,  have  reject- 
ed this  narrative,  which,  it  must  be  confessed,  rests  on 
very  doubtful  and  suspicious  authority. §    It  was  first 

*  Melanch.  Epist.  coll.  835.  t  Ibid.  852. 

t  Lubieniecii  Hist.  Reform.  Polonicse,  p.  38,  39.  Sandii  Bibl.  An- 
titrin.  p.  18;  et  Wissowatii  Narratio  adnex.  p.  209,  210. 

§  Mosheim,  (Eccles,  Hist.  cent.  xvi.  sect.  iii.  part.  ii.  chap.  iv.  §  3,) 
and  Fueslin,  (Beytrage  zur  Erlauterung  dcr  Kirchen-refomi.  Ges- 
chichten  des  Schweizeriandes,  torn.  iii.  p.  327,)  do  not  consider  the 
narrative  as  entitled  to  credit.     Bock,  (Hist.  Antitrin.  torn.  ii.  p.  404 

11 


154  HISTORY    OF    THE 

published  a  century  after  the  time  to  which  it  refers, 
and  by  foreigners  and  persons  far  removed  from  the 
sources  of  information.  No  trace  of  the  Vicentine 
'•  colleges"  has  been  found,  after  the  most  accurate 
research,  in  the  contemporary  history  of  Italy,  or  in 
the  letters  and  other  writings  of  learned  men,  popish, 
Protestant,  or  Socinian,  which  have  since  been  brought 
to  light.  No  allusion  is  made  to  the  subject  by  Faus- 
tus  Socinus  in  any  part  of  his  works,  or  by  the  Polish 
knight  who  wrote  his  life.*  The  ambitious  designa- 
tion of  colleges,  applied  to  the  alleged  meetings,  is 
suspicious,  while  the  mistakes  respecting  the  persons 
who  are  said  to  have  composed  them,  give  to  the 
whole  narrative  the  air  of,  at  best,  a  story  made  up  of 
indistinct  and  ill-understood  traditionary  reports.  Ochi- 
no,  Camillo,  and  Negri,  had  left  Italy  before  these 
assemblies  are  represented  as  having  existed,  and  the 
writings  which  the  first  of  these  continued  for  many 
years  after  that  period  to  publish,  coincided  exactly 
with  the  sentiments  of  the  first  Reformers.     Laelius 

— 416,)  and  Illgen.  (Vita  Lselii  Socini,  p.  8 — 14)  admit  its  general 
truth,  while  they  acknowledge  its  incorrectness  as  to  particular  facts. 
A  modern  writer  has  pronounced  Moshcim's  reasons  "extremely 
weak,"  and  "extremely  frivolous;"  and  maintains  the  opposite 
opinion  on  the  grounds  which  Bock  has  laid  down  in  his  History  of 
the  Antitrinitarians.  (Rees's  Historical  Introduction  to  the  Racovian 
Catechism,  p.  20 — 24.)  Bock  was  an  industrious  and  trustworthy 
collector,  but  very  inferior  in  critical  acumen  to  Mosheim,  and  he 
has  brought  forward  no  fact  in  support  of  his  opinion  which  was  not 
known  to  his  predecessor. 

*  Lubieniecius  professes  to  have  taken  the  account  "  ex  Lselii  So- 
cini vitse  Curriculo,  et  Budzinii  comment.  MSS."  But  he  does  not 
quote  the  words  of  these  documents,  which  were  never  given  to  the 
world.  Mr.  Rees  says — "  Andrew  Wissowatius  may  himself  be  re- 
garded in  the  light  of  an  original  authority."  (Ut  supra,  p.  22.)  But 
how  a  writer,  who  was  born  in  1608,  could  be  an  original  authority 
for  what  happened  in  1546,  it  is  difficult  to  comprehend;  nor  does 
Wissowatz  pretend  to  have  taken  his  statement  from  any  original 
documents  of  his  grandfather,  Faustus  Socinus,  which,  if  they  had 
existed,  would  undoubtedly  have  been  communicated  to  Samuel 
Pryzcovius,  when  he  undertook  to  write  the  life  of  the  founder  of  the 
sect. — The  work  of  Pryzcovius  was  translated  into  English,  and 
published  under  the  following  title  : — "  The  Life  of  that  incomparable 
man,  Faustus  Socinus  Senensis,  described  by  a  Polonian  Knight. 
London,  printed  for  Richard  Moone,  at  the  Seven  Stars,  1653."  The 
epistle  to  the  reader  is  subscribed  "J.  B.;"  i.  e.  John  Biddle. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  155 

Sociniis  belonged  to  Sienna ;  there  is  no  evidence  of 
his  having  resided  at  Venice;  and,  although  we  should 
suppose  that  he  visited  that  place  occasionally,  it  is 
not  probable  that  a  young  man  of  twenty-one  could 
possess  that  authority  in  these  assemblies  which  is 
ascribed  to  him  by  the  narrative  we  are  examining. 
Besides,  the  part  assigned  to  him  is  at  variance  with 
the  whole  of  his  conduct  after  he  left  his  native  coun- 
try. Though  it  is  evident  that  his  mind  was  tinctured 
with  the  tenets  afterwards  called  Socinian,  yet  so  far 
was  he  from  courting  the  honours  and  dangers  of  a 
heresiarch,  that  he  uniformly  propounded  his  opinions 
in  the  shape  of  doubts  or  difficulties,  which  he  was 
anxious  to  have  removed;  and  he  continued  till  his 
death,  notwithstanding  the  suspicions  of  heterodoxy 
which  he  had  incurred,  to  keep  up  a  friendly  inter- 
course, not  only  with  his  countrymen,  Martyr  and 
Zanchi,  but  with  Melanchthon,  Bullinger,  and  even 
Calvin.  The  assemblies  suppressed  withm  the  Vene- 
tian territories  in  the  year  1546,  were  those  of  the 
Protestants  in  general;  and  it  was  as  belonging  to 
these,  and  not  as  forming  a  distinct  sect,  that  the 
friends  of  Servetus  were  at  that  time  exposed  to  suf- 
fering. Such  are  the  reasons  which  incline  me  to 
reject  the  narrative  of  the  Socinian  historians. 

Rut  while  there  is  no  good  ground  for  thinking  that 
the  favourers  of  the  antitrinitarian  tenets  in  Italy  had 
formed  themselves  into  societies,  or  digested  a  regular 
system  of  belief,  it  is  undeniable  that  a  number  of  the 
Italian  Protestants  Avere,  at  the  time  referred  to,  in- 
fected with  these  errors;  and  it  is  highly  probable 
that  they  were  accustomed  to  confirm  one  another  in 
the  belief  of  them  when  they  occasionally  met,  and 
perhaps  to  introduce  them  as  topics  of  discussion  into 
the  common  meetings  of  the  Protestants,  and  by  start- 
ing objections,  to  shake  the  convictions  of  such  as 
adhered  to  the  commonly  received  doctrines.  This 
was  exactly  the  line  of  conduct  pursued  by  them 
after  they  left  their  native  country,  especially  in  the 
Orisons,  Avhere  the  expatriated  Italians  first  took 
refuge.    Soon  after  their  arrival,  disputes  arose  in  the 


156  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Grison  churches  respecting  the  Trinity,  the  merit  of 
Christ'^  death,  the  perfection  of  the  saints  in  this  hfe, 
the  necessity  and  use  of  the  sacraments,  infant  bap- 
tism, the  resurrection  of  the  body,  and  similar  articles, 
in  which  the  chief  opponents  of  the  common  doctrine, 
both  privily  and  openly,  were  natives  of  Italy,  seve- 
ral of  whom  afterwards  propagated  their  peculiar 
opinions  in  Transylvania  and  Poland.*  Subsequently 
to  the  year  1546,  adherents  to  antitrinitarianism  were 
still  to  be  found  in  Italy.  Such  of  them  as  had  fledj 
maintained  a  correspondence  with  their  friends  at 
home,  and  made  converts  to  their  opinions  by  means 
of  their  letters.!  About  the  year  1553,  the  learned 
visionary,  William  Postel,  published  at  Venice  an 
apology  for  Servetus,  in  which  he  mentions,  that  this 
heresiarch  had  many  favourers  among  the  Italians,  t 
And  in  the  year  1555,  pope  Paul  IV.  issued  a  bull 
against  those  who  denied  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity, 
the  proper  divinity  of  Christ,  and  redemption  by  his 
blood. §  I  close  this  part  of  the  subject  with  the  words 
of  a  judicious  Italian,  who  left  his  native  country  for 
the  gospel,  and  laboured  with  great  zeal,  and  not 
without  success,  in  opposing  the  spread  of  this  here- 
sy. "  It  is  not  difficult  to  divine,"  says  he,  "  whence 
this  evil  sprung,  and  by  whom  it  has  been  fostered. 
Spain  produced  the  hen;  Italy  hatched  the  eggs;  and 
we  in  the  Grisons  now  hear  the  chicks  pip."|| 

II.  Another  class  of  facts  which  I  have  thought 
deserving  of  a  place  in  this  chapter,  relates  to  illustri- 
ous females  who  favoured  the  new  opinions,  although 
their  names  are  not  associated  with  any  public  trans- 
action in  the  progress  which  the  Reformation  made 
through  Italy.  The  literary  historians  of  Italy  have 
dwelt  with  enthusiasm  and  pride  on  such  of  their 

*  De  Porta,  Hist.  Ref.  Eccles.  Rhaelicarum,  torn.  i.  p.  63.  Bock, 
Hist.  Antitrin.  torn.  ii.  p.  410,  411.  Schelhornii  Dissert,  de  Mino 
Celso  Senensi,  p.  34—36,  44-47. 

t  Illgen,  Vita  Ltulii  Socini,  p.  58. 

I  Bock,  ut  supra,  p,  539 — 542. 

§  Bullarium  Romanum,  ab  Angel.  Mar.  Cherubino,  torn.  i.  p.  590. 

II  Zanchius,  apud  Bock,  ut  supra,  p.  415.  I  have  not  observed 
these  words  in  the  writings  of  Zanciii. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  157 

countrywomen  as  distinguished  themselves  by  patron- 
izing or  cuhivating  Uterature  and  the  fine  arts.  Tlieir 
proficiency  in  sacred  letters  and  in  the  practice  of 
piety,  is  certainly  not  less  to  their  honour.  It  has 
been  mentioned  by  a  modern  historian,  that  any  piety 
which  existed  in  Italy  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  was  to  be  found  among  the  female  part  of 
the  population.*  A  writer  who  flourished  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  following  century,  and  whose  religion  was 
of  a  more  enlightened  kind  than  that  which  usually 
prevails  in  the  cloister,  gives  the  following  account  of 
Avhat  he  had  observed: — "  In  our  age  we  behold  the 
admirable  spectacle  of  women  (whose  sex  is  more 
addicted  to  vanity  than  learning)  having  their  minds 
deeply  imbued  with  the  knowledge  of  heavenly  doc- 
trine. In  Campania,  where  I  now  write,  the  most 
learned  preacher  may  become  more  learned  and  holy 
by  a  single  conversation  with  some  women.  In  my 
native  country  of  Mantua,  too,  I  found  the  same 
thing,  and  were  it  not  that  it  would  lead  me  into  a 
digression,  I  could  dilate  with  pleasure  on  the  many 
proofs  which  I  received,  to  my  no  small  edification, 
of  an  unction  of  spirit  and  fervour  of  devotion  in  the 
sisterhood,  such  as  I  have  rarely  met  with  in  the  most 
learned  men  of  my  profession."t  The  female  friends 
of  the  truth  in  Italy,  whose  names  have  come  down 
to  us,  were  chiefly  of  the  higher  ranks,  and  such  as 
had  not  taken  the  veil. 

The  first  place  is  due  here  to  Isabella  Manricha  of 
Bresegna,  who  embraced  the  reformed  doctrine  at 
Naples  under  Valdes,  and  exerted  herself  zealously  in 
promoting  it.  Having  given  proofs  of  invincible  for- 
titude, by  resisting  the  solicitations  and  threats  of  her 
friends,  this  lady,  finding  that  it  behoved  her  either  to 
sacrifice  her  religion  or  her  native  country,  retired 
into  Germany,  from  Avhich  she  repaired  to  Zurich, 
and  finally  settled  at  Chiavenna  in  the  Orisons,  where 
she  led  a  life  of  poverty  and  retirement,  with  as  much 

*  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Rep.  d'ltalie,  torn.  vii.  p.  236. 

t  Folengius  in  Psalmos;  apud  Gerdesii  Ital.  Ref.  p.  261. 


158  HISTORY    OF    THE 

cheerfulness  as  if  she  had  never  known  what  it  was 
to  enjoy  affluence  and  honours.* 

One  of  the  greatest  female  ornaments  of  the  reform- 
ed Church  in  Italy  was  Lavinia  della  Rovere,  daugh- 
ter-in-law to  the  celebrated  Camillo  Orsini,  "than 
whom  I  know  not  a  more  learned,  or,  what  is  still 
higher  praise,  a  more  pious  woman  in  Italy,''  says 
Olympia  Morata.  The  epistolary  correspondence  car- 
ried on  between  these  two  female  friends  is  highly 
honourable  to  both.  We  learn  from  it  the  interesting 
fact,  that  Lavinia,  while  she  resided  at  the  court  of 
Rome,  not  only  kept  her  conscience  unspotted  by 
idolatry,  but  employed  the  influence  of  her  father-in- 
law,  which  was  great,  with  the  pope  and  catholic 
princes,  in  behalf  of  the  Protestants  who  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  inquisition.  From  various  hints  dropped 
in  the  course  of  the  correspondence,  it  is  evident  that 
she  felt  her  situation  extremely  delicate  and  painful, 
apparently  from  the  importunities  of  her  husband, 
and  the  ruder  attempts  of  her  other  relations,  to  in- 
duce her  to  conform  to  the  established  religion ;  but 
these  served  only  to  call  forth  her  patience  and  mag- 
nanimity.! It  requires  both  reflection  and  sensibility 
to  form  a  proper  estimate  of  the  trials  which  a  distin- 
guished female  must  endure  when  placed  in  the  cir- 
cumstances of  Lavinia  della  Rovere.  A  cup  of  cold 
water,  or  even  a  kind  message,  sent  to  a  prisoner  in 
the  cells  of  the  inquisition,  a  word  spoken  in  behalf 
of  the  truth,  or  a  modest  refusal  to  be  present  at  a 
superstitious  festival,  afford,  in  such  cases,  a  stronger 
and  more  unequivocal  proof  of  a  devoted  soul,  than 
the  most  flaming  professions,  or  a  fortune  expended 
for  religious  purposes,  by  one  who  lives  in  a  free 
country,  and  is  surrounded  by  persons  who  are  friend- 
ly to  the  gospel. 

*  Simlcri  Oratio,  ut  supra,  sig.  b  iij.  Bock,  ii.  524.  To  this  lady 
Celio  Sccundo  Curio  dedicated  the  first  edition  of  the  works  of  Olym- 
pia Fulvia  Morata.  (Noltenius,  Vita  OlympifE,  p.  8,  119.  edit.  Hesse.) 
Ochino's  work,  Da  Corporis  Christi  Prcescntia  in  Cosna  Sacramento, 

also  dedicated  "  Illustri  et  piae  foiminoB  IsabelltB  Manrichse  Brescg- 


1 
nae. 


t  Opera  OlympifB  F.  Moratae,  p.  89—92,  105,  107,  121,  123. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  159 

By  the  same  letters  we  are  authorized  to  record, 
among  the  friends  of  the  reformed  doctrine,  two  fe- 
males of  the  Orsini  family,  Madonna  Maddelena,  and 
Madonna  Cherebina;*  as  also  Madonna  Elena  Ran- 
gone  of  Bentivoglio,t  who  appears  to  have  belonged 
to  the  noble  family  of  that  name  in  Modena,  which 
had  long  been  distinguished,  both  on  the  male  and 
female  side,  for  the  cultivation  and  patronage  of  lit- 
erature.:]: 

Julia  Gonzago,  duchess  of  Trajetto,  and  countess 
of  Fondi,  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  is  ranked  among 
"illustrious  women,  suspected  of  heretical  pravity.'^§ 
She  was  the  sister  of  Luigi  II.  conte  di  Sabioneta,  a 
nobleman  celebrated  for  his  knowledge  of  letters,  as 
well  as  for  his  valour,  and  who  was  surnamed  Rodo- 
monte,  from  his  having  killed  a  Moorish  champion  in 
battle.  Julia  Gonzago  is  commemorated,  by  Ortensio 
Landi,  among  the  learned  ladies  of  Italy;  and  her 
name  often  occurs  in  writings  of  that  age.||  After  the 
death  of  her  husband,  Vespasiano  Colonna,  she  re- 
mained a  widow,  and  exhibited  a  pattern  of  the  cor- 
rectest  virtue  and  piety.  She  was  esteemed  one  of 
the  most  beautiful  women  in  Italy;  and  Brantome 
relates,  that  Solyman,  the  Turkish  emperor,  having 
given  orders  to  Hariadan  Barbarossa,  the  commander 
of  his  fleet,  to  seize  her  person,  a  party  of  Turks  land- 
ed during  the  night,  and  took  possession  of  the  town 
of  Fondi;  but  the  duchess,  though  at  the  risk  of  her 

*  Opera  Olympic  F.  Moratee,  p.  92,  212—222. 

t  Ibid.  p.  102. 

t  The  letters  of  Girolamo  Muzio,  the  great  opponent  of  heresy  in 
his  time,  throw  light  on  what  is  mentioned  in  the  text.  In  a  letter 
to  Lucrezia,  the  wife  of  Count  Claudio  Rangone,  he  expresses  his 
apprehensions  lest  that  lady  should  suffer  herself  to  be  ensnared  by 
the  new  heresy,  and  points  to  an  enemy  whom  she  had  in  her  house. 
In  another  letter  he  expresses  the  joy  which  he  felt  at  hearing  that 
his  fears  were  unnecessary.  Both  letters  were  written  in  1547. 
(Muzio,  Lettere;  apud  Tiraboschi,  torn  vii.  p.  100.)  The  families 
of  Rangone  and  Bentivoglio  were  allied  by  frequent  intermarriages. 
(Ibid.  p.  90,  93,  96.) 

§  Thuani  Hist.  lib.  xxxix.  cap.  2. 

II  Tiraboschi,  Storia,  torn.  vii.  p.  1195.  Ab.  Bettinelli,  DcUe  Let- 
tere ed  Arte  Montovane,  p.  89. 


160  HISTORY    OP    THE 

life,  eluded  their  search,  and  made  her  escape.*  She 
was  a  disciple  of  Valdes,t  and  continued,  after  his 
death,  to  entertain  and  protect  the  preachers  of  the 
new  doctrine ;  on  which  account  she  incurred  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  pope  to  such  a  degree,  that  the  fact  of 
having  corresponded  with  her  by  letters  was  made  a 
ground  of  criminal  charge  on  trials  for  heresy.:}: 

I  place  Vittoria  Colonna  last,  because  the  claims  of 
the  Protestants  to  the  honour  of  her  name  have  been 
strongly  contested.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Fabri- 
zio  Colonna,  grand  constable  of  Naples,  and  of  Anna 
de  Montefeltro,  daughter  of  Federigo,  duke  of  Urbino ; 
and  having  been  deprived  of  her  husband,  the  cele- 
brated commander  Fernando  Davalos,  marquis  of 
Pescara,  in  the  flower  of  youth,  she  dedicated  her 
life  to  sacred  studies,  and  retirement  from  the  gay 
world,  without  however  entangling  herself  with  the 
vow.  The  warmest  tribute  of  praise  was  paid  to  the 
talents  and  virtues  of  this  lady  by  the  first  writers  of 
her  age.§  "  In  Tuscan  song,"  says  one  of  them,  ^^she 
was  inferior  only  to  Petrarch;  and  in  her  elegiac 
poems  on  the  death  of  her  husband,  she  has  beauti- 
fully expressed  her  contempt  of  the  world,  and  the 
ardent  breathings  of  her  soul  after  the  blessedness  of 
heaven."  II  The  marchioness  associated  with  the 
Reformers  at  Naples,  and  was  regarded  as  one  of 
their  most  distinguished  disciples.lF     When  Ochino, 

*  Vies  des  Dames  lUuslres,  p.  282. 

t  The  Commentaries  of  Valdes  on  the  Psalms,  and  on  the  Epistle 
to  the  Romans,  were  dedicated  to  this  lady. 

X  Laderchii  Annales,  torn.  xxii.  p.  325.     Thuanus,  ut  supra. 

§  Sclielhorn  has  collected  a  number  of  these  testimonies  in  his 
Amoenit.  Hist.  Eccles.  tom.  ii.  p.  132 — 134.  See  also  Tiraboschi, 
Storia,  tom.  vii.  p.  1179—118]. 

II  Toscanus,  in  Peplo  Italiae. 

IT  Giannone,  1.  xxxii.  c.  5.  Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1566.  The 
testimony  of  these  writers  is  confirmed  by  a  letter  concerning  her, 
written  in  1538,  by  Casper  Cruciger,  to  Theodorus  Vitus,  and  pub- 
lished in  Hummelii  Neue  Bibliotheck  von  seltenen  Buechern,  Band  ii. 
p.  126.  To  an  Italian  version  of  Beza's  Confession  of  Faith,  printed 
(probably  at  Geneva)  in  1560,  the  translator,  Francesco  Cattani,  pre- 
fixed  "Sonctto  della  Illustriss.  Marchesana  di  Pescara  xxxiii.  nel  suo 
libro  stampato,  col  quale  sfida  i  Papisti  al  combattere,  mostranda  la 
lor  mala  causa." 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  161 

for  whom  she  felt  the  deepest  veneration,*  deserted 
the  Church  of  Rome,  great  apprehensions  were  enter- 
tained that  she  would  follow  his  example ;  and  cardi- 
nal Pole,  who  watched  over  her  faith  with  the  utmost 
jealousy,  exacted  from  her  a  promise  that  she  would 
not  read  any  letters  which  might  be  addressed  to  her 
by  the  fascinating  ex-capuchin,  or,  at  least,  would  not 
answer  them  without  consulting  him  or  cardinal  Cer- 
vini.  This  appears  from  a  letter  to  Cervini,  after- 
wards pope  Marcellus  II.,  in  which  Vittoria  says, 
that,  from  her  knowledge  of  "Monsegnor  d'lnghelt- 
erra,"  she  was  convinced  she  could  not  err  in  follow- 
ing his  advice,  and  had  therefore  obeyed  his  direc- 
tions, by  transmitting  a  packet  sent  her  from  Bologna 
by  "Fra  Belardin."  Her  highness  adds,  in  a  post- 
script, (which  may  be  considered  as  a  proof  that  her 
new  advisers  had  succeeded  in  alienating  her  mind 
from  Ochino,  and  confirming  her  attachment  to  the 
Church  of  Rome,)  "I  am  grieved  to  see,  that  the  more 
he  thinks  to  excuse  himself,  he  condemns  himself  the 
more,  and  the  more  he  believes  he  will  save  others 
from  shipwreck,  the  more  he  exposes  himself  to  the 
deluge,  being  out  of  the  ark  which  saves  and  gives 
security.'^! 

III.  The  last  class  of  miscellaneous  facts  which  I 
have  to  state,  as  throwing  light  on  the  progress  of  the 
Reformation  in  Italy,  relates  to  those  learned  men 
who  never  left  the  communion  of  the  church  of  Rome, 
but  were  favourable,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  to 
the  views  and  sentiments  of  the  Reformers.  These 
may  be  subdivided  into  three  classes.  The  first  con- 
sisted of  persons  who  were  convinced  of  the  great 
corruptions  which  reigned  not  only  in  the  court  of 
Rome,  but  generally  among  all  orders  in  the  catholic 
church ;  and  who,  though  they  did  not  agree  with  the 
Reformers  in  doctrinal  articles,  yet  cherished  the  hope 

*  See  before,  p.  120,  &c. 

t  This  letter  was  first  published  by  Tiraboschi,  (Storia,  torn.  vii. 
p.  118,)  from  the  archives  of  the  noble  family  of  Cervini  at  Sienna, 
as  a  confirmation  of  the  statement  of  cardinal  Quirini,  in  his  Diatrib. 
ad  vol.  iii.  Epist.  Card.  Poli,  p.  58,  &.c. 


162  HISTORY    OF    THE 

that  their  opposition,  and  the  schism  which  it  threat- 
ened, would  force  the  clergy  to  correct  abuses  which 
could  no  longer  be  either  concealed  or  defended.  The 
second  class  comprehended  those  who  were  of  the  same 
sentiments  with  the  Reformers  as  to  the  leading  doc- 
trines of  the  gospel  which  had  been  brought  into  dis- 
pute, but  who  wished  to  retain  the  principal  forms  of 
the  established  worship,  purified  from  the  grosser 
superstitions,  and  to  maintain  the  hierarchy,  and  even 
the  papacy,  after  its  tyranny  had  been  checked,  as  a 
necessary  or  at  least  useful  means  of  preserving  the 
unity  of  the  catholic  church.  The  third  class  con- 
sisted of  those  who  were  entirely  of  the  sentiments  of 
the  Reformers,  but  were  restrained  from  declaring 
themselves,  and  taking  that  side  which  their  con- 
sciences approved,  by  lukewarmness,  dread  of  perse- 
cution, love  of  peace,  or  despair  of  success,  in  a 
country  where  the  motives  and  the  means  to  support 
the  established  religion  were  so  many  and  so  power- 
ful. It  is  not  meant  that  the  persons  included  under 
these  classes  were  formed  into  parties;  but  by  keeping 
this  distinction  in  our  eye,  we  shall  be  the  better  able 
to  form  a  correct  judgment  of  the  views  and  conduct 
of  certain  individuals,  who  have  been  claimed  as 
friends  both  by  Papists  and  Protestants. 

The  instances  which  I  shall  produce,  belong  chiefly 
to  the  second  of  these  classes.  That  there  were  many 
persons  in  Italy,  eminent  for  their  talents  and  station, 
whose  creed  differed  widely  from  that  which  received 
the  sanction  of  the  council  of  Trent,  is  etablished  on 
the  best  evidence,  though  it  has  been  denied  by  the 
later  historians  and  apologists  of  the  church  of  Rome. 
It  is  proved  by  the  fact,  that  their  names  and  writings 
were  suppressed,  or  stigmatized  as  heretical  or  as 
suspected,  by  the  authorized  censors  of  the  press.  And 
it  was  acknowledged  by  writers  who  had  the  best 
opportunities  of  information,  and  were  under  no 
temptation  to  misrepresent  the  fact.  "  Those  who  at 
that  time  were  disposed  to  exert  themselves  seriously 
for  the  reformation  of  the  church,"  says  the  enlight- 
ened and  impartial  De  Thou,  "  had  frequent  confer- 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  163 

ences  about  faith,  works,  grace,  free-will,  election, 
and  glorification;  and  many  of  them,  entertaining 
opinions  on  these  subjects  different  from  what  were 
publicly  taught,  availed  themselves  of  the  authority 
of  St.  Augustine  to  support  their  sentiments."* 

Pier  Angelo  Manzolli  was  principal  physician  to 
Hercules  II.  duke  of  Ferrara.  Under  the  anagram- 
matical  name  of  Marcellus  Palingenius,  he  published 
an  elegant  Latin  poem,  in  which  he  describes  human 
life  in  allusion  to  the  twelve  signs  of  the  zodiac.t 
This  poem  abounds  with  complaints  of  the  corrupt 
manners  of  the  clergy;  nor  are  there  wanting  in  it 
passages  which  prove  the  alienation  of  the  author's 
mind  from  the  church  of  Rome,  and  his  satisfaction 
at  the  growing  success  of  the  new  opinions.  J  It  was 
put  into  the  index  of  prohibited  books,  and  the  bones 
,  of  the  author,  after  his  death,  were  taken  out  of  their 
grave,  and  burnt  to  ashes  as  those  of  an  impious 
heretic.  § 

The  claims  of  the  Protestants  to  rank  Marc-antonio 
Flaminio  among  their  converts,  have  been   keenly 

*Thuani  Historia  ad  ann.  1551. 
F  t  It  is  generally  allowed,  that  the  author  of  the  Zodiacus  Vita  con- 
cealed  himself  under  a  fictitious  name.  Flaminio,  Fulvio  Pcregrino 
Morata,  and  several  other  learned  men,  have  been  supposed  to  be  the 
real  author;  but  the  most  probable  opinion  is  that  which  is  stated  in 
the  text,  and  which  was  first  suggested  by  Facciojati.  (Heumanni 
PoBcile,  tom.  i.  p.  259—266;  ii.  p.  175.)  Whether  Facciolati  replied 
to  the  queries  which  Heumann  proposed  to  him,  with  the  view  of 
obtaining  fuller  information  respecting  his  countryman,  I  do  not 
know.  (Conf.  Nolten,  Vita  Oylmpiao  Moratffs,  p.  82,  edit.  Hesse.) 
t  The  following  passage  may  serve  as  a  specimen: — 

Atque  rogant  quidnam  Romana  ageretur  in  urbe. 
Cuncti  luxurise,  atque  guloe,  furtisque  dolisque, 
Certatim  incumbunt,  nosterque  est  sexus  uterque, 
Respondit :  sed  nunc  summus  parat  arma  sacerdos, 
Clemens,  Martinum  cupiens  abolere  Lutherum, 
Atque  ideo  Hispanas  retinet  nutritque  cohortes. 
Non  disceptando,  aut  subtilibus  argumentis 
Vincere,  sed  ferro  mavult  sua  jura  tueri. 
Pontifices  nunc  bcllajuvant,  sunt  costera  nugfp. 
Ncc  prtecepta  patrum,  nee  Christi  dogmata  curant: 
Jactant  se  dominos  rerum,  et  sibi  cuncta  licere. 

Zodiacus  YiiiB—Capricornus. 
§  Lil.  Greg.  Gyraldus,  De  Poetis  sui  aevi,  dial.  ii.  Opera,  p.  569. 


164  HISTORY    OF    THE 

contested.  It  is  undeniable,  that,  at  one  period  of  his 
hfe  at  least,  he  cultivated  the  friendship  of  the  leading 
persons  in  his  native  country  who  were  favourable  to 
the  new  opinions — that  he  was  an  admirer  ofValdes, 
encouraged  Martyr  and  Ochino,  and  induced  several 
individuals  of  rank  to  attend  their  sermons  and  em- 
brace their  doctrine.*  So  early  as  the  year  1536, he  had, 
with  his  natural  sincerity  and  love  of  truth,  professed 
his  doubts  as  to  certain  articles  of  the  received  faith, 
and  been  called  to  an  account  for  the  freedom  of  his 
language  and  his  familiarity  with  the  writings  of  here- 
tics. In  a  letter  quoted  by  Tiraboschi,  Cortese  re- 
quests Contarini  to  obtain  for  him  the  pope's  permis- 
sion to  read  certain  books  of  the  heretics;  "for,'^  says 
he,  "I  would  not  have  that  happen  to  me  which  befel 
Marc-antonio  in  the  holy  week,  especially  if  M.  di 
Chieti  (cardinal  Caraffa)  should  know  of  it."t  Nor 
is  this  all.  His  writings  prove,  beyond  all  reasonable 
doubt,  that  he  entertained  sentiments,  on  the  principal 
points  of  controversy,  which  coincided  with  the  Pro- 
testant creed,  and  were  at  variance  with  the  decisions 
of  the  council  of  Trent.  It  would  be  easy  to  establish 
this  fact  by  a  multiplicity  of  extracts;  but  the  follow- 
ing may  suffice: — "Human  nature,"  says  he,  "was 
so  depraved  by  the  fall  of  Adam,  that  its  corruption 
is  propagated  to  all  his  posterity,  in  consequence  of 
which  we  contract,  in  our  very  conception,  a  stain 
and  an  incredible  proneness  to  sin,  which  urges  us  to 
all  kinds  of  wickedness  and  vice,  unless  our  minds  are 
purified  and  invigorated  by  the  grace  of  the  Holy 
Spirit.  Without  this  renovation,  we  will  always 
remain  impure  and  defiled,  although  to  men,  who 
cannot  look  into  the  inward  dispositions  of  others,  we 
may  appear  to  be  pure  and  upright.":}:     "  In  these 

*  Moncurtius,  in  Vita  Flaminii,  prsefix.  ejus  Carmin.  p.  28.  Diss. 
de  Religione  M.  Flaminii,  in  Sclielhornii  Amoen.  Eccles.  torn.  ii.  p. 
3 — 179.  EpistoljE  Flaminii,  edit,  a  Joach.  Camerario:  Schelhornii 
Amcenit.  Liter,  torn.  x.  p.  1161. 

t  Barnard's  Mem.  of  Marc-antonio  Flaminio,  prefixed  to  Imitation 
of  his  Select  Poems,  p.  15,  16. 

t  Flaminii  in  Librum  Psalmorum  brevis  Explanatio,  f.  198,  199. 
Parisiis,  1551. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  165 

words,  (Ps.  xxxii.  1.)  the  psalmist  pronounces  bless- 
ed, not  those  who  are  perfect  and  free  from  the  spot 
of  sin,  (for  no  man  is  so  in  this  life,)  but  those  whose 
sins  God  has  pardoned  in  his  mercy ;  and  he  pardons 
those  who  confess  their  sins,  and  sincerely  believe 
that  the  blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  an  expia- 
tion for  all  transgressions  and  faults/'* — "  God,  for 
the  sake  of  Christ  his  Son,  adopted  them  as  his  sons 
from  all  eternity :  those  whom  he  adopted  before  they 
were  born  he  calls  to  godliness;  and  having  called 
them,  he  confers  on  them  first  righteousness  and 
then  everlasting  life."t — "The  creature,  considered  in 
itself,  and  in  the  corruption  of  its  nature,  is  an  impure 
mass;  and  whatever  is  worthy  of  praise  in  it  is  the 
work  of  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  who  purifies  and  regene- 
rates his  elect  by  a  living  faith,  and  makes  them 
creatures  by  so  much  the  nobler  and  more  perfect 
that  they  are  disposed  to  count  themselves  as  no- 
thing, and  as  having  nothing  in  themselves  but  all  in 
Christ."J — "  Christian  faith  consists  in  our  believing 
the  whole  word  of  God,  and  particularly  the  gospel. 
The  gospel  is  nothing  else  than  the  message  of  good 
news  announced  to  the  whole  world  by  the  apostles, 
telling  us,  that  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God,  having 
become  incarnate,  hath  satisfied  the  justice  of  his 
Father  for  all  our  sins.  Whosoever  gives  credit  to 
these  good  tidings  of  good,  he  believes  the  gospel,  and 
having  faith  in  the  gospel,  which  is  the  gift  of  God, 
he  walks  out  of  the  kingdom  of  this  world  into  that  of 
God,  by  enjoying  the  fruit  of  a  general  pardon;  from 
a  carnal  he  becomes  a  spiritual  creature,  from  a  child 
of  wrath  a  child  of  grace,  from  a  son  of  Adam  a  son 
of  God ;  he  is  governed  by  the  Holy  Spirit ;  he  feels 
a  sweet  peace  of  conscience ;  he  studies  to  mortify  the 
affections  and  lusts  of  the  flesh,  acknowledging  that 
he  is  dead  with  his  head  Jesus  Christ;  and  he  studies 
to  vivify  the  spirit,  and  lead  a  heavenly  life,  acknow- 

*  Flaminii  in  Librum  Psalmorum  brevis  Explanatio,  f.  143,  b. 
+  Ibid.  f.  288,  a. 

t  FJaminii  Epist.  ad  quandam  principem  feminam:    Schelhornii 
Amcen.  Eccles.  torn.  ii.  p.  103. 


166  HISTORY    OF    THE 

ledging  that  he  is  risen  with  the  same  Jesus  Clirist. 
A  Uvely  faith  in  the  soul  of  a  Christian  man  produces 
all  these  and  other  admirable  effects."*  But  the  clear 
views  of  the  gospel  entertained  by  Flaminio  are  no- 
where more  decidedly  made  known  than  in  a  letter 
to  a  friend,  in  which  he  pronounces  a  most  discrimi- 
nating judgment  on  the  writings  of  Thomas  a  Kempis, 
and  furnislies  an  important  caution  against  the  spirit 
of  slavish  fear  which  they  have  a  tendency  to  foster 
in  the  breasts  of  devotional  persons.!  Such  were  the 
sentiments  of  one  who  lived  in  the  heart  of  Italy 
during  the  heat  of  the  controversy  between  the  Papists 
and  Protestants — the  sentiments  of  a  poet,  whose  wri- 
tings discover  ''  the  simplicity  and  tenderness  of  Catul- 
lus without  his  licentiousness,"  and  "  melt  the  heart 
of  the  reader  with  sweetness."  If  there  be  any  truth 
in  the  maxim  laid  down  by  a  most  catholic  historian 
of  the  council  of  Trent, J  "that  the  doctrine  of  justifi- 
cation is  a  test  by  which  catholics  may  be  distin- 
guished from  heretics,  and  the  root  from  which  all 
other  doctrines,  true  or  false,  germinate,"  then  Fla- 
minio was  unquestionably  a  Protestant. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  letter  from  him,  in 
which  he  strenuously  defends,  in  opposition  to  his 
friend  Carnesecchi,  the  doctrine  of  the  real  presence 
and  commemorative  oblation  of  Christ  in  the  eucha- 
rist,  and  expresses  himself  with  considerable  acrimony 
in  speaking  of  the  Reformers. §  To  reconcile  these  ap- 

*  Flaminii  Epist.  ad  quandam  principem  fceminam :  Schelhornii 
Amoen.  Eccles,  torn.  ii.  p.  115.  This  last  extract  is  taken  from  a 
letter  to  Theodora,  or  Theodorina  Sauli,  a  lady  belonging  to  a  noble 
family  in  Genoa,  whose  name  Gerdes  has  added  to  his  list  of  female 
Protestants,  merely  upon  the  authority  of  this  letter.  (Ital.  Reform, 
p.  158.) 

t  See  this  letter  in  the  appendix.  t  Pallavicini. 

(j  This  letter,  dated  from  Trent,  January  1, 1543,  and  Carnesecchi's 
reply  to  it,  were  inserted  in  a  collection  of  Italian  letters,  published 
by  Ludovico  Dolci  in  1555,  and  republished  in  Latin  by  Schelhorn, 
in  his  Amcenitates  Ecclesiasticoe,  tom.  ii.  p.  146 — 179.  Some  writers 
have  denied  the  genuineness  of  the  letter  of  Flaminio,  while  others 
suppose  tiiat  Carnesecchi's  reply  induced  him  to  retract  his  opinion. 
(Hesse,  Not.  ad  Nolten.  Vit.  Olympian  Morata?,  p.  73.)  A  desire  to 
add  a  celebrated  name  to  the  Protestant  roll  appears  to  have  led  to 
the  adoption  of  these  hypotheses. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  167 

parently  contradictory  statements,  we  must  attend  to 
the  different  periods  in  the  Ufe  of  Flaminio.  During 
the  flower  of  his  age  he  was  entirely  engrossed  with 
secular  literature,  as  his  juvenile  poems  evince.  In 
middle  life  he  applied  his  mind  to  sacred  letters,  made 
the  Scriptures  his  chief  study,  and  derived  his  highest 
pleasure  from  meditating  on  divine  things.  It  was  at 
at  this  time  that  he  composed  his  paraphrases  on  the 
Psalms  in  prose  and  verse,  and  lived  in  the  society  of 
Valdes,  Martyr,  the  duchess  of  Ferrara,  and  other 
persons  addicted  to  the  reformed  opinions.  The  third 
period  of  his  life  extends  from  the  time  that  the  court 
of  Rome  adopted  decisive  measures  for  suppressing 
the  reformed  opinions  in  Italy,  to  the  year  1550,  in 
which  he  died.  His  letter  on  the  eucharist  was  writ- 
ten immediately  after  some  of  his  most  intimate  ac- 
quaintances had  been  forced  to  fly  from  their  native 
country,  to  avoid  imprisonment  or  a  fiery  death.  The 
mild  and  yielding  disposition  of  Flaminio  was  more 
fitted  for  contemplation  and  retirement  than  for  con- 
troversy and  suffering.  Like  many  others,  he  might 
not  have  made  up  his  mind  to  separate  formally  from 
the  Church  of  Rome ;  and  the  fate  of  those  who  had 
ventured  on  that  step  would  not  help  forward  his 
resolution.  His  friends  in  the  sacred  college  were 
anxious  to  retain  him;  and  the  article  of  the  real 
presence,  from  which  many  Protestants  could  not 
extricate  themselves,  was  perhaps  the  means  best 
fitted  for  entangling  the  devout  mind  of  Flaminio, 
and  reconciling  him  to  remain  in  the  communion  of  a 
church  whose  public  creed  was  at  variance  with  some 
of  the  sentiments  which  were  dearest  to  his  heart. 
But  two  years  after  the  time  now  referred  to,  he 
refused  the  honourable  employment  of  secretary  to 
the  council  of  Trent;  "because,"  says  Pallavicini, 
"  he  favoured  the  new  opinions,  and  would  not  em- 
ploy his  pen  for  an  assembly  by  which  he  knew  these 
opinions  would  be  condemned.''*  The  cardinal  in- 
deed adds,  that  Flaminio  had  the  happiness  to  be 
brought    subsequently   to    acknowledge    iiis    errors 

*  Istor.  Cone.  Trent,  ad  an.  1545. 


168  HISTORY    OF    THE 

through  his  acquaintance  with  Pole,  and  died  a 
good  CathoUc.  But  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  ever 
retracted  his  former  sentiments;  and  in  none  of  his 
writings,  earlier  or  later,  do  we  read  any  thing  of 
purgatory,  prayers  for  the  dead  or  to  saints,  pilgrim- 
ages, penances,  or  any  of  those  voluntary  services 
which  were  so  much  insisted  on  by  all  the  devoted 
adherents  to  Rome;  but  every  where  we  find  the 
warmest  piety  and  purest  morality,  founded  on  Scrip- 
tural principles,  and  enforced  by  the  most  evangelical 
motives.  We  know,  that  the  court  of  Rome,  after  it 
was  awakened  to  its  danger,  was  eager  to  engage  the 
pens  of  the  learned  in  its  defence  against  the  Refor- 
mers.* If  the  advisers  to  whom  Flaminio  committed 
himself  during  the  last  years  of  his  life,  could  have 
prevailed  on  him  to  write  any  thing  of  this  kind,  it 
would  have  been  triumphantly  proclaimed;  but  it 
was  a  sufficient  victory  for  them  to  be  able  to  retain 
such  a  man  in  their  chains,  and  to  publish  the  solitary 
letter  on  the  eucharist,  which  was  written  seven  years 
before  his  death,  as  if  it  had  been  his  dying  testmiony, 
and  as  a  proof  that  he  was  not  alienated  from  the 
catholic  faith.  Even  this  was  the  opinion  only  of  a 
few  of  his  private  friends ;  for  the  verdict  of  the  Vati- 
can was  very  different.  The  report  that  it  was  in- 
tended to  disinter  his  body,  after  his  death,  might  be 
groundless  ;t  but  it  is  certain  that  his  writings  were 
inserted  in  the  prohibitory  index,  though  care  was 
taken  afterwards  to  wipe  off  this  disgrace,  by  expung- 
ing from  that  record  the  name  of  a  man  who  had 
lived  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  chief  dignitaries 

*  It  is  well  known  what  solicitations  were  used  with  Erasmus  be- 
fore lie  drew  his  pen  against  Luther.  Christopher  Longolius,  in  a 
letter  to  Stefano  and  Flaminio  Sauli,  mentions,  with  an  air  of  no  small 
vanity,  that  he  had  been  solicited  from  Germany  to  write  in  defence 
of  Luther,  and  from  Italy  to  write  against  him ;  that  both  parties  had 
furnished  him  with  memorials ;  that  he  thought  himself  qualified  for 
either  task,  and  that  Jie  had  already,  by  v/ay  of  essay,  (like  a  wise 
and  prudent  procurator,)  drawn  up  a  pleading  for  and  against  the 
accused  heretic.  (Longolii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  139.)  The  cautious  orator 
chose  the  safer  side,  and  sent  forth  a  Ciceronian  Philippic  against 
Luther. 

t  Manlii  Collect,  p.  116.  Georg.  Fabricii  Poem.  Sacr.  P.  i.  p.  264. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  169 

of  the  church,  and  whose  genius  and  piety  must 
always  reflect  credit  on  the  society  to  which  he  be- 
longed.* 

The  preceding  account  of  the  sentiments  of  Fla- 
minio  materially  agrees  with  that  of  a  contemporary 
author  who  appears  to  have  possessed  good  means  of 
information.  The  following  quotation  is  long,  but  it 
deserves  a  place  here,  as  serving  to  throw  light  on  the 
state  of  religious  opinion  in  Italy,  and  on  the  character 
of  an  Englishman,  who  makes  but  too  conspicuous  a 
figure  in  the  history  of  his  native  country.  Referring 
to  the  letter  to  Carnesecchi,  of  which  he  had  stated  the 
substance,  that  writer  goes  on  to  say — "  This  at  least 
we  gain  from  the  letter  of  Flaminio,  that,  while  he 
professes  to  differ  from  us  on  those  heads  which  I 
have  pointed  out,  he  makes  no  such  professions  as  to 
transubstantiation,  and  the  oblation  for  the  living  and 
dead,  which  we  reject;  he  agrees  with  us  in  giving 
the  cup  to  the  laity;  and  I  am  persuaded  that,  had  he 
lived  longer,  he  would  have  made  further  progress, 
and  come  over  to  us  completely.  But  cardinal  Pole 
kept  him  under  restraint,  and  prevented  him  from 
freely  avowing  his  sentiments,  as  he  did  many  others. 
It  is  dreadful  to  think  what  injury  Satan  did  to  the 
resuscitated  gospel,  by  the  instrumentality  of  this 
crafty  Englishman,  who  acknowledged,  or  at  least 
professed  to  acknowledge,  that  we  are  justified  by 
faith  in  Christ  alone,  and  laboured,  along  with  those 
who  resided  in  his  house,  among  whom  was  Flaminio, 
to  instil  this  doctrine  into  the  minds  of  many.  Not 
to  name  others,  it  is  well  known  that  John  Morell, 
late  minister  of  the  foreign  church  in  Frankfort  on 
the  Maine,  a  man  of  great  piety  and  learning,  im- 
bibed this  doctrine  in  that  school,  and  was  drawn  by 
Pole  into  the  society  of  those  who  had  a  relish  for  the 
gospel,  and  were  said  to  agree  with  us.  The  cardinal 
laboured,  by  all  the  influence  of  his  character  and 
reputation,  to  persuade  others  to  rest  satisfied  with  a 

*  The  article  in  the  Index  of  Rome  for  1559  runs  thus  : — "  Marci 
Antonii  Flaminii  Paraphrases  et  Comment,  in  Psal.  Item  literoe  et 
carmina  omnia."     Sig.  D  8. 

12 


170  HISTORY    or    THE 

secret  belief  of  the  truth,  and  not  thmk  themselves 
answerable  for  the  errors  and  abuses  of  the  church,* 
alleging  that  we  should  tolerate,  and  even  give  our 
consent  to  these,  in  the  expectation  that  God,  at  the 
fit  time,  would  afford  a  favourable  opportunity  for 
having  them  removed.     It  is  unnecessary  to  say,  that 
this  is  a  doctrine  very  agreeable  to  those  who  would 
have  Christ  without  the  cross.     If  Luther  and  other 
faithful  servants  of  God,  by  whose  means  the  truth 
has  been  clearly  brought  to  light  in  our  days,  had 
chosen  in  this  manner  to  conceal  and  wink  at  errors 
and  abuses,  how  could  they  have  been  extirpated  ? 
How  could  the  pure  voice  of  the  gospel  ever  have 
been  heard  in  that  case,  when  we  see  with  what  diffi- 
culty it  has  prevailed  to  a  very  limited  extent,  through 
great  contention  and  profusion  of  blood,  in  opposition 
to  the  predominating  power  and  cruelties  of  antichrist? 
Pole,  however,  did  not  hesitate  to  assert,  that  he  could 
advance  the  pure  doctrine  by  concealment,  dissimula- 
tion, and  evasion.     And  not  only  so,  but  when  some 
individuals  more  ardent  than  the  rest,  threatened  to 
break  through  these  restraints,  his  agents  were  always 
ready  to  urge  the  propriety  of  waiting  for  the  fit  sea- 
son, and  discovering  their  sentiments  gradually;  in 
consequence  of  which  some  persons  were  so  credulous 
as  to  beUeve  that,  at  a  future  period,  the  cardinal  and 
his  confidential  friends  would  openly  profess  the  truth 
before  the  pope  and  the  whole  city  of  Rome,  and  by 
the  general  attention  which  this  must  excite,  would 
singularly  advance  the  glory  of  God.     After  waiting 
for  this  until  they  were  wearied  out,  how  did  the  mat- 
ter issue  ?    I  cannot  relate  it  without  tears.    0  wretch- 
ed cardinal !  0  miserable  dupes  of  his  promises !  The 
purity  of  religion  had  been  restored  in  England:  the 
doctrines  of  justification  by  faith,  the  assurance  of 
salvation,  true  repentance,  scriptural  absolution,  the 
right  use  of  the  sacraments,  and  the  sole  headship  of 
Christ  over  the  church,  were  taught  in  that  kingdom. 
Pole  went  there ;  and  what  was  the  consequence  ? 

*  "  L'huomo  si  havesse  a  contentare  di  quella  secreta  cognitione, 
senza  tener  poi  conto  se  la  chiesa  havea  degli  abusi  et  degli  errori." 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  171 

He  absolved  the  whole  kingdom,  including  the  nobles, 
and  the  king  and  queen,  on  their  knees,  from  the  crimes 
which  they  had  committed  against  the  church  of  Rome. 
And  what  were  these?  The  teaching  of  those  very- 
doctrines  which  he  himself  had  favoured,  and  the 
triumph  of  which  he  had  promised  to  secure  by  the 
arts  of  moderation  and  prudent  delay.  Nor  did  he 
rest,  until,  in  his  desire  to  gratify  the  pope  and  cardi- 
nals, he  had  restored  all  the  abuses,  superstitions,  and 
abominations  which  had  been  removed;  and  had  sent 
a  printed  account  of  his  deeds  through  every  country 
in  Europe.'^* 

Gasparo  Contarini  was  one  of  the  distinguished 
persons  whom  Paul  III.,  aware  of  the  necessity  of 
conciliating  public  favour,  had  judiciously  advanced 
to  the  purple.  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  treatise  on 
justification,!  drawn  up  by  him  when  he  acted  as 
legate  at  the  diet  and  conference  held  at  Ratisbon  in 
1541 J  together  with  the  letters  which  passed  between 
him  and  Pole  at  that  time,  without  being  convinced 
that  both  these  prelates  agreed  with  the  Reformers  on 
this  article,  and  diifered  widely  from  Sadolet  and 
others,  whose  sentiments  were  afterwards  sanctioned 
by  the  council  of  Trent.  Pole  tells  him,  that  "he 
knew  long  ago  what  his  sentiments  on  that  subject 
were;"  that  he  rejoiced  at  the  treatise  which  Conta- 
rini had  composed,  "  because  it  laid  not  only  a  foun- 
dation for  agreement  with  the  Protestants,  but  such 
a  foundation  as  illustrated  the  glory  of  Christ — the 
foundation  of  all  Christian  doctrine,  which  was  not 
well  understood  by  many;"  that  he  and  all  who  were 
with  him  at  Viterbo,  joined  in  giving  thanks  to  God 
"  who  had  begun  to  reveal  this  sacred,  salutary,  and 
necessary  doctrine;"  and  that  its  friends  ought  not  to 

*  Giudicio  sopra  le  lettere  di  tredeci  huomini  illustri  publicatc  da 
Dionigi  Atanagi,  Venet.  1554;  Schelhornii  Amoenit.  Eccles.  torn.  ii. 
p.  11 — 15;  conf.  torn.  i.  p.  144 — 155.  Colomesii  Italia  Orientalis,  p. 
iii.  Sleidani  Com.  lib.  x,  torn.  ii.  p.  54;  lib.  xxi.  torn.  iii.  p.  190.  edit. 
Am  Ende,  To  these  may  be  added  the  testimony  of  Aonio  Paleario. 
(Opera,  p.  561,  562.) 

t  This  was  republished,  from  Contarini's  works,  by  cardinal  Qui- 
rini,  in  his  collection  of  Pole's  Letters,  vol.  iii.  p.  cic. 


172  HISTORY    OF    THE 

be  moved  by  the  censures  which  it  met  with  at  Rome, 
where  it  was  "charged  with  novelty,"  although  "it 
lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  the  doctrines  held  by  the 
ancient  church."* — That  cardinal  Morone  was  of  tlie 
same  sentiments  appears,  not  only  from  the  articles 
of  charge  brought  against  him,  but  from  his  known 
agreement  in  sentiment  with  Pole  and  Contarini.t — 
To  these  members  of  the  sacred  college,  we  have  to 
add  Federigo  Fregoso,  a  prelate  equally  distinguished 
by  his  birth,  learning,  and  virtues.:}:  He  gave  great 
scandal,  by  declining  to  appear  at  the  court  of  the 
Vatican,  after  the  pope  had  honoured  him  with  the 
purple.^  Disgusted  with  the  manners  of  that  court, 
he  had  divested  himself  of  the  archbishoprick  of  Sa- 
lerno, and  retired  to  the  diocese  of  Gubbio,  of  which 
he  was  administrator;  and  perceiving  that  the  people 
conceived  the  whole  of  religion  to  lie  in  pronouncing, 
at  stated  hours  and  with  the  prescribed  gesticulations, 
the  pater  noster,  ave  maria,  and  hymns  in  honour  of 
the  saints,  he,  with  the  view  of  initiating  them  into  a 
more  rational  and  scriptural  devotion,  composed  in 
Italian  a  treatise  on  the  method  of  prayer,  which 
had  the  honour  of  being  prohibited  at  Rome. IF     The 

*  See  Pole's  letters  to  Contarini,  of  the  17th  May  and  16th  July 
1541,  and  1st  May  1542.  (Epistolse  Reginal.  Poll,  vol.  ill.  p.  25,  27 
—  30,  53.)  Quirini,  besides  what  is  contained  in  his  dissertations 
prefixed  to  Pole's  Letters,  attempted  to  defend  Contarini's  orthodoxy, 
in  a  separate  tract,  entitled  "  Epistola  ad  Gregorium  Roth/ischerum, 
BrixicB  1752;  to  which  Jo.  Rud.  Kieslingius  replied,  in  his  Epistola 
ad  Eminent.  Princ.  Angclum  Mariain  Quirinunx^  de  Religione  Lu- 
therana  amabili.  Lips.  1753. 

t  Wolfii  Lect.  Memor.  torn.  ii.  p.  655.  When  the  articles  were 
afterwards  published,  with  scholia,  by  Vergerio,  the  inquisitors  did 
not  insert  the  book  in  their  index,  lest  it  should  call  the  attention  of 
the  public  to  the  fact,  that  a  cardinal  had  been  accused  of  holding 
such  opinions.  (Vergerii  Oper.  torn.  i.  p.  262.  Scheliiornii  Amcenit. 
Liter,  torn.  xii.  p.  546,  &c.) 

t  He  was  the  nephew  of  Guidubaldo,  duke  of  Urbino,  and  the  bro- 
ther  of  Ottaviano  Fregoso,  doge  of  Genoa,  a  name  celebrated  in  tlie 
annals  of  that  republic.  (Tiraboschi,  vii.  1076.)  "  Egli  e  tutto  buo- 
no,  e  tutto  santo,  e  tutto  nellc  sacre  lettere,  e  Latine,  e  Greche,  e 
Ebraiche,"  says  Bembo.     (Opere,  tom.  vii.  p.  267.) 

§  Bembo,  Lettere,  tom.  i.  p.  139. 

^  An  account  of  this  book  is  given  by  Riederer,  in  the  third  volume 
of  his  Nachrichten.     Conf,  Wolfii  Lect.  Memorab.  tom.  ii.  p.  698 


RErORMATION    IN    ITALY.  173 

same  honour  was  reserved  for  the  elegant  commen- 
taries of  the  learned  and  pious  abbot,  Giambattista 
Folengo,  which  abound  with  sentiments  similar  to 
those  which  have  been  quoted  from  the  writings  of 
Flaminio,  accompanied  with  severe  strictures  on  the 
superstitious  practices  which  the  priests  and  friars  re- 
commended to  the  people.* 

Angelo  Buonarici,  general  of  the  canons  regular  at 
Venice,  is  another  example  of  the  extent  to  which  the 
leading  opinions  of  the  reformed  had  spread  in  Italy. 
In  his  exposition  of  the  apostolical  epistles,  he  has 
stated  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  with  as 
much  clearness  and  accuracy  as  either  Luther  or  Cal- 
vin. "  This  passage  of  Scripture,"  says  he,  "  teaches 
us,  that  if  we  are  true  Christians,  we  must  acknow- 
ledge that  we  are  saved  and  justified,  without  the 
previous  works  of  the  law,  by  means  of  faith  alone. 
Not  that  we  are  to  conclude,  that  those  who  believe 
in  Christ  are  not  bound  and  obliged  to  study  the  prac- 
tice of  holy,  devout,  and  good  works;  but  no  one 
must  think  or  believe  that  he  can  attain  to  the  benefit 
of  justification  by  good  works,  for  this  is  indeed  ob- 
tained by  faith,  and  good  works  in  the  justified  do 
not  precede  but  follow  their  justification."  Similar 
sentiments  pervade  this  work,  which  appeared  with 
the  privilege  of  the  inquisitors  of  Venice ;  a  circum- 
stance which  might  have  excited  our  astonishment, 
had  we  not  known  that  still  greater  oversights  have 
been  committed  by  these  jealous  and  intolerant,  but 
ignorant  and  injudicious,  censors  of  the  press,  t — Still 
more  remarkable  were  the  sentiments  of  Giovanni 
Grimani,  a  Venetian  of  noble  birth,  and  patriarch  of 

and  Index  Auct.  Prohibit.  RomoB,  1559.  There  is  a  curious  letter, 
written  in  1531,  by  Bembo  to  Fregoso,  about  a  treatise  in  manuscript, 
which  the  latter  had  sent  to  him,  on  the  subject  of  free  will  and  pre- 
destination. Bembo  promises  not  to  allow  it  to  go  into  improper 
hands,  but  refuses  to  burn  it,  as  Fregoso  had  urged  him  to  do.  (Bem- 
bo, Opere,  torn.  v.  p.  165,  166.) 

*  See  the  extracts  from  his  Commentary  on  the  Psalms,  in  Gerdes. 
Ital.  Ref.  p.  257—261.  Comp.  Ginguene,  Hist.  Liter,  d'ltalie,  torn, 
vii.  p.  58.  Teissier,  Eloges,  torn.  i.  p.  170.  Tiraboschi,  Storia,  vii.  400. 

t  Gerdesii  Ital.  Ref,   p.  198—200. 


174  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Aquileia.  A  Dominican  monk  of  Udina,  in  Friuli, 
had  given  ofl'ence  by  teaching,  in  a  sermon,  that  the 
elect  cannot  incur  damnation,  but  will  be  recovered 
from  the  sins  into  which  they  may  fall;  and  that  sal- 
vation and  damnation  depend  upon  predestination, 
and  not  on  our  free-will.  The  patriarch  undertook 
the  defence  of  this  doctrine,  first  in  a  letter  to  the 
general  of  the  Dominicans,  and  afterwards  in  a  treatise 
which  he  wrote  expressly  on  the  subject.  This  was 
subsequent  to  the  decrees  of  the  council  of  Trent 
which  determined  the  doctrine  of  the  church  on  these 
points.  Grimani  was  not  at  first  troubled  for  his 
opinions,  but  having,  at  a  subsequent  period,  irritated 
his  clergy  by  attempting  to  reform  their  manners,  he 
was  delated  to  the  inquisitors :  and  at  the  very  time 
that  pope  Pius  IV.,  at  the  request  of  the  senate  of 
Venice,  was  about  to  advance  him  to  the  purple,  he 
was  accused  of  holding  Lutheran  and  Calvinistic 
errors  on  seven  different  articles.  The  republic  of 
Venice  procured  an  order  from  the  pope,  to  take  the 
cause  out  of  the  hands  of  the  inquisitors,  and  commit 
it  to  the  judgment  of  the  fathers,  who,  in  the  year 
1563,  were  still  assembled  at  Trent,  and  who,  after 
an  examination  which  lasted  twenty-four  days,  came 
at  last  to  the  determination  that  the  writings  of  the 
patriarch  were  not  heretical,  though  they  ought  not 
to  have  been  made  public  on  account  of  certain  diffi- 
cult points  which  were  treated  in  them,  and  not  ex- 
plained with  sufficient  accuracy.  So  great  was  the 
influence  of  the  Senate  of  Venice  with  the  pope  and 
council!* 

Of  the  mode  of  thinking,  or  rather  feeling,  among 
a  numerous  class  of  enlightened  Italians,  we  have  an 

*  Raynaldi  Annal.  ad  ann.  1549,  1563.  Pallavicini,  apud  Gerdes. 
Ital.  Ref.  p.  91 — 93,  I  have  not  adduced  the  examples  of  Foscarari, 
bishop  of  Modena,  and  San  Fclicio,  bishop  of  Cava,  with  several 
others,  who  have  been  ranked  among  the  favourers  of  the  reformed 
opinions  by  Schelhorn,  (Amcen.  Eccles.  torn.  i.  p.  151;)  because  I 
am  not  aware  that  he  had  any  other  ground  for  doing  this  than  the 
moderation  of  these  distinguished  prelates,  and  the  fact  of  their 
having  been  thrown  into  the  prisons  of  the  Inquisition  by  that  violent 
pontiff,  Paul  IV. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  175 

example  in  Celio  Calcagnini,  "  one  of  the  most  learn- 
ed men  of  that  age."*  His  friend  Peregrino  Morata 
had  sent  him  a  book  in  defence  of  the  reformed  doc- 
trine, and  requested  his  opinion  of  it.  The  reply  of 
Calcagnini  was  cautious,  but  sufficiently  intelligible : 
— "  I  have  read  (says  he)  the  book  relating  to  the 
controversies  so  much  agitated  at  present;!  I  have 
thought  on  its  contents,  and  weighed  them  in  the  ba- 
lance of  reason.  I  find  in  it  nothing  which  may  not 
be  approved  and  defended,  but  some  things  which,  as 
mysteries,  it  is  safer  to  suppress  and  conceal  than  to 
bring  before  the  common  people.  Though  suitable 
to  the  primitive  and  infant  state  of  the  church,  3^et 
now,  when  the  decrees  of  the  fathers  and  long  usage 
have  sanctioned  other  modes,  what  necessity  is  there 
for  reviving  antiquated  practices  which  have  for  ages 
fallen  into  desuetude,  especially  as  neither  piety  nor 
the  salvation  of  the  soul  is  concerned  with  them?  Let 
us  then,  I  pray  you,  allow  these  things  to  rest.  Not 
that  I  disapprove  of  their  being  embraced  by  scholars 
and  lovers  of  antiquity;  but  I  would  not  have  them 
communicated  to  the  vulgar  and  those  who  are  fond 
of  innovations,  lest  they  give  occasion  to  strife  and 
sedition.  There  are  illiterate  and  unqualified  persons 
who  having,  after  long  ignorance,  read  or  heard  cer- 
tain new  opinions  respecting  baptism,  the  marriage  of 
the  clergy,  ordination,  the  distinction  of  days  and  of 
food,  and  public  penitence,  instantly  conceive  that 
these  things  are  to  be  stiffly  maintained  and  observed; 
wherefore,  in  my  opinion,  the  discussion  of  these 
points  ought  to  be  confined  to  the  hiitiated,  lest  the 
seamless  coat  of  our  Lord  should  be  rent  and  torn. 
It  was  this  consideration,  I  suppose,  which  moved 
those  good  men  who  lately  laid  before  pope  Paul  a 
plan  of  reforming  Christianity,  to  advise  that  the  col- 
loquies of  Erasmus  should  be  banished  from  our  re- 
public, as  Plato  formerly  banished  the  poems  of  Homer 
from  his."  Having  made  some  observations  of  a  simi- 

*  Tiraboschi,  Storia,  vii.  163. 

+  Tiraboschi  thinks  that  Morata  was  himself  the    author  of  the 
book,  (vii.  1199.) 


176  HISTORY    OF    THE 

lar  kind  on  the  doctrine  of  predestination,  taught  by 
the  author  of  the  book,  he  concludes  thus: — "Saint 
Paul  says,  '  Hast  thou  faith  ?  have  it  to  thyself  before 
God.'  Since  it  is  dangerous  to  treat  such  things  be- 
fore the  multitude  and  in  public  discourses,  I  deem 
it  safest  to  ^  speak  with  the  many  and  think  with  the 
few."'*  In  this  manner  did  the  learned  apostolical 
protonotary  satisfy  his  conscience  ;  and  very  probably 
he  was  not  aware,  or  did  not  reflect,  how  much  weight 
self-interest  threw  into  one  of  the  scales  of  "  the  ba- 
lance of  reason."  The  temporizing  maxim  in  which 
he  at  last  takes  refuge  was  borrowed  from  his  former 
friend  Erasmus;  and  it  is  curious  to  find  it  here  em- 
ployed to  justify  the  sentence  pronounced  against  one 
of  the  most  useful  works  of  that  elegant  and  accom- 
plished scholar.  It  will  always  be  a  favourite  maxim 
with  those  who  are  determined,  like  Erasmus,  to  es- 
cape suflTering,  or  who,  as  he  expressed  it,  "  feel  that 
they  have  not  received  the  grace  of  martyrdom;"  a 
mode  of  speaking,  by  the  way,  which  shows  that 
those  who  are  most  shy  to  own  the  doctrine  of  pre- 
destination and  grace  are  not  the  most  averse  to  avail 
themselves  of  it,  in  its  least  defensible  sense,  as  an 
apology  for  their  own  weakness.  Let  us  not,  how- 
ever, imagine  that  this  plea  was  confined  to  one  age 
or  one  description  of  persons.  An  attentive  observa- 
tion of  the  conduct  of  mankind  will,  I  am  afraid,  lead 
to  the  humiliating  conclusion,  that  the  greater  part, 
including  those  who  lay  claim  to  superior  intelligence 
and  superior  piety,  are  but  too  apt,  whenever  a  sacri- 
fice must  be  made  or  a  hardship  endured,  to  swerve 
from  the  straight  path  of  duty  which  their  unbiassed 
judgment  had  discerned,  and  to  act  on  the  principle, 
which,  though  glossed  over  with  the  specious  names 
of  expediency,  prudence,  and  regard  to  peace,  amounts 
to  this,  when  expressed  in  plain  language,  "  Let  us 
do  evil,  that  good  may  come." 

The  preceding  narrative  sufficiently  shows  that  the 
reformed  opinions,  if  they  did  not  take  deep  root, 
were  at  least  widely  spread  in  Italy.    The  number  of 

*  Caelii  Calcagnini  Opera,  p.  195. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  177 

those  who,  from  one  motive  or  another,  desired  a  re- 
formation, and  who  would  have  been  ready  to  fall  in 
with  any  attempt  to  introduce  it  which  promised  to 
be  successful,  was  so  great  as  to  warrant  the  conclu- 
sion that,  if  any  prince  of  considerable  power  had 
placed  himself  at  their  head,  or  if  the  court  of  Rome 
had  been  guilty  of  such  aggressions  on  the  political 
rights  of  its  neighbours  as  it  committed  at  a  future  pe- 
riod, Italy  would  have  followed  the  example  of  Germa- 
ny, and  Protestant  cities  and  states  would  have  risen  on 
the  south  as  well  as  the  north  of  the  Alps.*  The  pros- 
pect of  this  filled  the  friends  of  the  papacy  with  appre- 
hension and  alarm.  In  a  letter  to  the  nephew  of  pope 
Paul  III.,  Sadolet  complains  that  the  ears  of  his  holi- 
ness were  so  pre-occupied  with  the  false  representa- 
tions of  flatterers,  as  not  to  perceive  that  there  was 
"  an  almost  universal  defection  of  the  minds  of  men 
from  the  church,  and  an  inclination  to  execrate  eccle- 
siastical authority."!  And  cardinal  Carafla  signified 
to  the  same  pope,  "that  the  whole  of  Italy  was  in- 
fected with  the  Lutheran  heresy,  which  had  been 
extensively  embraced  both  by  statesmen  and  ecclesi- 
astics." J  "  There  was  scarcely  a  city  of  Italy,"  says 
a  late  writer  belonging  to  that  country,  "  into  which 
error  had  not  attempted  to  insinuate  itself,  and  every- 
where almost  it  had  its  partizans  and  followers.  The 
name  of  reform,  the  reproach  of  ignorance  which, 
not  without  some  reason,  was  attached  to  the  theolo- 
gians of  that  day,  and  the  imposing  apparatus  of  eru- 
dition with  which  the  new  opinions  were  invested, 
might  easily  deceive  honest  people  as  well  as  the 
learned:  and,  accordingly,  many  sufi'ered  themselves 
to  be  seduced,  especially  before  the  meeting  of  the 
council  of  Trent,  who  afterwards  discovered  their 
error  and  returned  to  a  good  way  of  thinking."§ 

No  wonder,  in  these  circumstances,  that  the  ardent 
friends  of  the  Reformation  should  at  this  period  have 

*  Bayle,  Diet.  art.  Acontius;  addition  in  English  translation. 

t  Raynaldi  Anna!,  ad  an.  1539. 

t  Spondani  Annal.  ad  an.   1542. 

§  Tiraboschi,  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  20. 


178  HISTORY    OF    THE 

cherished  the  sanguine  hope  that  Italy  would  throw 
off  the  papal  yoke.  "See,"  says  one,  "how  the  gos- 
pel advances  even  in  Italy,  where  it  is  so  much  borne 
down,  and  exults  in  the  near  prospect  of  bursting  forth, 
like  the  sun  from  a  cloud,  in  spite  of  all  opposition."* 
"Whole  libraries  (writes  Melanchthon  to  George, 
prince  of  Anhalt)  have  been  carried  from  the  late  fair 
into  Italy,  though  the  pope  has  published  fresh  edicts 
against  us.  But  the  truth  cannot  be  wholly  oppress- 
ed: our  captain,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of 
God,  will  vanquish  and  trample  on  the  dragon,  the 
enemy  of  God,  and  will  liberate  and  govern  us."t 
This  issue  of  the  religious  movement  in  his  native 
country  was  hailed  with  still  more  rapturous  feelings 
by  Celio  Secundo  Curio,  i,n  a  dialogue  composed  by 
him  at  the  period  now  referred  to,  and  intended  to 
prove  that  the  kingdom  of  God  and  his  elect  is  more 
extensive  than  that  of  the  devil  and  the  reprobate. 
He  introduces  his  interlocutor,  Mainardi,  as  saying — 
"If  the  Lord  shall  continue,  as  he  has  begun,  to  grant 
prosperous  success  to  the  gospel,  the  delectable  em- 
bassy of  reconciliation  and  grace,  we  shall  behold  the 
whole  world  thronging,  more  than  it  has  ever  done 
at  any  former  period,  to  this  asylum  and  fortified  city, 
to  Jesus  Christ,  its  prince,  and  to  its  three  towers, 
faith,  hope,  and  charity;  so  that,  with  our  own  eyes, 
we  may  yet  see  the  kingdom  of  God  of  much  larger 
extent  than  that  which  the  enemy  of  mankind  has 
acquired,  not  by  his  own  power,  but  by  the  provi- 
dence of  God." — "  0  blessed  day !  0  that  I  might  live 
to  see  the  ravishing  prospect  realized!"  exclaims  Cu- 
rio.— "You  shall  live,  Celio,  be  not  afraid;  you  shall 
live  to  see  it.  The  joyful  sound  of  the  gospel  has 
within  our  own  day  reached  the  Scythians,  Thra- 
cians,  Indians,  and  Africans.  Christ,  the  king  of  kings, 
has  taken  possession  of  Rhoetia  and  Helvetia:  Ger- 

*  Gabrieli  Valliculi,  De  liberal!  Dei  Gratia,  et  servo  hominis  Arbi- 
trio.  Norimb.  1536;  apud  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrin.  ii.  396. 

t  Epistolfe,  col.  303.  This  letter  has  no  date ;  but,  from  compar- 
ing its  contents  with  Sleidan,  Comment,  torn.  ii.  p.  187,  it  appears  to 
have  been  written  in  1540. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  179 

many  is  under  his  protection:  he  has  reigned,  and 
will  again  reign  in  England:  he  sways  his  sceptre 
over  Denmark  and  the  Cymbrian  nations :  Prussia  is 
his:  Poland  and  the  whole  of  Sarmatia  are  on  the 
point  of  yielding  to  him:  he  is  pressing  forward  to 
Pannonia :  Muscovy  is  in  his  eye :  he  beckons  France 
to  him :  Italy,  our  native  country,  is  travailing  in  birth : 
and  Spain  will  speedily  follow.  Even  the  Jews,  as 
you  perceive,  have  abated  their  former  aversion  to 
Christianity.  Since  they  saw  that  we  acknowledge 
one  God,  the  creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  Jesus 
Christ  whom  he  sent ;  that  we  worship  neither  images, 
nor  symbols,  nor  pictures;  that  we  no  longer  adore 
mystical  bread  or  a  wafer,  as  God;  that  they  are  not 
despised  by  us  as  they  formerly  were ;  that  we  ac- 
knowledge we  received  Christ  from  them;  and  that 
there  is  access  for  them  to  enter  into  that  kingdom 
from  which  they  have  been  secluded,  as  we  once 
were, — their  minds  have  undergone  a  great  change, 
and  now  at  last  they  are  provoked  to  emulation."* 

The  striking  contrast  between  this  pleasing  picture 
and  the  event  which  soon  after  took  place,  admonishes 
us  not  to  allow  our  minds  to  be  dazzled  by  flattering 
appearances,  or  to  build  theories  of  faith  on  prospects 
which  fancy  may  have  sketched  on  the  deceitful  hori- 
zon of  public  opinion;  and  we  should  recollect,  that 
though  persecution  is  one  means,  it  is  not  the  only 
one,  by  which  the  march  of  Christianity  has  been, 
and  may  yet  again  be,  checked  and  arrested. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SUPPRESSION    OF    THE    REFORMATION    IN    ITALY. 

It  was  in  the  year  1542,  that   the  court  of  Rome 
first  became  seriously  alarmed  at  the  progress  of  the 

*  Coelius  Secundus  Curio,  De  Amplitudine  Regui  Dei ;  in  Schel- 
hornii  Ainoen.  Liter,  torn.  xii.  p.  594,  595. 


180  HISTORY    OP    THE 

new  opinions  in  Italy.  Engrossed  by  foreign  politics, 
and  believing  that  they  could  at  any  time  put  down 
an  evil  which  was  within  their  reach,  the  pope  and 
his  counsellors  had  either  disregarded  the  representa- 
tions which  were  made  to  them  on  this  head  as  ex- 
aggerated, or  contented  themselves  with  issuing  pro- 
hibitory bulls  and  addressing  to  the  bishops  of  the 
suspected  places  monitory  letters,  which  were  defeat- 
ed by  the  lukewarmness  of  the  local  magistrates,  or 
the  caution  of  the  obnoxious  individuals.  But  in  the 
course  of  the  year  referred  to,  the  clergy,  and  particu- 
larly the  friars,  poured  in  their  complaints  from  all 
parts  of  the  country,  as  to  the  danger  to  which  the 
catholic  faith  was  exposed  from  the  boldness  of  the 
Reformers  and  the  increase  of  conventicles.  At  the 
head  of  these  was  Pietro  Caraffa,  commonly  called 
the  Theatine  cardinal,*  a  prelate  who  made  high  pre- 
tensions to  sanctity,  but  distinguished  himself  by  his 
ambition  and  violence,  when  he  afterwards  mounted 
the  pontifical  throne,  under  the  name  of  Paul  IV. 
He  laid  before  the  sacred  college  the  discoveries  he 
had  made  as  to  the  extent  to  which  heresy  had  spread 

*  Caraffa  founded  a  religious  order  called  the  Theatine^  fromCivita 
di  Chieti,  a  city  in  Naples,  of  which  he  was  bishop.  In  his  youth  he 
was  a  patron  of  letters;  and  Erasmus  mentioned  him  in  very  flatter- 
ing terms,  in  the  dedication  of  his  edition  of  the  works  of  Jerome, 
published  at  Basle  in  1516.  "Nam  ad  triuni  linguarum  baud  vuiga- 
rem  peritiam,  ad  summam  cum  omnium  disciplinarum  tum  praecipue 
theologicoe  rei  cognitionem,  tantum  homo  juvenis,  (Rev.  in  Christo 
pater  Joan.  Pet.  Caraffa,  episcopus  Theatinus,)  adjunxit  integritatis 
et  sanctimoniee,  tantum  modestiEe,  tantum  mira  gravitate  conditse 
comitatis,  ut  et  sedi  Romanfe  magno  sit  ornamento,  et  Britannis 
omnibus  absolutum  quoddam  exemplar  exhibeat,  [the  bishop  of  Chieti 
was  then  in  England  as  ambassador  from  Leo  X.  to  Henry  VIII.] 
unde  omnes  omnium  virtutum  formam  sibi  petere  possint."  The 
bishop  discharged  this  obligation,  when  he  was  afterwards  advanced 
to  the  pontifical  chair,  by  prohibiting  the  Jerome,  and  all  the  other 
works  of  Erasmus.  It  may  not  be  improper  to  give  the  words  of  the 
discharge  in  full,  as  a  lesson  to  all  literary  flatterers.  Of  others, 
whose  whole  works  were  interdicted,  the  names  are  merely  given, 
but  he  is  introduced  at  full  length  with  all  the  honours  : — "  Desiderius 
Erasmus  Roterdamus  cum  universis  commentariis,  annotationibus, 
scholiis,  dialogis,  epistolis,  censuris,  versionibus,  libris  et  scriptis  suis, 
etiam  si  nil  penitus  contra  religionem  vel  de  religione  contineant." 
(Index  Auct.  et  Lib.  Proh.  sig.  b.  3.     Romoe,  1559.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  181 

in  Naples,  and  various  parts  of  Italy;  and  convinced 
them  of  the  necessity  of  adopting  the  speediest  and 
most  vigorous  measures  for  its  extermination.*  It 
was  resolved  to  proceed,  in  the  first  place,  against 
such  of  the  ecclesiastics  as  were  understood  to  favour 
the  new  opinions.  Among  these  Ochino  and  Martyr 
were  the  most  distinguished;  but  as  they  were  in 
possession  of  great  popularity,  and  had  not  yet  made 
open  defection  from  the  catholic  faith,  spies  were 
placed  round  their  persons,  while  a  secret  investiga- 
tion was  made  into  their  past  conduct,  with  the  view 
of  procuring  direct  evidence  of  their  heretical  opinions. 
Such  a  deep  impression  had  the  sermons  delivered 
by  Ochino  made  on  the  minds  of  the  citizens  of  Venice, 
that  they  joined  in  an  application  to  the  pope  to  grant 
them  an  opportunity  of  hearing  him  a  second  time. 
His  holiness  accordingly  directed  the  cardinal  of  Car- 
pi, who  was  protector  of  the  order  of  Capuchins,  to 
send  him  to  Venice  during  Lent  in  the  year  1542; 
but,  at  the  same  time,  gave  instructions  to  the  apostol- 
ical nuncio  to  watch  his  conduct.  The  whole  city  ran 
in  crowds  to  hear  their  favourite  preacher.  It  does 
not  appear  that  he  used  greater  freedom  in  his  dis- 
courses on  the  present  occasion  than  he  had  used  on 
the  former;  but  a  formal  complaint  was  soon  made 
against  him,  of  having  advanced  doctrines  at  variance 
with  the  catholic  faith,  particularly  on  the  head  of  justi- 
fication, t  On  his  appearance  before  the  nuncio,  how- 
ever he  was  able  to  defend  himself  so  powerfully 
against  his  accusers,  that  no  plausible  pretext  could  be 
found  for  proceeding  against  him.  Perceiving  that  he 
was  surrounded  by  spies,  he  for  some  time  exerted  a 
greater  circumspection  over  his  words  in  the  pulpit; 
but  having  heard  that  Julio  Terentiano,  a  convert  of 
Valdes,  with  whom  he  had  been  intimate  at  Naples, 
was  thrown  into  prison,  he  could  no  longer  restrain 
himself.     In  the  course  of  a  sermon,  at  wliich  the 

*  Caracciolus,  de  Vita  Pauli  IV.  p.  240. 

t  Palearii  Opera,  p.  294.  The  same  thing  is  stated  by  Ochino 
himself  in  his  Apology  to  the  Magistrates  of  Sienna,  republished  at 
the  end  of  the  second  volume  of  his  Frediche. 


182  HISTORY    OF    THE 

senators  and  principal  persons  of  the  city  were  pre- 
sent, he  introduced  that  subject,  and  broke  out  in  these 
words — "What  remains  for  us  to  do,  my  lords?  And 
to  what  purpose  do  we  fatigue  and  exhaust  ourselves, 
if  those  men,  0  noble  Venice,  queen  of  the  Adriatic — 
if  those  men,  who  preach  to  you  the  truth,  are  to  be 
thrown  into  prisons,  thrust  into  cells  and  loaded  with 
chains  and  fetters?  What  place  will  be  left  to  us? 
what  field  will  remain  open  to  the  truth?  O  that  we 
had  but  liberty  to  preach  the  truth !  How  many  blind, 
who  now  grope  their  way  in  the  dark,  would  be  re- 
stored to  hght!"  On  hearing  of  this  bold  appeal,  the 
nuncio  instantly  interdicted  him  from  preaching,  and 
reported  the  matter  to  the  pope.  But  the  Venetians 
were  so  importunate  in  his  behalf,  that  the  interdict 
was  removed  within  three  days,  and  he  again  appear- 
ed in  the  pulpit.*  Lent  being  ended,  he  went  to  Ve- 
rona, where  he  assembled  those  of  his  order  who 
were  engaged  in  studies  preparatory  to  the  work  of 
preaching,  and  commenced  reading  to  them  a  course 
of  lectures  on  the  Epistles  of  Paul;  but  he  had  not 
proceeded  far  in  this  work,  when  he  received  a  citation 
from  Rome  to  answer  certain  charges  founded  on  his 
lectures,  and  on  the  informations  of  the  nuncio  at 
Venice. t  Having  set  out  on  his  journey  to  the  capital, 
he  had  an  interview  at  Bologna  with  cardinal  Con- 
tarini,  then  lying  on  his  death-bed,  who  assured  him 
that  he  agreed  with  the  Protestants  on  the  article  of 
justification,  though  he  was  opposed  to  them  on  the 
other  points  of  controversy.  J  In  the  month  of  August, 
Ochino  went  to  Florence,  where  he  received  informa- 
tion that  his  death  was  resolved  on  at  Rome,  upon 
which  he  retired  hastily  to  Ferrara,  and  being  assisted 
in  his  flight  by  the  duchess  Renee,  escaped  the  hands 

*  Boverio,  Annali  de  Capuccini,  torn.  i.  p.  426. 

t  Ihid.  p.  427. 

i  Ochino,  Predichc,  torn.  i.  nunn.  10.  This  fact  has  been  strong-Iy 
denied  by  Boverio,  (ut  supra,)  and  by  Card.  Quirini.  (Dialrib.  ad 
vol.  iii.  Epist.  Poli,  cap.  ix.)  Beccatcllo  says  he  was  present  at  the 
interview,  and  that  the  cardinal,  who  was  very  weak,  merely  request- 
ed a  share  in  Ochino's  prayers.     (Ibid.  p.  137.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  183 

of  the  armed  men  who  had  been  despatched  to  appre- 
hend him,  and  reached  Geneva  m  safety.* 

The  defection  and  flight  of  Ochino  struck  his  comi- 
trymen  with  amazement,  proportioned  to  the  admira- 
tion in  which  they  had  held  him.t  Claudio  Tolomeo, 
esteemed  one  of  the  best  epistolary  writers  of  his  age, 
says,  in  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  him,  that  the 
tidings  of  his  defection  from  the  Catholic  to  the  Lu- 
theran camp,  had  completely  stunned  him,  and  ap- 
peared for  some  time  utterly  false  and  incredible.^ 
The  lamentations  of  the  Theatine  cardinal  were  still 
more  tragical,  and  may  be  quoted  as  a  specimen  of 
that  mystical  and  sublimated  devotion,  which,  at  this 
period,  was  combined  with  a  spirit  of  ambition  and 
bigotry,  in  a  certain  class  of  the  defenders  of  the 
papacy.  "What  has  befallen  thee,  Bernardino?  What 
evil  spirit  has  seized  thee,  like  the  reprobate  king  of 
Israel  of  old  ?  My  father,  my  father !  the  chariot  and 
the  charioteer  of  Israel !  whom,  a  little  ago,  we  with 
admiration  beheld  ascending  to  heaven  in  the  spirit 
and  power  of  Elias,  must  we  now  bewail  thy  descent 
to  hell  with  the  chariots  and  horsemen  of  Pharaoh? 
All  Italy  flocked  to  thee ;  they  hung  upon  thy  breast : 
thou  hast  betrayed  the  land;  thou  hast  slain  the  in- 
habitants.    0  doting  old   man,  who  has  bewitched 

*  Ochino  has  himself  given  an  account  of  his  departure  from  Italy 
and  the  reasons  of  it,  in  his  answer  to  Muzio,  which  is  reprinted  at 
the  end  of  the  second  volume  of  his  Prediche.  Lubieniecius  and 
Sandius  represent  him  as  having  gone  to  Rome,  and,  in  the  presence 
of  the  pope,  reproved  from  the  pulpit  the  tyranny,  pride,  and  vices 
of  the  pontifical  court.  The  latter  adds,  that,  in  a  sermon,  he  brought 
forward  a  number  of  arguments  against  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity, 
deferring  the  answer  to  them  till  another  time,  under  the  pretence 
that  the  hour  had  elapsed ;  but,  as  soon  as  he  left  the  pulpit,  he  mount- 
ed a  horse  which  was  ready  for  him,  and,  quitting  Rome  and  Italy, 
eluded  the  inquisitors.  This  is  a  ridiculous  story,  evidently  made  up 
from  the  manner  in  which  Ochino  brought  forward  the  antitrinitarian 
sentiments  a  little  before  his  death. 

+  In  a  letter  to  Melanchthon,  dated  from  Geneva  on  the  l4th  of 
Feb.  1543,  Calvin  says — "Habemus  hie  Bcrnardinum  Senensem, 
magnum  et  praeclarum  virum,  qui  suo  discessu  non  parum  Italiam 
commovit.  Is,  ut  vobis  suo  nomine  salutem  ascriberem,  petiit." 
(Sylloge  Epist.  Burman.  tom.  ii.  p.  230.) 

t  Tolomeo,  Lettere,  p.  237.  Venez.  1565.  Schelhorn,  Ergoetzlich- 
keiten,  toin.  iii.  p.  1006. 


184  HISTORY    OF    THE 

thee  to  feign  to  thyself  another  Christ  than  thou  wert 
taught  by  the  cathoUc  church?  Ah!  Bernardino,  how 
great  wert  thou  in  the  eyes  of  all  men !  Oh,  how 
beautiful  and  fair !  Thy  coarse  but  sacred  cap  excelled 
the  cardinal's  hat  and  the  pope's  mitre,  thy  nakedness 
the  most  gorgeous  apparel,  thy  bed  of  wattles  the 
softest  and  most  delicious  couch,  thy  deep  poverty  the 
riches  of  the  world.  Thou  wert  the  herald  of  the 
highest,  the  trumpet  sounding  far  and  wide;  thou 
wert  full  of  wisdom  and  adorned  with  knowledge; 
the  liOrd  placed  thee  in  the  garden  of  Eden,  in  his 
holy  mount,  as  a  light  above  the  candlestick,  as  the 
sun  of  the  people,  as  a  pillar  in  his  temple,  as  a  watch- 
man in  his  vineyard,  as  a  shepherd  to  feed  his  flock. 
Still  thy  eloquent  discourses  sound  in  our  ears;  still 
we  see  thy  unshod  feet.  Where  now  are  all  thy 
magnificent  words  concerning  contempt  of  the  world? 
Where  thy  invectives  against  covetousness?  Thou 
that  didst  teach  that  a  man  should  not  steal,  dost  thou 
steal?"*  In  this  inflated  style,  which  cardinal  Quirini 
calls  "  elegant  and  vehement,"  did  Carafl'a  proceed 
until  he  had  exhausted  all  the  metaphors  in  the  Flow- 
ers of  the  saints. 

Ochino  was  not  silent  on  his  part.  Beside  an  apolo- 
getical  letter  to  the  magistrates  of  his  native  city  of 
Sienna,  and  another  to  Tolomeo,  he  published  a  large 
collection  of  his  sermons,  and  various  polemical  trea- 
tises against  the  church  of  Rome,  which,  being  writ- 
ten in  the  Italian  language  and  in  a  popular  style, 
produced  a  great  efl'ect  upon  his  countrymen,  not- 
withstanding the  antidotes  administered  by  writers 
hired  to  refute  and  defame  him.  t  His  flight  was  the 
signal  for  the  apprehension  of  some  of  his  most  inti- 
mate friends,  and  a  rigorous  investigation  into  the 
sentiments  of  the  religious  order  to  which  he  belong- 

*  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrin.  torn.  ii.  p.  495.  Quirini  Diatr.  ad  vol.  iii. 
Epist.  Poli,  p.  86. 

t  A  list  of  Ocliino's  works  is  to  be  found  in  Haytn,  Biblioteca, 
torn.  ii.  p.  616,  &c. ;  in  Observat.  Halens.  torn.  v.  p.  65.  «&c. ;  and  in 
Bock,  ii.  p.  515,  &-c.  His  principal  antagonists  were  Girolamo  Mu- 
zio,  the  author  of  Le  Menlite  Ochiniane,  and  Ambrogio  Catarino, 
who  wrote  Remedio  a  la  yestilente  dottrina  di  Bernardo  Ochino. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  185 

ed;  some  of  whom  made  their  escape,  and  others 
saved  their  lives  hy  recanting  their  opinions.  The 
pope  was  so  incensed  by  the  apostasy  of  Ochino,  and 
the  number  of  Capuchins  who  were  found  implicated 
in  his  heresy,  that  he  proposed  at  one  time  to  suppress 
the  order.* 

Martyr,  in  the  mean  time,  was  in  equal  danger  at 
Lucca.  The  monks  of  his  order,  irritated  by  the  re- 
formation of  manners  which,  as  general  visitor,  he 
had  sought  to  introduce  among  them,  were  forward 
to  accuse  him,  and  acted  as  spies  on  his  conduct.  For 
a  whole  year  he  was  exposed  to  their  secret  machina- 
tions and  open  detraction,  against  which  he  could  not 
have  maintained  himself,  if  he  had  not  enjoyed  the 
protection  of  the  Lucchese.t  With  the  view  of  trying 
the  disposition  of  the  citizens,  his  enemies  obtained 
an  order  from  Rome  to  apprehend  Terentiano,  one  of 
his  friends,  who  was  confessor  to  the  Augustinian  con- 
vent, as  a  person  suspected  of  heresy.  Some  noble- 
men, who  admired  the  confessor's  piety  and  were 
convinced  of  his  innocence,  forced  the  doors  of  his 
prison  and  set  him  at  liberty;  but  having  fallen  and 
broken  a  limb  in  his  flight,  he  was  again  taken  and  con- 
veyed to  Rome  in  triumph.  Encouraged  by  this  suc- 
cess, they  lodged  a  formal  accusation  against  Martyr 
before  the  papal  court;  messengers  were  sent  through 
the  diff'erent  convents  to  exhort  the  monks  not  to 
neglect  the  opportunity  of  recovering  "  their  ancient 
liberty,"  by  inflicting  punishment  on  their  adversary; 
and  a  general  congregation  of  the  order  being  con- 
vened at  Genoa,  he  was  cited  instantly  to  attend. 
Aware  of  the  prejudice  which  had  been  excited 
against  him,  and  warned  by  his  friends  that  snares 
were  laid  for  his  life,  he  resolved,  after  deliberation, 
to  avoid  the  danger,  by  withdrawing  himself  from  the 

*  Bock,  ii.  p.  496. 

f  In  the  course  of  the  inquiries  which  he  had  instituted,  several 
individuals  had  been  deprived  of  their  offices  on  accoiint  of  gross 
delinquencies,  and  the  rector-general  of  the  order  with  some  others, 
were  condemned  to  perpetual  confinement  in  the  islands  of  Tremiti. 
(Simler,  Oratio  de  Martyre,  sig.  b  iij.) 

13 


186  HISTORY    OF    THE 

rage  and  craft  of  his  enemies.  After  allotting  a  part 
of  his  Ubrary  to  the  convent,  he  committed  the  re- 
mainder to  Cristoforo  Trenta,  a  patrician  of  Lucca, 
with  the  view  of  its  being  sent  after  him  to  Germany ; 
and  having  set  the  affairs  of  the  institution  in  order, 
and  committed  the  charge  of  it  to  his  vicar,  he  left 
the  city  secretly,  accompanied  by  Paolo  Lacisio,  Theo- 
dosio  Trebellio,  aiid  Julio  Terentiano,  who  had  been 
released  from  prison.  At  Pisa  he  wrote  letters  to 
cardinal  Pole,  and  to  the  brethren  of  the  monastery 
at  Lucca,  which  he  committed  to  trusty  persons  with 
instructions  not  to  deliver  them  until  a  month  after 
his  departure.  In  these  he  laid  open  the  grievous 
errors  and  abuses  which  attached  to  the  popish  reli- 
gion in  general,  and  the  monastic  life  in  particular, 
to  which  his  conscience  would  no  longer  allow  him 
to  give  countenance ;  and,  as  additional  grounds  for 
his  withdrawing,  referred  to  the  odium  which  he  had 
incurred,  and  the  plots  formed  against  his  life.  At 
the  same  time,  he  sent  back  the  ring  which  he  had 
been  accustomed  to  wear  as  the  badge  of  his  office, 
that  it  might  not  be  said  that  he  had  appropriated  the 
smallest  part  of  the  property  of  the  convent  to  his 
private  use.  Having  met  with  Ochino  at  Florence, 
and  settled  with  him  their  respective  routes,  he  set 
out,  and,  travelling  cautiously  and  with  expedition 
by  Bologna,  Ferrara,  and  Verona,  reached  Zurich  in 
safety,  along  with  his  three  companions.*  They  had 
not  been  long  there  when  they  received  an  invitation 
from  Bucer  to  repair  to  Strasburg,  where  they  obtain- 
ed situations  as  professors  in  the  academy.  From  that 
place  Martyr  wrote  to  the  reformed  church  of  Lucca, 
of  which  he  had  been  pastor,  stating  the  reasons 
which  had  induced  him  to  quit  his  native  country, 
and  encouraging  them  to  persevere  in  their  adherence 
to  the  gospel  which  they  had  embraced.! 

*  Simler,  Oratio  de  Martyre,  s\g.  b  iiij. 

t  -Martyris  Epist.  universis  Ecclesisp  Lucensis  fidelibus,  8  Calend. 
Jan.  1543;  in  Loc.  Commun.  p.  750 — 752.  He,  about  tlie  satne  time, 
published  an  Exposition  of  the  Apostles'  Creed  in  Italian,  "to  render 
to  all  an  account  of  his  faith."     (Simler,  Orat.  de  Martyre,  sig.  cj.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  187 

It  was  no  sooner  known  that  Martyr  had  fled,  than 
a  visitation  of  the  monastery  over  which  he  had  pre- 
sided was  ordered,  with  the  view  of  ascertaining  the 
extent  to  which  it  was  tainted  with  his  heretical  opin- 
ions. A  great  many  of  the  monks  were  thrown  into 
prison;  and,  before  a  year  elapsed,  eighteen  of  them 
had  deserted  Italy  and  retired  to  Switzerland.*  The 
Protestant  church  which  had  been  formed  in  the  city, 
though  discouraged  by  the  loss  of  its  founder,  and 
exposed  to  the  threats  of  its  adversaries,  was  not  dis- 
persed or  broken  up.  Under  the  protection  of  some 
of  the  principal  persons  of  the  state,  it  continued  to 
hold  its  meetings  in  private,  enjoyed  the  instruction  of 
regular  pastors,  and  increased  in  knowledge  and  even 
in  numbers.  In  a  letter  addressed  to  them,  more  than 
twelve  years  after  he  left  Lucca,  and  on  the  back  of 
a  disastrous  change  in  their  situation.  Martyr  says — 
"  Such  progress  have  you  made  for  many  years  in  the 
gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  that  it  was  unnecessary  for  me 
to  excite  you  by  my  letters;  and  all  that  remained 
for  me  to  do,  was  to  make  honourable  mention  of  you 
every  where,  and  to  give  thanks  to  our  Heavenly 
Father  for  the  spiritual  blessings  with  which  he  had 
crowned  you.  To  this  I  had  an  additional  motive, 
from  reflecting  that  my  hand  was  honoured  to  lay  the 
foundations  of  this  good  work,  in  weakness  I  confess, 
but  still,  by  the  grace  of  Christ,  to  your  no  small  profit. 
My  joy  was  increased  by  learning  that,  after  my  la- 
bours among  you  were  over,  God  provided  you  with 
other  and  abler  teachers,  by  whose  prudent  care  and 
salutary  instructions  the  work  begun  in  you  was  ad- 
vanced."! 

One  of  the  teachers  to  whom  Martyr  refers  was 
Celio  Secundo  Curio,  who  had  obtained  a  situation  in 
the  university.     The  senate  protected  him  for  some 

*  Martyris  Epist.  ut  supra.  Lettre  de  M.  le  cardinal  Spinola, 
Eveque  de  Luques — Avec  les  Considerations,  p.  24,  \t  appears,  from 
the  remarks  which  the  refugees  make  upon  the  cardinal's  letter,  tliat 
Jerom  Zanehi  was  one  of  the  learned  men  whom  Martyr  drew  to 
Lucca. 

t  Martyris  Epistola  ad  fratres  Lucenses,  anno  1556 ;  in  Loc.  Com- 
mun.  p.  771. 


188  HISTORY    OP    THE 

time  in  spite  of  the  outcries  of  the  clergy;*  but  the 
pope  having,  in  the  year  1543,  addressed  letters  to 
the  magistrates  complaining  of  this,  and  requiring 
them  to  send  him  to  Rome  to  answer  charges  which 
had  been  brought  against  him  from  various  quarters, 
they  gave  him  private  intimation  to  consult  his  safety. 
Upon  this  he  retired  to  Ferrara,  whence,  by  the  ad- 
vice of  the  duchess  Renee,  who  furnished  him  with 
letters  of  recommendation  to  the  magistrates  of  Zu- 
rich and  Berne,  he  quitted  Italy,  and  took  up  his  resi- 
dence at  Lausanne.  In  the  coarse  of  the  same  year 
he  returned  for  his  wife  and  children,  whom  he  had 
left  behind  him ;  on  which  occasion  he  made  one  of 
those  narrow  escapes  which,  though  well  authenti- 
cated, throw  an  air  of  romance  over  the  narrative  of 
his  life.  The  familiars  of  the  inquisition,  who  were 
scattered  over  the  country,  had  tracked  the  route  of 
Curio  from  the  time  he  entered  Italy.  Not  venturing 
to  appear  in  Lucca,  he  stopped  at  the  neighbouring 
town  of  Pessa,  until  his  family  should  join  him.  While 
he  was  sitting  at  dinner  in  the  inn,  a  captain  of  the 
papal  band,  called  in  Italy  barisello,  suddenly  made 
his  appearance,  and  entering  the  room,  commanded 
him,  in  the  pope's  name,  to  yield  himself  as  a  pri- 
soner. Curio,  despairing  of  escape,  rose  to  deliver 
himself  up,  retaining  unconsciously  in  his  hand  the 
knife  with  which  he  had  been  carving  his  food.  The 
barisello  seeing  an  athletic  figure  approaching  him 
with  a  large  knife,  was  seized  with  a  sudden  panic, 
and  retreated  to  a  corner  of  the  room;  upon  which 
Curio,  who  possessed  great  presence  of  mind,  walked 
deliberately  out  of  the  room,  passed,  without  inter- 
ruption, through  the  midst  of  the  armed  men  who 
were  stationed  at  the  door,  took  his  horse  from  the 
stable,  and  made  good  his  flight.! 

*  In  a  letter,  dated  "  Lucoe,  1542,  quarto  Idus  Junii,"  Curio  says, 
"I  meant  to  have  added  more,  but  a  message  has  been  just  sent  me, 
that  J  am  in  dangler  of  my  life,  by  the  information  of  certain  adver- 
saries of  the  truth,  who  plot,  and  think,  and  dream  of  nothing-  else 
but  abolishing  the  memory  of  Christ  from  the  earth."  (Coelii  Se- 
cundi  Curiunis  Araneus,  p.  161.     Bas.  1544.) 

t  Stupani  Oratio  de  S.  C.  Curione,  ut  supra,  p.  344,  345. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  189 

The  inquisition,  from  the  first  establishment  of  that 
court  in  tlie  twelfth  century,  had  been  introduced  into 
Italy,  and  was  placed  under  the  management  of  the 
conventual  friars  of  the  order  of  St.  Francis.   Its  arbi- 
trary and  vexatious  proceedings  could  not,  however, 
be  long  borne  by  the  free  states  of  which  that  country 
was  then  composed;  and,  about  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  measures  were  generally  adopted 
to  restrain  its  exorbitant  power,  in  spite  of  the  oppo- 
sition made  by  Clement  VI.  and  the  censures  which 
he  fulminated.     The  right  of  the  bishops  to  take  part 
with  the  inquisitors  in  the  examination  of  heretics 
was  recognized;  they  were  restricted  to  the  simple 
cognizance  of  the  charge  of  heresy,  and  deprived  of 
the  power  of  imprisonment,  confiscation,  fine,  and 
corporal  punishment,  which  was  declared  to  belong 
solely  to  the  secular  arm.*   Such  a  mode  of  procedure 
was  found  to  be  ineffectual  for  suppressing  free  in- 
quiry, and  maintaining  the  authority  of  the  church, 
after  the  new  opinions  began  to  spread  in  Italy.    The 
bishops  were,  in  some  instances,  lukewarm;  they  were 
accessible  to  the  claims  of  humanity  or  friendship; 
their  forms  of  process  were  slow  and  open ;  and  the 
accused  person   often  escaped  before   the  necessary 
order  for  his  arrest  could  be  obtained  from  the  civil 
power.     On  these  accounts,  the  erection  of  a  court, 
similar  to  the  modern  inquisition  of  Spain,  had  been 
for  some  years  eagerly  pressed  by  the  more  zealous 
Romanists,  with  cardinal  Caraffa  at  their  head,  as  the 
only  means  of  preserving  Italy  from  being  overrun 
with  heresy.     Accordingly,  pope  Paul  III.  founded 
at  Rome  the  Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office,  by  a 
bull  dated  the  1st  of  April  1543,  which  granted  the 
title  and  rights  of  inquisitors-general  of  the  faith  to 
six  cardinals,  and  gave  them  authority,  on  both  sides 
of  the  Alps,  to  try  all  causes  of  heresy,  with  the  power 
of  apprehending  and  incarcerating  suspected  persons, 
and  their  abettors,  of  whatsoever  estate,  rank,  or  order, 
of  norninathig  officers  under  them,  and  appointing 

*  Galluzzi,  Istor.  del  Granducato  di  Toscano,  torn.  i.  p.  142,  143. 


190  HISTORY    OF    THE 

inferior  tribunals  in  all  places,  with  the  same  or  with 
limited  poAvers.* 

This  court  instantly  commenced  its  operations  with- 
in the  ecclesiastical  states;  and  it  was  the  great  object 
of  the  popes,  during  the  remainder  of  this  century,  to 
extend  its  power  over  Italy.  The  greatest  resistance 
was  made  to  it  in  Venice.  After  long  negotiation,  the 
inquisitors  were  authorized  to  try  causes  of  heresy 
within  that  state,  on  the  condition  that  a  certain  num- 
ber of  magistrates  and  lawyers  should  always  be  pre- 
sent at  the  examination  of  witnesses,  to  protect  the 
citizens  from  prosecutions  undertaken  on  frivolous 
grounds  or  from  mercenary  views,  and  that  the  defini- 
tive sentence  should  not,  at  least  in  the  case  of  laics, 
be  pronounced  before  it  was  submitted  to  the  senate.! 
The  popes  found  less  opposition  in  the  other  states 
and  cities  of  Italy.  In  Tuscany  it  was  arranged,  that 
three  commissioners,  elected  by  the  congregation  at 
Rome,  along  with  the  local  inquisitor,  should  judge 
in  all  causes  of  religion,  and  intimate  their  sentence 
to  the  duke,  who  Avas  bound  to  carry  it  into  execu- 
tion.J  One  would  have  thought  that  such  provisions 
would  have  satisfied  the  Holy  Office ;  but,  in  addition, 
it  was  continually  soliciting  the  local  authorities  to 
send  such  as  were  accused,  especially  if  they  Avere 
either  ecclesiastical  persons  or  strangers,  to  be  tried  by 
the  inquisition  at  Rome;  and  even  the  senate  of  Ve- 
nice, jealous  as  it  Avas  of  any  interference  Avith  its 
authority,  yielded  in  some  instances  to  requests  of  this 
kind.§ 

No  court  ever  kncAV  so  Avell  as  that  of  Rome  Iioaa^ 
to  combine  policy  with  violence,  to  temporize  Avithout 
relinquishing  its  claims,  and  dexterously  to  avail  itself 
of  particular  events  Avhich  crossed  its  Avishes,  for  the 
purpose  of  advancing  its  general  designs.     The  Nea- 

*  Limborch's  Hist,  of  the  Inquisition,  vol.  i.  p.  151 ;  Chandler's 
transl.     Llorente,  Hist,  do  I'lnquis.  torn.  ii.  p.  78. 

t  Busdragi  Epistola:  Scrinium  Antiquar.  torn.  i.  p.  321,  326,  327. 
Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1548. 

t  Galluzzi,  i.  143. 

§  Beza?  Icones,  sig.  Hh.  iij.  Hist,  des  Martyrs,  f.  444,  446.  Ge- 
neve, 1597. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  191 

politans  had  twice  successfully  resisted  the  establish- 
ment of  the  inquisition  in  their  country,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  sixteenth  century.  In  1546,  the  emperor 
Charles  V.,  with  the  view  of  extirpating  the  Lutheran 
heresy,  renewed  the  attempt,  and  gave  orders  to  set 
up  that  tribunal  in  Naples,  after  the  same  form  in 
which  it  had  long  been  established  in  Spain.  This 
measure  created  the  greatest  discontent,  and  one  day 
as  the  officers  of  the  inquisition  were  conducting  some 
persons  to  prison,  the  inhabitants,  having  released  the 
prisoners,  rose  in  arms,  and  broke  out  into  open  tu- 
mult. The  revolt  was  suppressed  by  military  force, 
but  it  was  judged  prudent  to  abandon  the  design. 
Nothing  could  be  conceived  more  agreeable  to  the 
court  of  Rome  than  this  formidable  tribunal;  yet  they 
took  the  part  of  the  people  against  tlie  government  of 
Naples,  and  encouraged  them  in  their  opposition,  by 
telling  them  that  they  had  reason  for  their  fears,  be- 
cause the  Spanish  inquisition  was  extremely  severe, 
and  refused  to  profit  by  the  example  of  that  of  Rome, 
of  which  none  had  had  reason  to  complain  during  the 
three  years  in  which  it  had  existed.*  They  pursued 
the  same  line  of  policy  when  Philip  II.,  at  a  subse- 
quent period,  endeavoured  to  establish  his  favourite 
tribunal  in  the  duchy  of  Milan.  The  reigning  pontiff, 
Pius  IV.,  was  at  first  favourable  to  that  scheme, 
from  which  he  anticipated  effectual  aid  to  his  mea- 
sures for  keeping  down  the  reformed  opinions;  but 
finding  that  the  Milanese  Avere  determined  to  resist 
the  innovation,  and  had  engaged  the  greater  part  of 
the  Italian  bishops  on  their  side,  his  holiness  told  the 
deputies  who  came  to  beg  his  intercession  in  their 
favour,  that  "  he  knew  the  extreme  rigour  of  the  Spa- 
nish inquisitors,"  and  would  take  care  that  the  inqui- 
sition should  be  maintained  in  Milan  as  formerly  in 
dependence  on  the  court  of  Rome,  "  whose  decrees 
respecting  the  mode  of  process  were  very  mild,  and 
reserved  to  the  accused  the  most  entire  liberty  of  de- 
fending themselves."t     This  language  was  glaringly 

*  Limborch,  vol.  i.  p.  143.     Llorente,  torn.  i.  p.  332;  ii.  118,  121. 
t  Limborch  and  Llorente,  ut  supra. 


192  HISTORY    or    THE 

hypocritical,  and  quite  irreconcilable  with  the  conduct 
of  the  reigning  pontiff,  as  well  as  that  of  his  prede- 
cessors, who  had  all  supported  the  Spanish  inquisition, 
and  given  their  formal  sanction  to  the  most  cruel  and 
unjust  of  its  modes  of  procedure.  But  it  served  the 
purpose  of  preserving  the  authority  of  the  holy  see, 
and  of  reconciling  the  minds  of  the  Italians  to  the 
court  which  had  been  lately  erected  at  Rome.  The 
Roman  inquisition  was  founded  on  the  same  princi- 
ples as  that  of  Spain,  nor  did  the  forms  of  process  in 
the  two  courts  differ  in  any  essential  or  material  point; 
and  yet  the  horror  which  the  inhabitants  of  Italy  had 
conceived  at  the  idea  of  the  latter  induced  them  to 
submit  to  the  former:  so  easy  is  it,  by  a  little  manage- 
ment and  humouring  of  their  prejudices,  to  deprive 
the  people  of  their  liberties. 

The  peaceable  establishment  of  the  inquisition  in 
Italy  was  decisive  of  the  unfortunate  issue  of  the  move- 
ments in  favour  of  religious  reform  in  that  country. 
This  iniquitous  and  bloody  tribunal  could  never  obtain 
a  footing  either  in  France  or  in  Germany.  The  attempt 
to  introduce  it  into  the  Netherlands  was  resisted  by 
the  adherents  of  the  old  as  well  as  the  disciples  of  the 
new  religion;  and  it  kindled  a  civil  war,  which,  after 
a  sanguinary  and  protracted  struggle,  issued  in  rend- 
ing seven  flourishing  provinces  from  the  Spanish 
crown,  and  establishing  civil  and  religious  liberty. 
The  ease  with  which  it  was  introduced  into  Italy, 
showed  that,  whatever  illumination  there  was  among 
the  Italians,  and  how  desirous  soever  they  might  be 
to  share  in  those  blessings  which  other  nations  had 
secured  to  themselves,  they  were  destitute  of  that  pub- 
lic spirit  and  energy  of  principle  which  were  requisite 
to  shake  off  the  degrading  yoke  by  which  they  were 
oppressed.  Popish  historians  do  more  homage  to 
truth  than  credit  to  their  cause,  when  they  say  that 
the  erection  of  the  inquisition  was  the  salvation  of 
the  catholic  church  in  Italy.*  No  sooner  was  this 
engine  of  tyranny  and  torture  erected,  than  those  who 
had  rendered  themselves  obnoxious  to  it  by  the  pre- 

*  Pallavicini,  Istor.  Concil.  Trent,  lib.  xiv.  c.  9. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  193 

vious  avowal  of  the  their  sentiments,  fled  in  great 
numbers  from  a  comitry  in  which  they  could  no  longer 
look  for  protection  from  injustice  and  cruelty.  The 
prisons  of  the  inquisition  were  every  where  filled  with 
those  who  remained  behind,  and  who,  according  to 
the  policy  of  that  court,  were  retained  for  years  in 
dark  and  silent  durance,  with  the  view  of  inspiring 
their  friends  with  dread,  and  of  subduing  their  own 
minds  to  a  recantation  of  their  sentiments.  With  the 
exception  of  a  few  places,  the  public  profession  which 
had  been  made  of  the  Protestant  religion  was  sup- 
pressed. Its  friends,  however,  were  still  numerous; 
many  of  them  were  animated  by  the  most  ardent  at- 
tachment to  the  cause ;  they  continued  to  encourage 
and  edify  one  another  in  their  private  meetings;  and 
it  required  all  the  activity  and  violence  of  the  inquisi- 
tors, during  twenty  years,  to  discover  and  extermi- 
nate them. 

The  proceedings  of  the  inquisition  excited  indigna- 
tion and  terror  in  the  breasts  of  others  besides  those 
who  were  the  immediate  objects  of  its  vengeance;  and 
these  feelings,  acting  on  the  disturbed  state  of  the 
public  mind,  gave  rise  to  a  conspiracy,  which,  if  it 
had  been  organized  with  greater  secresy  and  foresight, 
might  have  given  a  favourable  turn  to  the  aff'airs  of 
the  Protestants  in  Italy.  Great  discontent  had  been 
caused  by  the  overthrow  of  republican  government 
in  different  cities;  and  numerous  exiles  from  Florence, 
Pisa,  and  Sienna,  had  taken  refuge  in  Lucca,  where 
they  confirmed  one  another  in  resentment  against  the 
pope  and  emperor,  as  the  authors  of  their  wrongs, 
and  in  the  hopes  of  being  able,  on  some  emergency, 
and  in  concert  with  their  friends  at  home,  to  recover 
their  ancient  liberties.  Francesco  Burlamacchi,  gon- 
faloniere  or  captain  of  the  forces  at  Lucca,  a  man  of 
ardent  and  enterprising  mind,  conceived  the  bold  de- 
sign of  uniting  the  political  and  religious  malcontents 
in  an  attempt  to  revolutionize  the  country.  By  means 
of  the  troops,  of  which  he  had  the  command,  added 
to  the  exiles  in  the  city,  he  proposed  to  surprise  Pisa, 
to  call  on  the  inhabitants  to  assert  their  independence, 


194  HISTORY    OF    THE 

and,  having  reinforced  his  army,  to  rear  the  standard 
of  Hberty,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  Pietro  Strozzi 
and  France,  to  effect  a  change  in  the  government  and 
rehgion  of  the  Itahan  states.*  The  time  chosen  for 
executing  this  project  was  not  unpropitious,  and  held 
out  a  flattering  prospect  of  success  to  persons  of  a 
sanguine  mind.  After  employing  in  vain  every  method 
of  policy,  for  many  years,  to  dissolve  the  Smalcaldic 
league,  Charles  V.  determined,  in  1546,  to  suppress  it 
by  force,  and,  for  this  purpose,  drcAV  the  flower  of  his 
army  to  Germany,  from  various  parts  of  his  dominions, 
including  Naples  and  Milan.  The  pope  and  the  grand 
duke  of  Tuscany  had  sent  reinforcements  to  the  em- 
peror,! while  other  states  had  contributed  money  for 
carrying  on  this  war  of  religion ;  so  that  Italy  was,  in 
a  great  degree,  stripped  of  that  military  defence  by 
which  it  had  been  kept  in  a  state  of  subjection  to  the 
dominant  authorities.  It  is  not  improbable,  that  some 
correspondence  had  taken  place  between  the  projector 
of  the  insurrection  and  the  Protestant  princes  of  Ger- 
many, as  they  had  solicited  the  duke  of  Tuscany  to 
make  a  diversion  in  their  favour  by  attacking  the 
states  of  the  pope,  with  whom  he  was  at  variance. 
That  secret  negociations  were  carried  on  with  the 
court  of  France  through  Strozzi,  there  can  be  little 
doubt.  But  Francis  I.  was  approaching  the  end  of 
his  active  reign;  age  and  ill  success  had  rendered  him 
cautious  and  inert ;  and  the  same  reasons  which  led 
him  to  permit  the  German  princes  to  be  crushed  by 
his  rival,  would  prevent  him  from  lending  'open  or 
efficient  aid  to  the  undertaking  of  an  obscure  indi- 
vidual in  Italy.  The  affair,  however,  did  not  come 
to  a  trial  of  arms :  the  conspiracy  was  revealed  at  the 
same  time  to  the  senate  of  Lucca  and  the  grand  duke 
of  Tuscany,  and  Burlamacchi  was  instantly  seized 
and  sent  a  prisoner  to  Milan. J     Though  the  Protes- 

*  Galluzzi,  Istoria  del  Granducato  di  Toscano,  torn.  i.  p.  79. 

t  Sleidan,  Comment,  torn.  ii.  p.  5]  5,  516,  edit.  Am.  Ende. 

t  Galluzzi,  ut  supra,  p.  80.  This  author  does  not  assert,  that  Bur- 
lamacchi  had  adopted  the  reformed  opinions.  Several  distinguished 
individuals  of  that  name,  however,  are  to  be  found  among  the  Luc- 
chese,  who  afterwards  took  refuge  in  Geneva.     A  descendant  of  that 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  195 

tants  do  not  appear  to  have  taken  an  active  part  in 
this  plot,  its  discovery  conld  not  fail  to  operate  to  their 
prejudice,  by  awakening  the  jealousy  of  the  civil 
authorities,  and  stimulating  the  vigilance  of  the  in- 
quisition. 

It  was  natural  for  the  Protestants,  when  overtaken 
by  the  storm,  to  retreat  to  the  court  of  Ferrara,  where 
they  had  found  shelter  at  an  early  period;  but  the 
pope  had  taken  the  precaution  of  gaining  over  the 
duke,  and  securing  his  co-operation  in  his  measures 
against  the  Reformers.  The  effects  of  this  change 
were  first  felt  at  Modena.  In  consequence  of  the  un- 
favourable reports  made  of  the  sentiments  of  the 
members  of  the  Academy,  consultations  had  been 
repeatedly  held  at  Rome;  and  Paul  III.  would  have 
proceeded  to  the  highest  censure  of  the  church  against 
them,  had  not  some  of  their  personal  friends  in  the 
conclave  interposed,  and  averted  his  displeasure.  In 
the  month  of  June,  1542,  it  was  proposed  to  cite  some 
of  the  most  influential  persons  among  them  to  Rome 
or  Bologna;  but  cardinal  Sadolet  requested  permission, 
in  the  first  place,  to  try  the  etfect  of  a  friendly  letter 
upon  them.  Accordingly,  he  wrote  in  the  most  con- 
ciliatory spirit  to  Lodovico  Castelvetro,  informing  him 
of  what  had  passed  in  the  consistory,  and  begging 
that  he  and  his  colleagues  would  give  assurances  of 
their  attachment  to  the  Catholic  faith,  and  desist  from 
every  practice  which  gave  rise  to  suspicions  against 
them.  Castelvetro  and  his  companions  answered  this 
letter  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  cardinal,  who  insisted, 
however,  that  they  should  write  to  the  pope  himself, 
protesting  that  they  were  faithful  sons  of  the  Roman 
Church.^     This  they  appear  to  have  declined;  upon 

family,  Fabrice,  called  by  Bayle  the  Photius  of  his  age,  was  minister 
of  the  Italian  church  there ;  and  another,  Jean-Jaques,  was  professor 
of  law,  and  author  of  a  celebrated  treatise  on  that  science.  (Frag- 
mens  Extraits  des  Registres  de  Geneve,  p.  131,  436.  Scnebier,  Hist. 
Litt.  de  Geneve,  ii.  27.  iii.  87.) 

*  Sadoleti  Epist.  Famil.  vol.  iii.  p.  317,  319.  The  answers  by 
Grillenzoni,  Portus,  Castelvetro,  and  Alessandro  Milano,  are  inserted 
in  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  iii.  p.  433 — 441. 


196  HISTORY    OP    THE 

which  a  resolution  was  taken  to  draw  up  certain  arti- 
cles of  faith,  to  be  subscribed  by  all  the  members  of 
the  academy.  The  report  of  this  produced  a  great 
sensation  in  Modena.  Portus,  the  Greek  lecturer, 
and  two  of  his  companions,  left  the  place  on  different 
pretexts,  and  the  rest  complained  loudly  of  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  treated.  If  the  proposed  measure 
was  carried  into  effect,  they  said,  there  was  an  end 
to  all  freedom  of  inquiry:  they  might  sell  their  books 
and  renounce  the  study  of  the  sacred  Scriptures,  for 
no  ingenuous  person  would  consent  to  think  or  write 
under  such  fetters.  So  great  was  the  ferment,  that 
Morone,  tender  of  the  peace  of  his  see  and  the  honour 
of  the  academy,  repented  of  the  consent  he  had  given 
to  a  measure  which,  it  would  seem,  had  not  originated 
with  him ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  written  to  the  pope, 
praying  him  to  suspend  the  subscription  of  the  formu- 
lary, as  the  academicians  had  already  given  sufficient 
pledges  of  their  Catholicism,  and  declined  to  subscribe, 
because  it  would  lead  the  world  to  believe  that  they 
had  been  justly  suspected  of  heresy.  But  the  court  of 
Rome  was  resolute  in  carrying  the  measure  into  exe- 
cution. Much  light  is  thrown  on  these  transactions 
by  a  document,  preserved  in  the  ducal  archives  at 
Ferrara,  whicli  contains  the  secret  instructions  given 
by  the  governor  of  Modena  to  his  chancellor,  whom 
he  sent,  on  the  2d  of  August,  1542,  to  advise  with 
Hercules  on  this  perplexing  affair.  It  states,  that  the 
academicians  showed  themselves  averse  to  subscrip- 
tion, and  urged,  that  though  they  were  ready  to  affix 
their  names  to  some  of  the  articles  of  the  formulary, 
yet  these  were  matters  which  should  be  referred  to 
the  determination  of  a  council;  that  the  bishop  had 
proceeded  in  this  affair  with  all  possible  dexterity,  and 
acted  in  concert  with  the  governor,  whom  he  had  re- 
minded that,  through  the  harshness  of  cardinal  Caje- 
tan,  the  papal  legate,  to  the  Lutherans,  a  small  spark 
had  burst  into  a  conflagration,  which  continued  still 
to  rage,  and  that  he  was  afraid  lest  God,  for  the  sins 
of  the  world,  should  permit  so  many  men  of  genius, 
spirit,  and  subtlety  to  be  driven  to  despair,  and  thereby 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  197 

another  such  flame  should  be  kindled  in  Italy :  that 
the  pope,  thinking  that  Morone  proceeded  with  too 
great  gentleness,  had  committed  the  affair  to  six  car- 
dinals in  Rome,  one  of  whom  had  already  come  to 
Modena  to  inquire  after  heretics ;  and  that  the  bishop, 
offended  at  this  step,  had  signified  that  he  would  inter- 
fere no  more  in  the  business,  but  was  prevailed  upon, 
by  the  entreaties  of  the  governor,  to  lend  his  aid  in 
accommodating  the  parties,  and  to  receive  the  sub- 
scriptions.* 

In  the  beginning  of  September,  cardinals  Sadolet 
and  Cortese  met  with  the  bishop  at  Modena,  as  com- 
missioners from  the  pope  to  see  the  formulary  sub- 
scribed. It  had  been  drawn  up  with  great  modera- 
tion by  Contarini,  at  the  request  of  Morone,  and  the 
objections  made  to  it  related  chiefly  to  the  sacraments. 
The  members  of  the  academy,  when  called,  refused 
to  subscribe  until  the  conservators  of  the  city  had  set 
the  example.  Three  of  these  were  with  difliculty  in- 
duced to  affix  their  names;  and  to  encourage  them 
still  further,  the  cardinals  agreed  to  add  their  own 
signatures.  But  still  the  academicians  continued  to 
demur,  and  the  negotiation  would  have  broken  off, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  exertions  of  Morone.  He  had 
already  held  interviews  with  them  individually,  par- 
ticularly with  Berettari,  to  whose  scruples  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  mass  and  collateral  topics  he  had  listened 
with  much  forbearance  and  candour.!  He  now  as- 
sembled them,  and  spoke  with  such  earnestness  and 
affection,  that  they  yielded  to  his  request;  and  their 
brethren  who  had  withdrawn  having  returned  upon 
a  friendly  invitation,  the  formulary  was  subscribed 
by  the  whole  body,  together  with  the  official  men  in 
the  city,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  commissioners.  J 

*  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  15 — 17. 

t  Beccatelli,  Vita  del  Card.  Contarini,  sect.  33.  Muratori,  Vita 
del  Castelvctro;  Opera  Crit.  p.  15.  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  234, 
235.  Letter  from  Morone  to  Contarini,  3d  July  1542.  (Poli  Epist. 
vol.  iii.  p.  285.)  In  this  letter  Morone  says — "  Ben  priego  V.  S.  Re- 
verend iss.  non  lascia  che  questi  mie  Icttere  vadino  in  mano  d'altre, 
che  delli  suvi  fedeli  secretari." 

X  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  17—19.     Muratori.  p.  19,  20.     The 


198  HISTORY    OF    THE 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  an  arrangement  so 
eagerly  pressed  on  the  one  side,  and  so  rekictantly 
acceded  to  on  the  other,  would  be  productive  of  real 
or  lasting  concord.  The  members  of  the  academy 
retained  their  former  sentiments,  and  took  every  op- 
portunity of  mortifying  the  clergy,  whom  they  looked 
upon  as  the  prime  instigators  of  the  late  proceedings 
against  their  body.  On  the  first  Sunday  of  Advent, 
1543,  there  was  no  sermon  in  Modena;  because,  as 
one  who  lived  in  the  city  at  that  time  expresses  it  in 
his  journal,  "every  preacher,  how  excellent  soever, 
was  criticised  by  certain  literati,  and  none  would 
come  to  contest  with  them  on  their  own  ground." 
In  the  following  year,  the  bishop  sent  a  minor-con- 
ventual friar,  named  Bartolommeo  della  Pergala,  of 
whose  preaching  the  journalist  just  quoted  gives  the 
following  account,  in  his  style  of  homely  humour: — 
"All  the  members  of  the  academy  went  to  hear  him, 
to  the  number  of  more  than  twenty-five,  including 
the  bookseller,  Antonio,  who  first  introduced  the  pro- 
hibited books  in  the  vulgar  language,  which  were 
afterwards  burnt  at  Rome  as  heretical.  The  said 
friar  did  not  preach  the  gospel,*  nor  did  he  make 
mention  of  any  saint,  male  or  female,  nor  of  any  doc- 
tor of  the  Church,  nor  of  lent,  or  fasting.  This  was 
to  the  taste  of  the  academicians.  Many  believed  that 
they  would  go  to  paradise  in  their  stocking  soles  ;t 
for,  said  they,  Christ  has  paid  for  us."  Disappointed 
in   his  expectations  from  the  preacher,  the   bishop 

formulary,  with  the  subscriptions,  is  printed  in  the  first  volume  of 
the  works  of  cardinal  Cortese.  When  it  was  first  submitted  to  the 
revisal  of  Cortese,  lie  suggested  a  number  of  alterations,  with  the 
view  of  making  the  test  stricter,  on  the  heads  of  justification,  free 
will,  and  the  eucharist;  but  M  or  one,  who  knew  they  would  defeat 
the  object,  took  care  that  they  should  not  be  adopted.  (Bibl.  Moden. 
torn.  vi.  p.  1 — 3.)  It  is  to  the  termination  of  this  affair  that  cardinal 
Pole  refers,  when,  in  a  letter  to  Contarini,  he  says,  that  the  marchion- 
ess  of  Pescaro  gives  thanks  to  God  ;  "  per  il  gran  dono  di  charita,  il 
qual  risplcnde  piu  in  quella  santo  ncgozio  di  Modena."  (Poll  Epist. 
vol.  iii.  p.  58.) 

*  Tlic  meaning  is,  that  the  preacher  took  his  text  from  the  epis- 
ties,  and  not  from  the  gospels. 

t  "  Molti  credono  andare  in  Paradiso  in  calze  solate." 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  199 

caused  Pergala  to  be  apprehended  and  delivered  over 
to  the  inquisition,  which  condemned  forty-six  propo- 
sitions in  his  doctrine,  and  ordered  him  to  retract  them 
pubhcly  in  the  Church  in  which  he  had  preached. 
The  retractation  was  made  for  form's  sake ;  and  it  was 
no  sooner  over,  than  an  address  was  presented  to  him, 
signed  by  the  most  respectable  citizens,  and  bearing 
an  honourable  testimony  to  his  character  and  talents. 
In  the  course  of  the  same  year,  Pontremolo,  another 
monk  of  the  same  order,  who  preached  at  Modena, 
was  condemned  for  teaching  heretical  doctrines.* 

In  the  year  1545,  a  prosecution  was  commenced 
against  the  academicians,  which  had  for  its  immediate 
object  Filippo  Valentino,  a  young  man  of  great  pre- 
cocity of  intellect  and  versatility  of  genius.t  Pelleg- 
rino  Erri,  or  Heri,  a  member  of  the  academy  having 
received  an  affront  from  some  of  his  colleagues,  went 
to  Rome,  and  gave  information  to  the  Holy  Office 
that  the  literati  of  his  native  city  were  generally  dis- 
affected to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  that  some  of 
them  were  industrious  in  disseminating  their  heretical 
sentiments  in  private.^  In  consequence  of  this,  the 
pope  addressed  a  brief  to  the  duke  of  Ferrara,  stating, 
that  he  had  received  information  that  the  Lutheran 

*  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  18,  19. 

t  Castelvetro  says,  that  at  seven  years  of  age  Valentino  composed 
letters  in  a  style  worthy  of  Cicero,  and  sonnets  and  canzoni  which 
would  have  done  honour  to  a  poet  of  mature  age.  He  could  repeat 
verbatim  sermons  or  lectures  which  he  had  heard  only  once ;  and 
had  the  principal  poets  in  Latin  and  Italian  by  heart.  (Muratori,  ut 
supra,  p.  21,  22.) 

t  That  Erri  was  a  scholar,  and  acquainted  with  Hebrew,  appears 
from  the  following  work  : — "  I  Salmi  di  David,  tradotti  con  bellis- 
simoe  dotissimo  stile  dalla  lingua  Ebrca,  nella  Latina  e  volgare,  dal 
S.  Pellegrino  Hcri  Modenese."  The  dedication  by  the  author,  to 
Conte  Fulvio  Rangone,  is  dated  "Di  Modena  il  i  de  Gennaio  1568;" 
but  the  work  was  published  at  Venice  in  1573,  with  a  preface  by 
Giordan  Ziletti.  Riederer,  who  has  given  extracts,  both  from  the 
translations  and  notes,  says — "I  am  certain,  that  any  person  who  ex- 
amines this  book  narrowly,  will  find  in  it  many  traces  of  a  concealed 
Protestant,  who  continued  in  external  coininunion  with  the  lioinan 
church,  and  did  not  choose  to  expose  himself  to  the  inquisition." 
(Nachrichten,  tom.  iv.  p.  28.)  Tliis  confirms  the  account  given  in 
the  text,  of  Erri's  motives  in  informing  against  his  colleagues. 


200  HISTOHY    OF    THE 

heresy  was  daily  gaining  ground  in  Modena,  and 
that  the  author  and  prime  cause  of  this  was  that  son 
of  wickedness,  Fihppo  Valentino ;  on  which  account 
his  hohness,  knowing  how  grieving  this  must  be  to 
a  person  of  the  duke's  piety,  requires  him  to  cause 
the  said  Fihppo  to  be  immediately  seized,  his  books 
and  papers  to  be  examined,  and  his  person  detained 
at  the  instance  of  the  pope;  so  that,  the  ringleader 
being  quelled,  his  accomplices  might  be  reduced  to 
obedience,  and  a  stop  put  to  the  alarming  evil.*  Erri 
returned  to  Modena  in  the  character  of  apostolical 
commissary ;  and,  attended  by  an  armed  force  which 
he  procured  from  the  civil  power,  came  one  night  to 
the  house  of  Filippo  to  apprehend  him.  The  latter 
having  received  warning  of  the  design,  had  made  his 
escape ;  but  his  books  and  papers  were  seized  by  the 
inquisition,  which  proved  the  occasion  of  great  trouble 
to  many  of  his  fellovv-chizens,  and  especially  to  those 
who  had  lived  on  terms  of  the  greatest  intimacy  with 
him.  On  the  following  morning  a  ducal  edict  was 
published.  It  forbade  any  to  have  heretical  or  sus- 
pected books,  or  to  dispute  in  public  or  private  on 
any  point  of  religion,  under  the  penalty,  for  the  first 
offence  of  a  hundred  crowns  of  gold,  or  of  being 
subjected  to  the  strappado,  if  unable  to  pay  that  sum; 
for  the  second  offence  two  thousand  crowns,  or  ban- 
ishment from  the  state;  and  for  the  third  offence, con- 
fiscation of  goods,  or  death.  The  proclamation  of  this 
severe  edict  spread  dismay  through  the  city,  and  dis- 
persed the  academy,  of  which  we  hear  no  more  after- 
wards.! 

There  were  still  many  persons  attached  to  the  re- 
formed opinions  in  Modena,  and,  within  a  short  time, 
an  arrangement  was  made,  through  the  good  offices 
of  the  duke,  which  permitted  Valentino  to  return  to 
his  native  city.  Durmg  the  pontificates  of  Julius  III. 
and  MarceUus  II.,  matters  continued  quiet;  but  no 

*  Raynaldi  Annal.  ad  an.  1545.  The  letter  is  inserted  by  Tira- 
boschi,  in  his  Bibliotcca  Modenese,  torn.  v.  p.  312,  313. 

t  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  19.  Muratori,  Vita  del  Castelvetro,  p. 
21—23. 


REFORMATION   IN    ITALY.  201 

sooner  had  Paul  IV.  mounted  the  papal  throne,  than 
violent  measures  were  adopted.  By  orders  from 
Rome,  a  secret  inquiry  was  instituted  into  the  senti- 
ments of  some  of  the  principal  citizens,  without  the 
knowledge  either  of  the  governor,  or  of  Foscarari, 
who  was  now  bishop  of  Modena,  both  of  whom  were 
offended  at  a  step  which  they  regarded  as  at  once 
unnecessary  and  an  ungracious  interference  with  their 
authority.*  On  being  made  acquainted  with  the  fact, 
the  duke,  through  his  minister  at  Rome,  endeavoured 
to  put  a  stop  to  the  proceedings,  and  to  prevent  the 
fire,  which  it  had  cost  so  much  pains  to  suppress, 
from  being  again  kindled;  but  he  was  forced  to  yield 
to  the  solicitations  of  the  pope,  and  granted  permis- 
sion to  execute  a  summons  publicly  at  Modena,  on 
the  6th  of  July  1556,  by  which  Castelvetro,  Filippo 
Valentino,  his  cousin  Bonifacio,  provost  of  the  cathe- 
dral church,  and  Gadaldino  the  printer  and  bookseller, 
were  cited  to  appear  before  the  inquisition  at  Rome. 
The  city  was  greatly  agitated  by  this  citation,  and 
the  conservators,  having  met  on  the  17th  of  the  same 
month,  addressed  a  strong  remonstrance  to  the  duke. 
It  Avas,  they  said,  a  thing  altogether  unusual  and 
strange  that  laics  should  be  cited  to  Rome,  and  that 
citizens  should  be  subjected  to  so  great  inconvenience 
and  expense;  the  charge  of  heresy  was  calculated  to 
bring  infamy  upon  a  city,  which,  as  they  were  assur- 
ed by  their  otficials,  was  in  a  state  of  the  greatest 
quietness;  the  only  tendency  of  reviving  suspicions 
which  had  been  buried,  and  prosecuting  upon  vague 
rumors,  was  to  add  scandal  to  scandal;  the  persons 
cited  were  highly  respectable,  and  universally  esteem- 
ed as  virtuous  men,  who  did  not  deserve  to  be  dis- 
graced in  such  a  manner;  there  was  reason  to  think 
that  the  prosecution  had  originated  in  spleen  and  pre- 
judice on  the  part  of  men,  of  whom  his  excellency 
knew  there  were  not  a  few  in  that  country  who, 
under  the  cloak  of  zeal  for  the  faith,  sought  to  gratify 

*  Letters  from  Clemente  Tiene  to  duke  Hercules  II.,  26tli  of  Oct 
1555.     Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  446,  447. 

14 


202  HISTORY    OF    THE 

their  personal  revenge ;  it  was  impossible  to  foresee 
an  end  to  the  affair,  after  so  many  expedients  had 
already  been  tried,  without  pacifying  the  authorities 
at  Rome;  the  cardinals  had  put  the  whole  city  to  the 
test  of  subscription,  his  excellency  had  interposed  his 
authority,  the  local  inquisitors  had  used  their  office 
without  any  impediment,  and  their  diocesan,  a  man 
of  great  sanctity,  was  vigilant  in  such  matters :  what 
could  they  discover  at  Rome  which  nobody  could  dis- 
cover at  Modena?  The  conservators  afterwards  sent 
one  of  their  number  to  urge  the  duke  to  interpose  in 
behalf  of  their  fellow-citizens,  and  the  governor  wrote 
in  support  of  their  application.  Thus  urged,  the  duke 
again  applied  to  the  pope,  requesting  that  the  trial 
should  be  suspended,  or,  if  this  could  not  be  granted, 
that  it  should  take  place  at  Modena.  Both  of  these 
requests  were  refused.  With  the  view  of  softening 
the  rigour  of  the  pontiff,  Hercules  informed  him,  by 
another  communication,  that  he  had  caused  the  book- 
seller, Gadaldino,  to  be  imprisoned;  and  though  he 
doubted  if  he  could  be  conveyed  to  Bologna  on  ac- 
count of  the  decrepitude  of  age,  yet  he  should  be  sent 
if  his  holiness  required  it.  But,  soon  after,  the  vice- 
legate  of  Bologna  made  his  appearance  at  the  court 
of  Ferrara,  and  demanded,  in  the  name  of  his  master, 
that  the  three  Modenese  gentlemen  and  the  book- 
seller, accused  of  heresy,  should  be  sent  to  Rome. 
The  duke  consented  to  send  the  provost  Valentino, 
who,  being  a  priest,  was  under  greater  obligations 
than  the  rest  to  obey  the  pope;  having  first  obtained 
the  vice-legate's  promise  that  the  process  should  be 
so  conducted  as  not  to  affect  the  prisoner  in  his  per- 
son or  honour.  This  promise  was,  however,  disre- 
garded. After  being  detained  a  whole  year  in  prison, 
the  provost  was  obliged  to  make  public  recantation 
of  the  errors  imputed  to  him  in  the  Church  of  Miner- 
va at  Rome,  and  afterwards  to  repeat  the  ceremony 
in  his  own  Church  at  Modena,  on  the  28th  of  May 
1558.  The  poor  printer,  who  had  also  been  carried 
to  Rome,  was  detained  still  longer  in  prison,  though 
upwards  of  eighty  years  old.     Filippo  Valentino  and 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  203 

Castelvetro  not  having  made  their  appearance  at  the 
time  appointed,  were  excommunicated  for  contumacy 
and  orders  were  sent  to  the  bishop  to  cause  the  sen- 
tence to  be  intimated  at  Modena.  Foscarari  consult- 
ed the  duke,  who,  irritated  by  the  treatment  which  he 
had  received,  forbade  the  intimation.* 

We  are  not  informed  where  Valentino  took  refuge 
from  the  fury  of  the  implacable  pontiff,  but  his  friend 
Castelvetro  appears  to  have  lived  secretly  in  Ferrara. 
The  year  1559  proved  fatal  to  pope  Paul  IV.  and 
Hercules  II.  of  Ferrara;  and  Alfonso  II.,  who  suc- 
ceeded his  father  in  the  dukedom,  hoping  to  find  the 
new  pontiff  more  tractable,  applied  for  a  commission 
to  try  the  cause  of  Castelvetro  within  his  own  territo- 
ries. This  having  been  refused,  Castelvetro,  confi- 
ding in  the  interest  of  the  duke,  and  in  the  promises 
made  him  by  persons  connected  with  the  papal  court, 
was  persuaded  to  go  to  Rome.  At  his  first  arrival,  he 
was  treated  with  great  courtesy,  and,  instead  of  being 
committed  to  prison,  had  the  convent  of  Santa  Maria 
191  Via  assigned  to  him  as  a  place  of  residence,  with 
liberty  to  receive  his  friends;  but,  after  his  third  ap- 
pearance before  the  inquisitors,  finding  that  they  had 
obtained  possession  of  strong  evidence  against  him, 
or  dreading  that  they  would  put  him  to  the  torture, 
he  suddenly  left  Rome,  along  with  his  brother  Giam- 
maria.  On  the  26th  of  November  1560,  the  cardinals 
of  the  congregation  published  their  final  sentence, 
declaring  him  a  fugitive  and  impenitent  heretic,  who 
had  incurred  all  the  pains,  spiritual  and  temporal,  de- 
creed against  such  criminals,  and  calling  upon  every 
person  who  might  have  it  in  his  power,  to  arrest  his 
person  and  send  him  as  a  prisoner  to  Rome.  His 
effigy  was  publicly  burnt ;  and  pressing  letters  Avere 
written  to  the  duke  of  Ferrara  to  seize  the  fugitive 
brothers  and  confiscate  their  property.!  One  of  the 
leading  charges  against  Castelvetro  was,  that  he  had 
translated  into  Italian  a  work  of  Melanchthon  on  the 
Authority  of  the  Church  and  the  Fathers,  a  copy  of 

*  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  446—452. 
t  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  452—455. 


204  HISTORY    OF    THE 

which,  said  to  be  in  his  own  hand-writing,  was  pro- 
duced on  his  trial. "^ 

While  these  measures  were  taken  at  Modena,  the 
papal  court  Avas  still  more  intent  on  extirpating  the 
reformed  opinions  in  Ferrara,  which  it  regarded  as 
the  nursery  and  hotbed  of  heresy  in  Italy.  In  the 
year  1545,  his  holiness  addressed  a  brief  to  the  eccle- 
siastical authorities  of  that  place,  requiring  them  to 
institute  a  strict  investigation  into  the  conduct  of  per- 
sons of  every  rank  and  order,  who  were  suspected  of 
entertaining  erroneous  sentiments,  and,  after  having 
taken  the  depositions,  applied  the  torture,  and  brought 
the  trial  as  far  as  the  definitive  sentence,  to  transmit 
the  whole  process  to  Rome  for  judgment.!  The  dis- 
tress caused  by  the  execution  of  this  mandate  was 
greatly  increased  by  a  base  expedient  lately  adopted 
for  discovering  those  who  wavered  in  their  attach- 
ment to  the  Church  of  Rome.  A  horde  of  commis- 
sioned spies  were  dispersed  over  Italy,  who,  by  means 
of  the  recommendations  with  which  they  were  fur- 
nished, got  admission  into  private  families,  insinuated 
themselves  into  the  confidence  of  individuals,  and 
conveyed  the  secret  information  which  they  obtained 
in  this  way  to  the  inquisitors.  Assuming  a  variety 
of  characters,  they  haunted  the  company  of  the  learn- 
ed and  illiterate,  and  were  to  be  found  equally  in 
courts  and  cloisters.  J     A  number  of  excellent  persons 

*  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  i.  p.  457 — 460.  Pallavicini  had  mentioned 
the  charge,  but  did  not  give  the  name  of  the  book.  (Storiadel  Concil. 
di  Trento,  1.  xv.  c.  x.)  Fontanini  assumed  that  it  was  the  Common 
Places  of  Melanchthon,  (see  before,  p.  51,)  which  led  Muratori  to 
call  in  question  the  truth  of  the  whole  charge.  But  the  book — the 
identical  corpus  delicti  which  was  verified  betbre  the  inquisition — has 
since  been  discovered  in  the  archives  of  St.  Angelo.  It  is  a  MS.  in 
4to,  with  the  following  title  : — "  Libricciulo  di  fhi.  M.  dell'  autorita 
della  Chiesa,  e  degli  Scritti  degli  Antichi,  volgarizzato  per  Kepri- 
gone  liheo  con  I'aggiunto  di  alquanto  cliiose."  The  translator,  in  a 
short  epistle  to  the  reader,  stales  that  he  had  added  a  {cv<!  notes, 
chiefly  in  explanation  of  certain  Greek  words  used  in  "  this  noble 
little  work."  Tiraboschi  is  of  opinion,  that  the  style  of  this  book 
corresponds  perfectly  with  that  of  the  undoubted  works  of  Castel- 
vetro. 

t  Raynaldi  Anna),  ad  an.  1545. 

X  Calcagnini  Opera,  p.  169.      Olympise   Moratae  Opera,  p.  102. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  205 

at  Ferrara  were  caught  in  the  toils  spread  by  these 
pests  of  society.  They  succeeded  in  ahenating  the 
mind  of  the  duke  from  the  accomplished  Olympia 
Morata,  who,  having  left  the  palace,  on  the  death  of 
her  father,*  to  take  charge  of  her  widowed  mother 
and  the  younger  branches  of  the  family,  was  treated 
in  a  harsh  and  ungrateful  manner  by  the  court ;  and 
she  would  have  suffered  still  worse  treatment,  had 
not  a  German  student  of  medicine  married  her,  and 
carried  her  along  with  him  to  his  native  country.t 
The  persecution  became  more  severe,  when,  on  the 
death  of  Paul  III.,  the  papal  chair  was  filled  by  cardi- 
nal De  Monte,  under  the  title  of  Julius  III.  While 
this  indolent  pontiff  wallowed  in  voluptuousness,!  he 
signed,  without  scruple  or  remorse,  the  cruel  orders 
which  were  dictated  by  those  to  whom  he  intrusted 
the  management  of  public  affairs.  In  the  year  1550, 
the  reformed  Church,  which  had  subsisted  for  a  num- 
ber of  years  at  Ferrara,  was  dispersed;  many  were 
thrown  into  prison,  and  one  of  their  preachers,  a  per- 
son of  great  piety,  was  put  to  death,§  Olympia  Mo- 
rata writes  on  this  subject|| — "We  did  not  come  here 
with  the  intention  of  returning  to  Italy;  for  you  are 
not  ignorant  how  dangerous  it  is  to  profess  Christi- 
anity in  that  country  where  antichrist  has  his  throne. 
I  hear  that  the  rage  against  the  saints  is  at  present  so 
violent,  that  former  severities  were  but  child's  play 
compared  with  those  which  are  practised  by  the  new 
pope,  who  cannot,  like  his  predecessor,  be  moved  by 
entreaties  and  intercession.''     And,  in  another  letter 

111.  In  writings  of  that  time,  these  spies  are  called  CoryccBans, 
Vide  Suidce  Lex.  voc.  Kce^vKxto;. 

*  He  died  in  1548. 

t  Olympiae  Moratse  Opera,  p.  93—95.  Noltenii  Vita  Oympiae, 
p.  122 — 125.  Her  husband's  name  was  Andrew  Grunthler,  whose 
life  is  to  be  seen  in  Melch.  Adam.  Vit.  Medic,  Germ.  Conf.  Englerti. 
Franconic.  Acta,  vol.  ii.  p.  269.  Nolten  says  that  the  duchess  also 
was  alienated  from  her  ;  but  Olympia  herself  gives  no  hint  of  this  in 
her  letters. 

t  Bayle,  Diet.  art.  Julius  III.     Tiraboschi,  vii.  27. 

§  Olympic  MoratGB  Opera,  p.  102.  Actiones  et  Monimenta  Mar- 
tyrum,  f.  163.  Joan.  Crispin.  1560,  4to. 

11  To  Celio  Secundo  Curione:  Olympiae  xMoratfie  Oper.  p.  101. 


206  HISTORY    OF    THE 

she  says"^ — "I  learn,  from  letters  which  I  have  lately- 
received  out  of  Italy,  that  the  Christians  are  treated 
with  great  cruelty  at  Ferrara;  neither  high  nor  low 
are  spared;  some  are  imprisoned,  others  banished, 
and  others  obhged  to  save  their  lives  by  flight/' 

The  success  of  these  measures  in  abolishing  the 
face  of  a  reformed  church,  and  silencing  all  opposition 
to  the  established  faith,  in  Ferrara,  did  not  however 
give  satisfaction  at  Rome.  All  this  availed  nothing  in 
the  eyes  of  the  clergy,  so  long  as  there  remained  one 
person,  occupying  the  place  nearest  the  prince,  who 
scrupled  to  yield  obedience  to  their  authority.  The 
high  rank  and  distinguished  accomplishments  of  the 
duchess  of  Ferrara  aggravated,  instead  of  extenuating, 
the  offence  which  she  had  given  to  the  clergy,  who 
resolved  to  humble  her  pride,  if  they  could  not  sub- 
due her  firmness.  Renee,  who  for  some  time  had  not 
concealed  her  partiality  to  the  reformed  sentiments, 
testified  great  dissatisfaction  at  the  late  persecution, 
and  exerted  herself  in  every  way  within  her  power 
to  protect  those  who  were  exposed  to  its  violence. 
This  led  to  repeated  and  strong  representations  from 
the  pope  to  the  duke,  her  husband.  He  was  told  that 
the  minds  of  his  children  and  servants  were  corrupt- 
ed, and  the  most  pernicious  example  held  out  to  his 
subjects;  that  the  house  of  Este,  which  had  been  so 
long  renowned  for  the  purity  of  its  faith  and  its  fealty 
to  the  holy  see,  was  in  danger  of  contracting  the  in- 
delible stain  of  heresy ;  and  that  if  he  did  not  speedily 
abate  the  nuisance,  he  would  expose  himself  to  the 
censures  of  the  church,  and  lose  the  favour  of  all 
catholic  princes.  In  consequence  of  these  remon- 
strances, Hercules  pressed  the  duchess  to  avert  the 
displeasure  of  his  holiness  by  renouncing  the  new 
opinions,  and  conforming  herself  to  the  rites  of  the 

*  To  Chilian  Sinapi;  Ibid.  p.  143.  In  another  letter,  addressed 
to  Vergerio,  (p.  158,)  after  deploring  the  weakness  of  some  of  her 
acquaintance,  who  had  renounced  their  faith,  she  speaks  with  satis- 
faction of  the  constancy  of  her  mother  ;  "  Matrem  vero  meam  con- 
stantem  fuisse  in  illis  turbis,  Deo  gratias  agimus,  eique  totum  accept- 
um  referimus.  Earn  oravi,  ut  ex  ilia  Babylonia  una,  cum  sororibus 
ad  nos  proficiscatur." 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  207 

established  worship.  As  she  persisted  in  refusing  to 
sacrifice  her  convictions,  recourse  was  had  to  foreign 
influence.  Whether  it  was  with  the  view  of  over- 
coming the  reluctance  which  her  husband  testified 
to  proceed  to  extremities,  or  of  affording  him  a  decent 
excuse  for  adopting  those  severe  measures  which  he 
had  previously  agreed  to,  it  is  certain  that  the  pope 
procured  the  interference  of  the  king  of  France,  who 
was  nephew  to  the  duchess.  Henry  II.  accordingly 
sent  Oritz,*  his  inquisitor,  to  the  court  of  Ferrara. 
His  instructions  bore,  that  he  was  to  acquaint  him- 
self accurately  with  the  extent  to  which  the  mind  of 
the  duchess  was  infected  with  error;  he  was  then  to 
request  a  personal  interview  with  her,  at  which  he 
should  inform  her  of  the  great  grief  which  his  most 
Christian  Majesty  felt  at  hearing  that  "his  only  aunt," 
whom  he  had  always  loved  and  esteemed  so  highly, 
had  involved  herself  in  the  labyrinth  of  these  detest- 
able and  condemned  opinions;  if,  after  all  his  remon- 
strances and  arguments,  he  could  not  recover  her  by 
gentle  means,  he  was  next,  with  the  concurrence  of 
the  duke,  to  endeavour  to  bring  her  to  reason  by 
rigour  and  severity:  he  was  to  preach  a  course  of 
sermons  on  the  principal  points  on  which  she  had 
been  led  astray,  at  which  she  and  all  her  family 
should  be  obliged  to  attend,  "whatever  refusal  or 
objection  she  might  think  proper  to  make:"  if  this 
proved  unsuccessful  in  reclaiming  her,  he  was  next, 
in  her  presence,  to  entreat  the  duke,  in  his  majesty's 
name,  to  "sequester  her  from  all  society  and  conver- 
sation," that  she  might  not  have  it  in  her  power  to 
taint  the  minds  of  others ;  to  remove  her  children  from 

*  This  appears  to  have  been  the  same  person  of  whom  we  read  at 
an  earlier  period  of  the  history  of  France.  "  Notre  Maitre  Oris," 
the  inquisitor  of  the  faith,  was,  in  the  year  1534,  sent  to  Sancerre  to 
search  for  heretics ;  but  the  inhabitants,  aware  of  his  fondness  for 
good  cheer,  treated  him  with  such  hospitality,  that  he  reported  them 
to  be  a  very  good  sort  of  people.  His  depute,  Rocheli,  returned 
with  the  same  report.  Upon  which  the  Lieutenant  Criminel,  cha- 
grined at  missing  his  prey,  said,  that  "  good  wine  would  at  any  time 
make  all  these  fellows  quiet."  (Beze,  Hist,  des  Eglises  Ref.  de 
France,  tom.  i.  p.  20.)  But  "Notre  Maitre"  was  then  but  young, 
and  had  not  yet  tasted  blood. 


208  HISTORY    OP    THE 

her,  and  not  to  allow  any  of  the  family,  of  whatever 
nation  they  might  be,  who  were  accused  or  strongly 
suspected  of  heretical  sentiments,  to  approach  her;  in 
fine,  he  was  to  bring  them  to  trial,  and  to  pronounce 
a  sentence  of  exemplary  punishment  on  such  as  were 
found  guilty,  only  leaving  it  to  the  duke  to  give  such 
directions  as  to  the  mode  of  process  and  the  infliction 
of  punishment,  as  that  the  affair  might  terminate, 
so  far  as  justice  permitted,  without  causing  scandal, 
or  bringing  any  public  stigma  on  the  duchess  and  her 
dependents.* 

The  daughter  of  Louis  XII.,  whose  spirit  was  equal 
to  her  piety,  spurned  these  conditions;  and  on  her 
refusal  to  violate  her  conscience,  her  children  were 
taken  from  under  her  management,  her  confidential 
servants  proceeded  against  as  heretics,  and  she  her- 
self detained  as  a  prisoner  in  the  palace. t  Renee 
could  have  borne  the  insolence  of  Oritz,  but  felt  in 
the  keenest  manner  the  upbraidings  of  her  husband, 
who,  without  listening  to  her  exculpations,  told  her 
she  must  prepare  herself  to  conform  unconditionally 
and  without  delay  to  the  practices  of  the  Roman 
church — an  unnatural  demonstration  of  zeal  on  the 
part  of  Hercules,  which  the  court  of  Rome  rewarded, 
at  a  subsequent  period,  by  depriving  his  grandson  of 
the  dukedom  of  Ferrara,  and  adding  it  to  the  posses- 
sions of  the  Church. J  The  duchess  continued  for 
some  time  to  bear  with  fortitude  this  harsh  treatment 
from  her  husband,  aggravated  as  it  was  by  certain 
low  intrigues  to  which  he  descended;  but  in  the  year 
1555,  on  the  accession  of  that  truculent  pontiff",  Paul 
IV.,  the  persecution  began  to  rage  with  greater  vio- 
lence; and  it  would  seem,  that  the  threats  with  which 
she  was  anew  assailed,  together  with  the  desire  which 
she  felt  to  be  restored  to  the  society  of  her  children, 
induced  her  to  relent  and  make  concessions. §    On  the 

*  Le  Laboureur,  Additions  aux  Memoires  de  Michel  de  Castelnau, 
torn.  I.  p.  717. 

t  Ibid.  p.  718. 

t  Giovannandrea  Barotti,  Diffesa  degli  Scrittori  Ferraresi,  p.  112. 
Muratori,  Annali  d'ltalia,  torn.  x.  p.  5.')3 — 558. 

§  Calvin,  in  a  letter  to  Fare!,  says — "  De  Ducissa  Ferrariensi 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  209 

death  of  the  duke  m  1559,  she  returned  to  France, 
and  took  up  her  residence  ni  the  castle  of  Montargis, 
where  she  made  open  profession  of  the  reformed  re- 
hgion,  and  extended  her  protection  to  the  persecuted 
Protestants.  The  duke  of  Guise,  her  son-in-law, 
having  one  day  come  to  the  castle  with  an  armed 
force,  sent  a  messenger  to  inform  her  that,  if  she  did 
not  dismiss  the  rebels  whom  she  harboured,  he  would 
batter  the  walls  with  his  cannon;  she  boldly  replied, 
"Tell  your  master,  that  I  shall  myself  mount  the  bat- 
tlements, and  see  if  he  dare  kill  a  king's  daughter."* 
Her  eldest  daughter,  Anne  of  Este,  "whose  integrity 
of  understanding  and  sensibility  of  heart  were  worthy 
of  a  better  age,"t  was  married  to  the  first  Francis, 
duke  of  Guise,  and  afterwards  to  James  of  Savoy, 
duke  of  Nemours,  two  of  the  most  determined  sup- 
porters of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  France; 
and  if  she  did  not,  like  her  mother,  avow  her  friend- 
ship to  the  reformed  cause,  she  exerted  herself  in 
moderating  the  violence  of  both  her  husbands  against 
its  friends.  J 

Next  to  the  dominions  of  the  duke  of  Ferrara,  the 
papal  court  felt  most  anxious  for  the  suppression  of 
the  reformed  doctrine  within  the  territories  of  the 
Venetian  republic.     On  the  flight  of  Ochino,  a  rigor- 

tristis  nuncius,  et  certiiis  quam  velleni,  minis  et  probris  victam  cccid- 
isse.  Quid  dicam  nisi  rarum  in  proceribus  esse  constantioe  exem- 
plum."  (f^enebier,  Catalogue  des  Manuscrils  dans  la  Dibliotheque  de 
Geneve,  p.  274,  275.)  Mons.  Senebier  states,  that  this  letter  is  dated, 
"  du  1  Novembre,"  and  he  places  it  under  the  year  1554;  but  as 
Calvin  informs  his  correspondent  that  he  had  written  a  defence  of  the 
Consensus,  or  agreement  among  the  Swiss  churches  respecting  the 
sacrament  of  the  ."^upper,  and  as  the  dedication  of  that  work  is  dated, 
Nonis  Januarii  1556,  the  letter  to  Farel  was  most  probably  written 
in  1555.     (Conf.  Calvini  Opera,  torn.  viii.  p.  660.) 

*  Bayle,  Diet.  art.  Ferrara,  note  F. 

+  Condorcet,  Eloge  de  Chancelier  d'llopital. 

t  Bayle  says,  that  she  became  zealous  against  the  Hugonots 
during  the  League,  which  he  imputes  to  the  remembrance  of  the 
assassination  of  her  first  husband  by  Poltrot ;  but  he  produces  no 
authority  for  his  assertion.  Calcagnini,  Riccio,  Paleario,  Rabelais, 
St.  Marthe,  De  Thou,  and  Condorcet,  have  vied  with  each  other  in 
extolling  this  amiable  princess.  There  is  a  beautiful  letter  of  Olym- 
pia  Morata,  addressed,  "  Annse  Estensi,  principi  GuisiausD,"  in  the 
printed  works  of  the  former,  p.  13U — 133. 


210  HISTORY    OP    THE 

Oils  inquisition  was  made  into  the  sentiments  of  the 
Capuchins  residing  in  that  part  of  Italy.*  For  seve- 
ral years  after  this,  the  pope  ceased  not  to  urge  the 
senate,  both  by  letters  and  nuncios,  to  root  out  the 
Lutheran  heresy,  which  had  been  embraced  by  many 
of  their  subjects,  especially  in  Vicenza.  Cardinal 
Rodolfo,  who  was  administrator  of  the  bishoprick  of 
Vicenza,  showed  great  zeal  in  this  work;  but  the 
local  magistrates,  either  from  personal  aversion  to 
the  task,  or  because  they  knew  that  their  superiors 
did  not  wish  the  orders  which  they  had  publicly 
given  to  be  carried  into  execution,  declined  lending 
the  assistance  of  the  secular  arm.  Information  of 
this  having  been  conveyed  to  Rome,  the  pope  in 
1546,  addressed  a  long  and  earnest  brief  to  the  senate, 
in  which,  after  complimenting  them  on  their  former 
zeal  for  religion  and  fidelity  to  the  holy  see,  and  tell- 
ing them  that  innovation  in  religion  would  lead  to 
civil  dissentions  and  sedition  among  them,  as  it  had 
done  elsewhere,  he  complains  loudly  of  the  conduct 
of  the  podesta  and  capitano  of  Vicenza,  who,  instead 
of  obeying  the  commands  which  had  been  repeatedly 
given  them,  allowed  the  Lutheran  doctrines  to  be 
openly  professed  before  the  eyes  of  their  masters,  and 
of  the  ecumenical  council  which  had  been  called  and 
was  now  sitting  at  Trent,  chiefly  for  the  purpose  of 
extirpating  these  heresies:  on  which  account  his  holi- 
ness earnestly  requires  the  doge  and  senators  to  enjoin 
these  magistrates  peremptorily  to  compensate  for  their 
past  negligence,  by  yielding  every  assistance  to  the 
vicars  of  the  diocese  in  seizing  and  punishing  the 
heretics.t  The  senate  complied  with  this  request, 
and  issued  orders  which  led  to  the  dissipation  of  the 
Church  at  Vicenza.  J 

*  Bock,  Hist.  Arititrin.  torn.  ii.  p.  496. 

t  Raynaldi  Annales,  ad  an   1546. 

t  Ibid.  This  is  the  persecution  by  which  Socinian  writers  say 
that  their  colleges  were  dispersed.  But  the  only  heresy  mentioned 
in  the  apostolical  brief,  or  by  the  annalist,  is  the  Lutheran ;  and  it 
is  reasonable  to  suppose,  that,  if  it  had  been  known  that  antitrini- 
tarians  existed  in  that  place,  they  would  have  been  specified,  as  we 
find  they  were  in  a  subsequent  bull. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  211 

They  adopted  similar  measures  in  the  rest  of  their 
dominions.  In  the  year  1548,  an  edict  was  publish- 
ed, commanding  all  who  had  books  opposed  to  the 
catholic  faith  to  deliver  them  up  within  eight  days, 
at  the  risk  of  being  proceeded  against  as  heretics; 
and  offering  a  reward  to  informers.*  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  great  severities  against  the  Protestants  in 
the  city  of  Venice,  and  in  all  the  territories  of  that  re- 
public. "The  persecution  here  increases  every  day/' 
writes  Altieri.  -'Many  are  seized,  of  whom  some 
have  been  sent  to  the  galleys,  others  condemned  to 
perpetual  imprisonment,  and  some,  alas !  have  been 
induced,  by  fear  of  punishment,  to  recant.  Many 
have  been  banished  along  with  their  wives  and  child- 
ren, while  still  greater  numbers  have  fled  for  their 
lives.  Matters  are  brought  to  that  pass,  that  I  begin 
to  fear  for  myself;  for  though  I  have  frequently  been 
able  to  protect  others  in  this  storm,  there  is  reason  to 
apprehend  that  the  same  hard  terms  will  be  proposed 
to  me ;  but  it  is  the  will  of  God  that  his  people  be 
tried  by  such  afflictions."t  Altieri  continued  to  ex- 
ert himself  with  the  most  laudable  and  unwearied 
zeal  in  behalf  of  his  brethren.  He  not  only  procured 
letters  in  their  favour  from  the  elector  of  Saxony  and 
other  German  princes,  for  whom  he  acted  as  agent 
with  the  Venetian  republic;  but  he  undertook  a  jour- 
ney into  Switzerland,  with  the  express  view  of  per- 
suading the  Protestant  cantons  to  exert  their  influ- 
ence in  the  same  cause.  On  his  way  home  he  attend- 
ed an  assembly  of  the  deputies  of  the  Grison  confed- 
eration at  Coire,  where  he  pleaded  the  cause  of  his 
persecuted  countrymen.  In  both  places  he  succeed- 
ed so  far  as  to  obtain  letters  interceding  for  lenity  to 
the  Protestants;  but  he  was  disappointed  in  his  ex- 
pectations of  procuring  a  public  commission  to  act 
for  these  states,  which  would  have  given  additional 

*  Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1548.  Surius,  apud  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrin. 
torn.  ii.  p.  416. 

t  Alterius  ad  Bullingerum,  d.  24.  Mart.  1549,  Venetiis  :  De  Porta, 
Hist.  Reform.  Eccles.  Rhaeticarum,  torn.  ii.  p.  32.  Curiae  Rhaet. 
1774,  4to. 


212  HISTORY    OP    THE 

weight  to  any  representations  which  he  might  make 
to  the  doge  and  senate.  The  authorities  of  Switzer- 
land and  the  Grisons  might  have  good  reasons  for  re- 
fusing his  request;  but  we  cannot  help  sympathizing 
with  the  disappointment,  and  even  with  the  com- 
plaints of  this  good  man,  as  well  as  admiring  the  rare 
example  which  he  gave  of  disinterested  devotion  to 
the  cause  of  truth  and  the  best  interests  of  his  country, 
at  a  time  when  the  greater  part  either  knew  them  not 
or  cared  not  for  them.  In  a  letter  from  Coire  to  Bull- 
inger,  a  distinguished  minister  of  Zurich,  he  says — 
"I  have  delivered  your  letter  and  that  of  Myconius 
to  the  ministers  of  this  Church ;  I  have  also  convers- 
ed with  them  on  my  business,  but  find  them  rather 
lukewarm,  either  because  this  is  their  natural  disposi- 
tion, or  because  they  think  the  matter  too  difficult  to 
be  obtained,  especially  after  your  friends  in  Switzer- 
land have  refused  it.  They,  however,  give  me  some 
hopes  of  success."*  In  another  letter  to  the  same 
correspondent,  he  writes — "From  the  assembly  of  the 
Grison  states,  which  has  been  held  here,  I  have  only 
been  able  to  obtain  commendatory  letters;  had  it  not 
been  for  the  opposition  made  by  some  enemies  of  re- 
ligion, I  would  have  also  obtained  a  public  commis- 
sion. Tliey  have  concluded  a  treaty  with  France; 
the  emperor's  ambassador  was  present,  but  could  do 
nothing."t  After  mentioning  the  discouragements 
he  had  met  with  from  those  of  whom  he  had  hoped 
better  things,  he  exclaims — •'  Thus  do  the  minds  of 
men  now  cleave  to  the  world !  If  the  Spirit  of  the 
Lord  had  not  long  ago  taken  possession  of  my  heart, 
I  would  have  followed  the  common  example,  and, 
hiding  myself  in  some  secret  corner,  attended  to  my 
own  private  affairs,  instead  of  taking  an  active  part 
in  the  cause  of  Christ.  But  God  forbid  that  I  should 
entertain  the  blasphemous  thought  of  desisting  to  la- 
bour for  him,  who  never  ceased  to  labour  in  my  cause 
until  he  had  endured  the  reproach  of  the  cross.  There- 
fore I  return  to  Italy,  ready,  as  before,  to  encounter 

*  Curia,  ult.  Jan.  1549  :  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  34. 
t  Julii  22,  1549 :     Ibid. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  213 

whatever  may  befall  me,  and  willing  to  be  bound  for 
the  name  of  Christ."*  Before  leaving  the  Grisons  he 
received  intelligence  that  the  persecution  was  daily 
waxing  hotter  at  Venice.  *'It  is  not,  therefore  with- 
out danger  that  I  return,"  says  he  in  another  letter ; 
"for  you  know  how  much  I  am  hated  by  the  papists 
and  wicked.  I  do  not  undertake  the  journey  rashly: 
God  will  preserve  me  from  all  evil:  do  you  pray  for 
me."t  On  his  arrival  at  Venice,  he  found  that  his 
enemies  had  succeeded  in  incensing  the  magistrates 
against  him;  and  he  was  ordered  either  to  renounce 
his  religion,  or  instantly  to  quit  tVie  territories  of  the 
republic.  Without  hesitation  he  chose  the  latter;  but 
being  unwilling  to  despair  of  the  reformation  of  his 
native  country,  and  anxious  to  be  at  hand  to  lend 
succor  to  his  suffering  brethren,  he  lingered  in  Italy, 
wandered  from  city  to  city,  and,  when  he  durst  no 
longer  appear  in  public,  sought  an  asylum  in  a  retir- 
ed place  for  himself  and  his  family.  Soon  after  his 
banishment  from  Venice  he  wrote  to  Bullinger: — 
"Take  the  following  particulars  concerning  my  return 
to  Italy.  I  am  well  with  my  wife  and  little  child. 
As  to  other  things,  all  the  effect  of  my  commendatory 
letters  was  an  offer,  on  the  part  of  the  senate,  that  I 
should  be  allowed  to  remain  in  safety  among  them, 
provided  I  would  yield  conformity  to  their  religion, 
that  is,  the  Roman;  otherwise  it  behoved  me  to  with- 
draw without  delay  from  their  dominions.  Having 
devoted  myself  to  Christ,  I  chose  exile  rather  than 
the  enjoyment  of  pleasant  Venice,  with  its  execrable 
religion.  I  departed  accordingly,  and  went  first  to 
Ferrara,  and  afterwards  to  Florence.''^  lu  another 
letter,  written  from  his  place  of  hiding,  somewhere  in 
the  territory  of  Brescia,  he  says — "  Know  that  I  am 
in  great  trouble  and  danger  of  my  life,  nor  is  there 
a  place  in  Italy  where  I  can  be  safe  with  my  wife  and 
boy.    My  fears  for  myself  increase  daily,  for  I  know 

*  Sangallo,  28  Jan.  1549  ;  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  34. 
t  Cur:a,  28  Jul.  1549  :  Ibid.  p.  1)6. 

t  Epist.  ad  Bulling.     Ex   itinere,  25  Aug.   1549  :  De  Porta,  ut 
supra,  p.  35. 


214  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  wicked  will  never  rest  till  they  have  swallowed 
me  up  alive.  I  entreat  a  share  in  your  prayers."* 
These  are  the  last  accounts  we  have  of  this  excellent 
person.  It  is  probable  that  he  never  escaped  from 
Italy,  and  that  his  fate  will  remain  a  secret,  until  the 
horrid  mysteries  of  the  Roman  inquisition  shall  be 
disclosed. 

When  the  Protestants  were  treated  in  this  manner 
in  the  capital,  we  need  not  be  surprised  to  find  the 
magistrates  of  Venice  permitting  the  greatest  severities 
to  be  used  against  them  in  the  more  distant  provinces. 
This  was  particularly  the  case  in  Istria,  where  the 
agents  of  Rome  were  irritated  beyond  measure  by  the 
more  than  suspected  defection  of  the  two  Vergerh, 
the  bishops  of  Capo  d'Istria  and  Pola.  Annibale 
Grisone,  who  was  sent  into  these  dioceses  as  inquisi- 
tor, in  the  year  1546,  spread  distress  and  alarm  among 
the  inhabitants.  He  read  every  where  from  the  pul- 
pits the  papal  bull,  requiring  all,  under  the  pain  of 
excommunication,  to  inform  against  those  whom  they 
suspected  of  heresy,  and  to  deliver  up  the  prohibited 
books  which  might  be  in  their  possession.  Those 
who  confessed  and  supplicated  forgiveness  he  pro- 
mised to  treat  with  lenity,  but  threatened  to  condemn 
to  the  fire  all  who,  concealing  their  crime,  should  be 
convicted  on  information.  Not  satisfied  with  public 
denunciations,  he  entered  into  every  house  in  search 
of  heretical  books.  Such  as  confessed  that  they  had 
read  the  New  Testament  in  the  vulgar  tongue,  he 
charged  to  abstain  from  that  dangerous  practice  for 
the  future,  under  the  severest  pains.  The  rich  he 
subjected  to  private  penance,  and  obliged  the  poor  to 
make  a  public  recantation.  At  first,  only  a  few  indi- 
viduals of  weaker  minds  were  induced  to  inform 
against  themselves  or  their  acquaintances;  but  at  last 
consternation  seized  the  multitude,  and  every  one  be- 
came afraid  that  his  neighbour  would  get  the  start  of 
him.  The  ties  of  consangainity  and  gratitude  were 
disregarded :  the  son  informed  against  his  father,  the 
wife  against  her  husband,  the  client  against  his  patron. 

*  Ad  Bulling.     Ex  agro  Brixiano,  prid.  Kal.  Nov.  1549 :  Ibid. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  215 

Taking  advantage  of  the  agitated  state  of  the  public 
mind,  Grisone  ascended  the  pulpit,  in  the  cathedral  of 
Capo  d'Istria,  on  a  high  festival  day,  and  after  cele- 
brating mass,  harangued  the  crowded  assembly.  "  You 
see,"  said  he,  "the  calamities  which  have  befallen 
you  for  some  years  past.  At  one  time  your  fields,  at 
another  your  olive  trees,  at  another  your  vines  have 
failed;  you  have  been  afflicted  in  your  cattle,  and  in 
the  whole  of  your  substance.  To  what  are  all  these 
evils  to  be  ascribed  ?  To  your  bishop  and  the  heretics 
whom  he  protects ;  nor  can  you  expect  any  allevia- 
tion of  your  distress  until  they  are  punished.  Why 
do  you  not  rise  up  and  stone  them?"  So  much  were 
the  ignorant  and  frightened  populace  inflamed,  that 
Vergerio  found  it  necessary  to  conceal  himself. 

In  the  midst  of  this  confusion,  the  bishop  of  Pola 
died,  not  without  suspicion  of  having  been  carried  ofl' 
by  poison.*  His  brother  withdrew,  and  took  refuge 
at  Mantua  with  his  patron,  cardinal  Gonzaga,  who 
soon  dismissed  him,  in  consequence  of  the  representa- 
tions made  by  the  noted  Delia  Casa,  the  papal  nuncio, 
resident  at  Venice.  Upon  this  Vergerio  went  to  the 
council  of  Trent,  with  the  view  of  vindicating  him- 
self, or,  as  some  state,  of  demanding  his  seat  in  that 
assembly.  The  pope  would  have  ordered  him  to  be 
arrested,  but  was  afraid  of  giving  any  reason  for 
asserting  that  the  council  was  not  free,  at  a  time  when 
he  professed  to  wish  the  attendance  of  the  German 
Protestants.  In  order  to  obtain  the  removal  of  so 
dangerous  a  person  from  Trent,  the  papal  legates 
agreed  to  supersede  the  summons  which  had  been 
given  him  to  appear  at  Rome,  and  remitted  the  trial 
of  the  charges  exhibited  against  him  to  the  nuncio 
and  patriarch  of  Venice.  Vergerio  managed  his  de- 
fence with  such  address  as  to  protract  the  trial  for 
two  years,  at  the  end  of  which  he  was  prohibited 
from  returning  to  his  diocese. t     At  that  time  Fran- 

*  A  work  by  the  bishop  was  afterwards  published  by  his  brother, 
with  this  title  : — "  Esposizione  e  Parafrasi  sopra  il  Salmo  cxix.  di  M. 
Gio.  Battista  Vergerio  Vescovo  di  Pola,  data  d.  6.  Gennajo,  1550." 
(De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  151.) 

t  Pallavicini,  lib.  vi.  cap,  13.     Tiraboschi,  vii.  380. 


216  HISTORY    or    THE 

cesco  Spira,  a  lawyer  of  Padua,  died  in  a  state  of 
great  mental  horror,  in  consequence  of  his  having 
been  induced,  by  the  terrors  of  the  inquisition,  to  re- 
cant the  Protestant  faith.  Vergerio,  who  had  come 
from  Venice  to  Padua,  saw  him  on  his  death-bed, 
and  joined  with  some  other  learned  and  pious  persons 
in  attempting  to  comfort  the  wretched  penitent.*  The 
scene  made  such  a  deep  impression  on  the  mind  of 
Vergerio,  that  he  determined  to  relinquish  his  bishop- 
ric and  native  country,  and  to  seek  an  asylum  in  a 
place  where  he  could  with  safety  make  a  public  pro- 
fession of  the  truth  which  he  had  embraced.  "  To 
tell  the  truth,"  says  he,  "I  felt  such  a  flame  in  my 
breast,  that  I  could  scarcely  restrain  myself  at  times 
from  going  to  the  chamber-door  of  the  legate  at 
Venice,  and  crying  out,  '  Here  I  am:  where  are  your 
prisons  and  your  fires?  Satisfy  your  utmost  desire 
upon  me;  burn  me  for  the  cause  of  Christ,  I  beseech 
you,  since  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  comforting 
the  miserable  Spira,  and  of  publishing  what  it  was 
the  will  of  God  should  be  published.^  "t  In  the  end 
of  the  year  1548,  he  carried  his  purpose  into  execution, 
by  retiring  into  the  Orisons,  to  the  surprise  equally 
of  those  whom  he  deserted  and  of  those  whom  he 
joined.J 

*  The  History  of  Spira  was  compiled  by  Vergerio,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  letters  from  Celio  S.  Curio,  Malthasus  Gribaldus,  a  native  of 
Padua,  Sigismundus  Gelous,  a  Pole,  and  Henricus  ^'cotus.  The  last 
named  was  our  countryman,  Henry  Scrimger.  In  the  library  of  the 
University  of  Leyden,  I  met  with  a  manuscript  volume,  containing, 
among  others,  a  letter  from  Calvin  to  Bullinger,  dated  "  15th  August 
1549,"  in  which  he  writes  : — "  I  received  lately  a  letter  from  Paulus 
Vergerius,  along  with  a  history  of  Franciscus  ?-pira,  which  he  wishes 
printed  here.  He  says  the  chief  cause  of  his  being  obliged  to  leave 
his  native  country  was,  that  the  pope,  irritated  by  this  book,  laid 
snares  for  his  life.  At  present  he  is  residing  in  the  Grisons,  but  ex- 
presses  a  strong  desire  to  see  me.  I  have  not  yet  read  the  history, 
but,  so  far  as  1  can  judge  from  a  slight  glance,  it  is  written  with 
somewhat  more  prudence  and  gravity  than  in  the  letters  translated 
by  Celio.  When  I  have  read  the  work  more  carefully,  I  shall  think 
of  the  preface  which  he  urges  me  to  write  to  it."  'I'he  history  was 
printed  in  1550,  with  a  preface  by  Calvin.  (Misccll.  Groningana, 
tom.  iii.  p.  1U9.) 

t  HistoriaSpirae:  De  Porta,  tom.  ii.  p.  144. 

X  Sleidan,  lib.  xxi.  tom.  iii.  p.  123,  1-24.    Bayle,  Diet.  art.  Vergier. 
(Pierre  Paul.)     Ughelli  Italia  Sac.  tom.  v.  p.  391. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  217 

The  inquisitor  Grisone  was  succeeded  by  Tommaso 
de  Santo  Stella,  who,  after  irritating  the  inhabitants 
by  his  vexatious  proceedings,  endeavoured  to  per- 
suade the  senate  of  Venice  to  put  garrisons  into  their 
principal  cities,  under  the  pretext  that  Vergerio  medi- 
tated an  invasion  of  Istria.*  This  gave  the  latter  an 
occasion  to  publish  a  defence  of  his  conduct,  address- 
ed to  the  doge  and  senate,  in  which  besides  complain- 
ing of  the  insidious  and  violent  methods  adopted  by 
the  fire-brands  of  persecution  through  Italy ,t  he  states 
several  facts  as  to  their  conduct  in  the  Venetian  do- 
minions. <' Nothing,"  says  he,  "can  be  more  shame- 
ful than  what  this  pope  has  done.  He  has  conferred 
honours  and  rewards  on  such  of  your  prelates  as  are 
unprofitable  and  godless;  but  the  bishop  of  Bergamo, 
your  countryman  of  the  house  of  Soranzo,  he  has 
thrown  into  prison,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  he 
opposed  non-residence  and  superstition,  and  testified 
a  regard  for  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel.  What  is  it  to 
exercise  oppression  and  tyranny  over  you,  if  this  is 
not?  Is  it  possible  that  this  should  not  awaken  you?" J 
The  senate,  about  this  time,  showed  a  disposition  to 
check  the  violent  proceedings  of  the  papal  agents,  by 
opposing  a  strong  barrier  to  their  encroachments  on 
criminal  jurisdiction.  "The  news  from  Italy  is," 
says  Vergerio,  "that  the  senate  of  Venice  have  made 
a  decree,  that  no  papal  legate,  nor  bishop,  nor  inquis- 
itor, shall  proceed  against  any  subject,  except  in  the 
presence  of  a  civil  magistrate ;  and  that  the  pope,  en- 
raged at  this,  has  fulminated  a  bull,  interdicting, 
under  the  heaviest   pains,  any  secular  prince  from 

*  Al  Sereniss,  Duce  e  alia  Eccelsissima  Rep.  di  Venezia,  Orazione 
e  Defensione  del  Vergerio,  di  Vico  Suprano,  A  x  Aprile,  1551 ;  Da 
Porta,  torn,  ii.  p.  152. 

t  Girolamo  Muzio,  who  had  fomented  the  persecution  in  Istria, 
and  afterwards  wrote  against  Vergerio,  he  thus  characterizes : — "  Un 
certo  Muzio,  le  cui  professione  e  di  dettar  cartello,  e  condurre  gli  uo- 
mini  ad  amniazzarsi  negli  steccati,  e  fatto  Teologo  papesco  in  tre 
giorni,  e  di  piii  Barigello  de'  papisti."  In  another  work,  (Giudicio 
sopra  le  Lettere  di  XIII.  Uomini  Illustri,)  he  names,  as  the  leading 
persecutors,  at  a  period  somewhat  later,  the  Archinti,  Buldragi, 
Todeschini,  Falzetti,  and  Crivelli. 

X  Orazione  e  Defensione,  ut  supra,  p.  253. 

15 


218  HISTORY    OF    THE 

interposing  the  least  hinderance  to  trials  for  heresy. 
It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  Venetians  will 
obey/'*  But  the  court  of  Rome,  by  its  perseverance 
and  intrigues,  ultimately  triumphed  over  patrician 
jealousy.  Even  foreigners  who  visited  the  republic 
in  the  course  of  trade,  were  seized  and  detained  by 
the  inquisition.  Frederic  de  Salice,  who  had  been 
sent  to  Venice  from  the  republic  of  the  Grisons,  to 
demand  the  release  of  some  of  its  subjects,  gives  the 
following  account  of  the  state  of  matters  in  the  year 
1557: — "In  this  commonwealth,  and  in  general 
throughout  Italy,  where  the  pope  possesses  what  they 
call  spiritual  jurisdiction,  the  faithful  are  subjected  to 
the  severest  inquisition.  Ample  authority  is  given  to 
the  inquisitors,  on  the  smallest  information,  to  seize 
any  one  at  their  pleasure,  to  put  him  to  the  torture, 
and  (what  is  worse  than  death)  to  send  him  to  Rome ; 
which  was  not  wont  to  be  the  case  until  the  time  of 
the  reigning  pontiff.  I  am  detained  here  longer  than 
I  could  wish,  and  know  not  when  I  shall  be  able  to 
extricate  myself  from  this  labyrinth."!  Scarcely  had 
this  ambassador  returned  home,  after  accomplishing 
his  object,  when  another  of  his  countrymen,  a  mer- 
chant, was  thrown  into  prison  by  the  inquisition  at 
Vicenza.  To  procure  his  release,  it  was  necessary  to 
despatch  Hercules  de  Salice,  late  governor  of  the 
Grisons.  His  remonstrances,  though  seconded  by  the 
influence  of  the  French  ambassador,  were  for  some 
time  disregarded  by  the  senate,  who  sought  to  evade 
the  terms  of  the  treaty  between  the  two  countries, 
and  the  concessions  which  they  had  made  during  the 
preceding  year;  until,  having  demanded  a  public 
audience,  he  inveighed,  amidst  the  murmurs  of  the 
elder  patricians,  with  such  intrepid  eloquence,  against 
the  intolerable  arrogance  of  the  papal  claims,  that  the 
majority  of  the  senate  voted  for  the  instant  discharge 
of  the  prisoner.  J     As  a  reward  for  the  zeal  which 

*  Vergerio  al  Gualt.  On.  Pratello;  di  Samadeno  in  Agnedina,  a' 
24  April.  1551 :  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  252. 
t  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  299. 
t  Ibid.  p.  299 — 301.    The  ambassador  was  afterwards  thanked  by 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  219 

they  had  displayed  against  the  doctrine  of  Luther, 
the  pope,  in  1559,  conferred  on  the  senate  of  Venice 
the  perpetual  right  of  electing  their  own  patriarch."^ 

In  spite  of  the  keen  search  made  for  them,  many 
Protestants  still  remained  in  the  city  of  Venice.     In 
the  year  1560,  they  sent  for  a  minister  to  form  them 
into  a  church,  and  had  the  Lord's  Supper  adminis- 
tered to  them  in  a  private  house.   But  soon  after  this, 
information  having  been  given  of  their  meetings  by  one 
of  those  spies  whom  the  court  of  Rome  kept  in  its  pay, 
all  who  failed  in  making  their  escape  were  commit- 
ted to  prison.   Numbers  fled  to  the  province  of  Istria; 
and  after  concealing  themselves  there  for  some  time, 
a  party  of  them,  amounting  to  twenty-three,  pur- 
chased a  vessel  to  carry  them  to  a  foreign  country. 
When  they  were  about   to  set  sail,   an    avaricious 
foreigner,  who  had  obtained  a  knowledge  of  their 
design,  preferred  a  claim  before  the  magistrates  of  the 
place   against  three  of  them  for  a   debt  which  he 
alleged  they  owed  him,  and  failing  in  his  object  of 
extorting  the  money,  accused  them  as  heretics  who 
fled  from  justice  ;  in  consequence  of  which  they  were 
arrested,  conveyed  to  Venice,  and  lodged  in  the  same 
prisons  with  their  brethren.!   Hitherto  the  senate  had 
not  visited  the  Protestants  with  capital  punishment; 
though  it  would  appear  that,  before  this  period,  the 
inquisitors  had,  in  some  instances,  prevailed  on  the 
local  magistrates  of  the  remoter  provinces  to  gratify 
them  to  that  extent. J     But  now  the  senators  yielded 
to  those  counsels  which  they  had  so  long  resisted ; 
and  acts  of  cruelty  commenced  which  continued  for 
years  to  disgrace  the  criminal  jurisdiction  of  the  re- 
public.    Drowning  was  the  mode  of  death  to  which 
they  doomed  the  Protestants,  either  because  it  was 
less  cruel  and  odious  than  committing  them  to  the 
flames,  or  because  it  accorded  with  the  customs  of 

several  of  the  senators,  who  admired  the  boldness  with  which  he, 
being  a  foreigner,  and  formerly  in  the  military  service  of  Venice, 
had  dared  to  state  what  would  have  cost  a  patrician  his  life. 

*  Puffendorf,  Introd.  p.  574. 

t  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  f.  630,  a  Geneve,  1597,  folio. 

I  Calvini  Epist.  p.  85 ;  Oper.  torn.  ix. 


220  HISTORY    or    THE 

Venice.  But  if  the  aiitos  de  fe  of  the  Queen  of  the 
Adriatic  were  less  barbarous  than  those  of  Spain,  the 
sohtude  and  silence  with  which  they  were  accom- 
panied were  calculated  to  excite  the  deepest  horror. 
At  the  dead  hour  of  midnight,  the  prisoner  was  taken 
from  his  cell,  and  put  into  a  gondola  or  Venetian  boat, 
attended  only,  beside  the  sailors,  by  a  single  priest, 
to  act  as  confessor.  He  was  rowed  out  into  the  sea, 
beyond  the  Two  Castles,  where  another  boat  was  in 
waiting.  A  plank  was  then  laid  across  the  two  gon- 
dolas, upon  which  the  prisoner,  having  his  body 
chained,  and  a  heavy  stone  affixed  to  his  feet,  was 
placed;  and,  on  a  signal  given,  the  gondolas  retiring 
from  one  another,  he  was  precipitated  into  the  deep.* 
The  first  person  who  appears  to  have  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom at  Venice,  was  Julio  Guirlauda,  a  native  of 
the  Trevisano.t  When  set  on  the  plank,  he  cheerfully 
bade  the  captain  farewell,  and  sank  into  the  deep 
calling  on  the  Lord  Jesus. J  Antonio  Ricetto,  of  Vi- 
cenza,  was  held  in  such  respect,  that,  subsequently  to 
his  conviction,  the  senators  offered  to  restore  him  not 
only  to  his  liberty,  but  also  to  the  whole  of  his  pro- 
perty, part  of  which  had  been  sold,  and  the  rest  pro- 
mised away,  provided  he  would  conform  to  the  Church 
of  Rome.  The  firmness  of  Ricetto  was  put  to  a  still 
severer  test;  his  son,  a  boy  of  twelve  years  of  age, 
having  been  admitted  into  the  prison,  fell  at  his  feet, 
and  supplicated  him,  in  the  most  melting  strains,  to 

*  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  f.  681.     De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  33. 

t  The  Socinian  historians,  formerly  quoted,  in  giving-  an  account 
of  the  suppression  of  their  colleges  at  Vicenza  in  1546,  say  that 
two  individuals  holding  their  sentiments,  "  Julius  Trevisanus  and 
Franciscus  de  Ruego,  were  strangled  at  Venice."  This  could  not 
have  happened  at  that  time;  for  it  is  a  well  authenticated  fact,  that 
none  were  capitally  punished  for  religion  at  Venice  before  the  year 
1560.  (Busdragi  Epist.  ut  supra,  p.  326.  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  f. 
680.)  I  have  little  doubt,  that  the  two  persons  referred  to  were 
Julio  Guirlauda  of  the  Trevisano,  and  Francesco  Sega  of  Kovigo, 
mentioned  in  the  text  as  drowned ;  and  the  Martyrology  represents 
them  as  of  the  common  Protestant  faith.  The  author  of  that  work, 
speaking  of  their  deatli,  uses  the  phrase,  "  persecutee  par  nouveaux 
Ebionites."     Did  the  Socinian  historians  xcd^d  pour  instead  of  par  7 

\  On  the  19th  October  1562.  He  was  in  his  fortieth  year.  (Hist, 
des  Martyrs,  f.  680.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  221 

accept  of  the  offers  made  him,  and  not  leave  his  child 
an  orphan.  The  keeper  of  the  prison  having  told 
him  one  day,  with  the  view  of  inducing  him  to  re- 
cant, that  one  of  his  companions  had  yielded,  he 
merely  replied,  "What  is  that  to  me?"  And  in  the 
gondola,  and  on  the  plank,  he  retained  his  firmness; 
praying  for  those  who  ignorantly  put  him  to  death, 
and  commending  his  soul  to  his  Saviour.*  Francesco 
Sega,  a  native  of  Rovigo,  composed  several  pious 
works  during  his  confinement,  for  the  comfort  of  his 
fellow-prisoners,  part  of  which  was  preserved  after 
his  death,  t  Francesco  Spinula,  a  native  of  the  Mi- 
lanese, heing  a  priest,  was  more  severely  questioned 
than  his  brethren.  He  was  thrice  brought  before  the 
judges,  and  on  one  of  these  occasions  the  papal  legate 
and  a  number  of  the  chief  clergy  attended.  In  their 
presence,  and  when  threatened  with  a  fiery  death,  he 
professed  openly  the  articles  of  the  Protestant  faith, 
and  bore  an  explicit  testimony  against  the  usurpations 
of  the  pope,  the  doctrine  of  purgatory,  and  the  invo- 
cation of  saints.  During  a  fit  of  sickness,  brought  on 
by  the  length  and  rigour  of  his  confinement,  some 
concessions  were  extorted  from  him,  but,  on  his  re- 
covery, he  instantly  retracted  them,  and  being  formally 
degraded  from  the  priesthood,  obtained  the  same 
watery  grave  with  his  brethren. |  But  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  those  who  suffered  death  at  Venice, 
was  the  venerable  Fra  Baldo  Lupetino.  The  follow- 
ing account  of  him  by  his  nephew,  in  a  book  now 
become  very  rare,  deserves  to  be  preserved  entire. 
"  The  reverend  Baldus  Lupetinus,  sprung  from  a  noble 
and  ancient  family,  was  a  learned  monk  and  provin- 
cial of  the  order  to  which  he  belonged.  After  having 
long  preached  the  word  of  God  in  both  the  vulgar 
languages,   (the  Italian  and   Sclavonian,)   in  many 

*  He  died  on  the  15th  of  February  1566.  (Ibid.) 

t  He  was  drowned  ten  days  after  Ricetto.  (Ibid.) 

t  He   suffered   on   the   31st  of  January,    1567.     (Ibid.    p.   681.) 

Gerdes  makes  Spinula,  the  martyr,  the  same  individual  wlio  composed 

the  Latin  poetical  version  of  the   Psalms,  which  has  been   several 

times  printed  along  with  that  of  Flaminio.    (Spec.  Italiae  Ref  p.  336.) 


222  HISTORY    OF    THE 

cities,  and  defended  it  by  public  disputation  in  several 
places  of  celebrity  with  great  applause,  was  at  last 
thrown  into  close  prison  at  Venice,  by  the  inquisitor 
and  papal  legate.  In  this  condition  he  continued, 
during  nearly  twenty  years,  to  bear  an  undaunted 
testimony  to  the  gospel  of  Christ;  so  that  his  bonds 
and  doctrine  were  made  known,  not  only  to  that  city, 
but  to  the  whole  of  Italy,  and  even  to  Europe  at 
large,  by  which  means  evangelical  truth  was  more 
widely  spread.  Two  things  among  many  others,  may 
be  mentioned  as  marks  of  the  singular  providence  of 
God  towards  this  person  during  his  imprisonment. 
In  the  first  place,  the  princes  of  Germany  often  inter- 
ceded for  his  liberation,  but  without  success.  And, 
secondly,  on  the  other  hand,  the  papal  legate,  the 
inquisitor,  and  even  the  pope  himself,  laboured  with 
all  their  might,  and  by  repeated  applications,  to  have 
him,  from  the  very  first,  committed  to  the  flames,  as 
a  noted  heresiarch.  This  was  refused  by  the  doge  and 
senate,  who,  when  he  was  at  last  condemned,  freed 
him  from  the  punishment  of  the  fire  by  an  express 
decree.  It  was  the  will  of  God  that  he  should  bear 
his  testimony  to  the  truth  for  so  long  a  time ;  and  that, 
like  a  person  affixed  to  a  cross,  he  should,  as  from  an 
eminence,  proclaim  to  all  the  world  the  restoration  of 
Christianity,  and  the  revelation  of  antichrist.  At 
last,  this  pious  and  excellent  man,  whom  neither 
threatenings  nor  promises  could  move,  sealed  his  doc- 
trine by  an  undaunted  martyrdom,  and  exchanged 
the  filth  and  protracted  tortures  of  a  prison  for  a 
watery  grave."* 

We  have  good  reason  to  think  that  many  others, 
whose  names  have  not  come  down  to  us,  suffered  the 
same  death  at  Venice,t  beside  those  who  perished  by 

*  Matth.  Flacius,  De  Sectis,  Dissensionibus,  &c.  Scriptorum  Pon- 
tificiorum;  Proefat.  ad  Ducem  et  Senat.  Veiiet.  p.  43.  Conf.  Verge- 
rio,  Lettere  al  Mons.  Delfino,  Vescovo  de  Lesina :  De  Porta,  torn.  ii. 
p.  33. 

t  "  Veneti  in  sua  ditione  persecutionem  satis  gravem  Christo  faciunt 
Bergomi,  Brixiae,  Verona?,  Patavii.  Omnia  bona  Ulixi  comitis 
(nempe  Martinengi)  ad  fiscurn  redacta  sunt  Brixise.    Comes  Ulys- 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  223 

diseases  contracted  during  a  tedious  and  unwholesome 
imprisonment.  Among  tlie  latter  was  Jeronimo  Ga- 
lateo,  who  evinced  his  constancy  in  the  faith  by  en- 
during a  rigorous  confinement  of  ten  years.*  It  may 
naturally  be  supposed  that  these  violent  measures 
would  dissipate  the  Protestants  in  Venice ;  and  yet  we 
learn  that  they  had  secret  meetings  for  worship  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  distinct  from  those  which  the 
ambassadors  of  Protestant  states  were  permitted  to 
hold.t 

Every  where  throughout  Italy,  during  the  period 
under  consideration,  those  suspected  of  favouring  the 
new  opinions  were  sought  out  with  equal  keenness, 
and  treated  with  at  least  equal  cruelty,  as  in  the  Vene- 
tian territories.  As  the  archives  of  the  inquisition  are 
locked  up,  we  are  left  in  general  to  judge  of  its  pro- 
ceedings in  the  interior  states,  whose  political  or  com- 
mercial relations  with  Protestant  countries  were  slen- 
der, from  collateral  circumstances  and  incidental  no- 
tices. From  the  number  of  those  who  escaped,  we 
may  form  some  idea  of  the  still  greater  number  which 
must  have  been  caught  in  the  fangs  of  that  vigilant 
and  insatiable  tribunal ;  and  there  was  not  a  city  of 
any  note  in  Italy  from  which  there  were  not  refugees 
in  some  part  of  Protestant  Europe.  The  execution 
done  by  the  inquisition  at  Cremona  may  be  conjec- 
tured from  the  notice  bestowed  on  it  by  the  popish 
historians,  who  often  refer  with  peculiar  satisfaction, 

ses  mihi  tuas  legit."  (Aug-.  Maynardus  ad  Fabritium,  7  Mart.  1563: 
De  Porta,  ii.  459.)  "  Veneti,  caeterique  Italiae  Principes  saevam  ad- 
versus  pios  persecutionem  prosequuntur."  (Ulysses  Martinengus, 
Comes  k  Barcho,  ad  Bullingerum,  idib.  Decembr.  1563 ;  Ibid.  p.  486.) 

*  Eusebius  Captivus,  per  Hieronymum  Mariuni,  p.  249,  Basil. 
1553.     Curionis  Pasquillus  Ecstaticus,  p.  34. 

t  Jacobi  Grynaei  Epistola  ad  Hippolytum  a  Collibus  1609  scripta; 
in  Monument.  Pietatis,  torn.  ii.  p.  157.  Franc,  ad  Mcen.  1701.  Conf. 
Gerdes.  Ital.  Ref.  p.  93.  Scaliger  says,  that  Mons.  Dolot  (C.  de  Har- 
lay,  brother  to  the  first  president  of  Paris)  told  him  that  he  had  car- 
ried the  writings  of  Calvin  to  the  lords  of  Venice,  and  that  there 
were  many  persons  there  who  were  previously  acquainted  with  the 
Protestant  doctrine  and  books.  (Secunda  Scaligerana,  art.  Dolot.) 
See  also  the  letters  of  Diodati  to  Scaliger.  Epistres  Francoises  a 
M.  de  la  Scala,  p.  68,  235—237.) 


224  HISTORY    OF    THE 

to  the  superior  strictness  of  its  regulations  and  celerity 
of  its  movements.*  At  Faenza,  a  nobleman,  revered 
for  his  high  birth  and  distinguished  virtues,  fell  under 
the  suspicion  of  the  inquisitors  of  that  city  as  a  Lu- 
theran. After  being  long  detained  in  a  foul  prison, 
he  was  put  to  the  torture.  Not  being  able  to  extort 
from  him  what  they  wished,  the  inquisitors  ordered 
the  infernal  operation  to  be  repeated,  and  the  vic- 
tim expired  among  their  hands.  The  report  of  this 
barbarous  deed  spreading  through  the  city  created  a 
tumult,  in  which  the  house  of  the  inquisition  was 
attacked,  its  altars  and  images  torn  down,  and  some 
of  the  priests  trodden  to  death  by  the  incensed  mul- 
titude.! The  persecution  was  also  severe  in  the  duchy 
of  Parma ;  the  duke  having  entered  into  a  treaty  with 
that  violent  pontiff,  Paul  IV.,  by  which  he  delivered 
up  the  properties  and  lives  of  his  innocent  subjects 
to  the  mercy  of  the  inquisition.:}: 

The  flourishing  church  at  Locarno  was  a  great  eye- 
sore to  the  popes,  distant  as  it  was  from  Rome.  In 
the  measures  taken  for  its  suppression  it  was  neces- 
sary to  proceed  with  caution,  as  it  included  persons 
of  wealth  and  respectability,  and  as  the  sovereignty 
of  the  place  belonged  to  the  Swiss  cantons,  some  of 
which  were  Protestant,  and  all  of  them  jealous  of 
their  authority.  From  the  year  1549,  when  the  dis- 
putation formerly  mentioned  took  place,  every  means 
was  taken  to  excite  odium  against  the  Protestants  in 
the  minds  of  their  fellow-citizens,  and  to  involve  them 
in  a  quarrel  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighbouring 
districts  and  with  the  government  of  Milan.  Beccaria, 
their  most  zealous  advocate,  though  dismissed  from 
prison,  was  exposed  to  such  personal  danger,  that  he 
deemed  it  prudent,  by  the  advice  of  his  friends^  to 
banish  himself  and  retire  to  Chiavenna.§  Next  to 
him,  the  individual  most  obnoxiouS)  from  his  talents 

*  Limborch's  History  of  the  Inquisition,  part,  ii,  passim. 
+  Egrlinus  ad  Bullingerum,  29  Mart.  1568:  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p. 
487,  488. 

t  Fridericus  Saliceus  ad  Bullingerum,  10  Jan.  1558:  Ibid.  p.  295. 
§  Muralti  Oratio,  in  Tempe  Helvetica,  torn,  iv.  p.  165. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  225 

and  activity,  was  Taddeo  de  Diinis.  His  fame  as  a 
physician  having  made  his  advice  to  be  sought  for 
throughout  the  adjacent  country,  he  found  it  necessary 
to  remove  to  a  more  central  place  within  the  Milanese. 
No  sooner  was  it  known  that  he  was  without  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Swiss  confederacy,  than  his  old  antago- 
nist, the  priest  of  Lugano,  gave  information  against 
him,  as  a  ringleader  of  the  heretics,  to  the  inquisitor 
at  Milan,  who  sent  a  party  to  intercept  and  seize  him 
on  one  of  his  professional  journeys.  Being  warned 
of  his  danger,  he  secured  himself  by  retreating  hastily 
to  the  mountains.  Trusting,  however,  to  his  inno- 
cence, or  to  the  powerful  interest  of  the  families 
which  he  attended,  he  afterwards  appeared  volunta- 
rily before  the  inquisitor,  and  was  so  fortunate  as  to 
be  dismissed,  on  condition  of  his  quitting  the  Milanese, 
and  confining  his  medical  aid  for  the  future  to  the  in- 
habitants of  his  native  district.* 

During  four  years  the  Protestants  at  Locarno  were 
subjected  to  every  species  of  indignity  short  of  open 
violence.  They  had  for  some  time  desisted  from  em- 
ploying the  priests  to  confess  their  sick,  and  from 
burying  their  dead  after  the  popish  manner,  with 
torches  and  the  cross;  and  they  had  their  children 
baptized  by  ministers  whom  they  brought  for  that 
purpose  from  Chiavenna,  when  they  had  no  pastor  of 
their  own.  The  increase  of  the  Protestants  lessened 
in  this  way  the  gains  of  the  mercenary  priesthood, 
who  endeavoured  to  move  heaven  and  earth  against 
the  innovators,  as  at  once  sacrilegious  and  unnatural. 
They  circulated  the  base  report  that  the  Protestants 
were  guilty  of  the  most  licentious  practices  in  their 
secret  meetings ;  and  such  calumnious  rumours,  while 
they  met  with  easy  credit  from  the  ignorant  and  su- 
perstitious multitude,  were  encouraged  by  others  who 
were  too  enlightened  not  to  know  their  falsehood.  In 
the  mean  time,  a  deep  plot  was  laid  by  one  Walther, 
a  native  of  the  popish  canton  of  Uri,  who  was  at 
that  time  town-clerk  of  Locarno,  and  who,  some  years 
after,  was  banished  for  holding  a  treasonable  corres- 

*  Ibid.  p.  149. 


226  HISTORY    OF    THE 

pondence  with  the  duke  of  Alva,  governor  of  Milan. 
He  forged  a  deed,  purporting  that  the  senators,  citi- 
zens, and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  and  bailiwick 
of  Locarno,  bound  themselves  by  oath,  to  the  seven 
popish  cantons,  that  they  would  adhere  to  the  pope 
and  the  Roman  religion  until  the  meeting  of  a  general 
council.  This  paper  he  dated  several  years  back,  and 
sent  it  as  a  genuine  deed  to  an  assembly  of  the  seven 
cantons,  held  in  March  1554,  who,  without  making 
any  inquiries,  immediately  passed  a  decree,  that  all 
the  Locarnese  should,  agreeably  to  their  bond,  make 
confession  to  the  priests  during  the  ensuing  Lent,  that 
they  should  give  their  names  to  the  superior  of  the 
church,  and  that  the  rites  of  sepulture  should  be 
denied  to  those  who  had  not  received  mass  on  their 
death-bed.*  The  promulgation  of  this  decree  at  Lo- 
carno came  on  the  Protestants  as  a  thunder-bolt. 
They  instantly  despatched  a  commissioner  to  the  Pro- 
testant cantons,  with  instructions  to  represent  the  utter 
falsehood  of  the  allegation  on  which  the  decree  pro- 
ceeded, and  to  entreat  them,  as  their  joint  temporal 
superiors,  and  as  professors  of  the  same  faith,  to  exert 
their  influence  to  avert  the  ruin  which  threatened  two 
hundred  heads  of  families,  who  had  never  swerved 
from  their  allegiance,  and  against  whom  no  occasion 
or  fault  had  been  found,  except  concerning  the  law  of 
their  God.  In  consequence  of  this  representation,  the 
deputies  of  the  Protestant  cantons  assembled  at  Arau, 
and  wrote  to  those  of  the  popish  persuasion,  desiring 
them  not  to  proceed  further  in  the  affair  of  Locarno 
until  the  meeting  of  the  next  diet  of  the  confederacy, 
nor  to  take  any  step  which  would  infringe  the  rights 
of  the  Protestant  cantons  in  that  territory.  To  defeat 
this  interposition,  the  enemies  of  the  persecuted  Lo- 
carnese industriously  circulated  through  Switzerland 
that  they  were  not  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the 
Protestant  cantons,  inasmuch  as  they  were  infected 
with  Servetianism,  anabaptism,  and  other  fanatical 
opinions.!     Being  informed  of  this  by  their  commis- 

*  March  10,  1554.     Muralti  Oratio,  p.  150—152. 

+  This  report  has  misled  a  modern  Swiss  historian,  who,  speaking  of 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  227 

sioner,  they  transmitted  to  Zurich  a  confession  of  their 
faith,  in  which  they  avowed  tlieir  agreement  with  the 
Reformed  churches  concerning  the  trinity,  the  incar- 
nation and  mediatory  work  of  Christ,  justification, 
and  the  sacraments;  which  had  the  effect  of  silencing 
this  unfounded  cahimny.  Two  general  diets  were 
held  in  the  end  of  the  year  1554,  for  discussing  this 
subject.  The  fictitious  bond  was  unanimously  set 
aside;  but  when  they  came  to  the  main  point,  the 
enemies  of  the  reformed  at  Locarno  insisted  that  it 
should  be  decided  by  the  majority  of  votes  in  the  diet, 
contrary  to  the  rule  usually  observed  in  questions  re- 
lating to  religion.  Riverda,  bishop  of  Terracino,  who 
had  been  sent  as  papal  nuncio  to  the  diet,  stimulated 
the  popish  deputies  to  violent  measures,  while  those 
of  the  Protestant  cantons  were  influenced,  partly  by 
jealousy  of  one  another,  and  partly  by  dread  of  inter- 
rupting the  peace  of  the  confederacy.  The  matter 
was  referred  at  last  to  arbiters  chosen  from  the  two 
mixed  cantons,  who  gave  it  as  their  judgment,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Locarno,  who  were  free  from  crime, 
should  either  embrace  the  Roman  Catholic  religion, 
or  leave  their  native  country,  taking  with  them  their 
families  and  property;  that  they  should  not  return 
thither,  nor  be  permitted  to  settle  in  the  territories  of 
the  seven  catholic  cantons ;  that  those  chargeable  with 
reproaching  the  Virgin  Mary,  with  anabaptism,  or 
other  opinions  contrary  to  both  confessions,  should  be 
punished;  that  this  sentence  should  be  intimated  to 
the  prefect  of  Locarno,  and  that  it  should  be  carried 
into  efl'ect  by  deputies  sent  by  the  seven  catholic 
cantons,  provided  those  of  the  four  Protestant  ones 
refused  to  take  part  in  the  affair,  or  absented  them- 
selves.    Against  this  decision  the  deputies  of  Zurich 

Locarno,  says — "Lelius  et  Faustus  Socin  avoient  repandu  dans  cette 
contree  une  doctrine  beaucoup  plus  libra  encore  que  celle  de  Zwingli 
et  de  Calvin.  Mais  ils  furent  chasses,  et  leurs  adherens  punis  par 
I'exil  ou  par  la  mort.  Apres  eux,  Beccaria  devint  a  Locarno,"  &,c. 
(Histoire  de  la  Nation  Suisse,  par  Hen.  Zschokke,  trad,  par  Ch.  Mon- 
nard,  p.  207.)  Faustus  Socinus  was  only  born  in  1539  ;  and  there  is 
not  the  least  evidence  that  his  uncle  Lelius  ever  saw  Locarno. 


228  HISTORY  or  the 

protested,  declaring  that,  though  they  were  resolved 
to  abide  by  the  league,  and  not  to  excite  any  commo- 
tion, they  could  not  agree  to  have  this  sentence  inti- 
mated in  their  name,  and  still  less  to  take  any  share 
in  carrying  it  into  execution.  This  protest  was  after- 
wards formally  approved  of  by  their  constituents. 
It  was  no  small  part  of  the  indignity  offered  to  the 
Protestants  by  this  decree,  that  Locarno  was  that  year 
under  the  government  of  Isaiah  Reuchlin,  the  prefect 
appointed  by  the  canton  of  Zurich.  This  excellent 
man,  who  had  already  experienced  repeated  vexa- 
tions, in  the  discharge  of  his  office,  from  the  violence 
of  the  Roman  catholics,  was  thrown  into  great  per- 
plexity by  the  intelligence  of  what  was  concluded  at 
the  diet;  from  which,  however,  he  was  relieved,  by 
instructions  from  home  to  regulate  his  conduct  by  the 
protest  taken  by  the  deputies  of  his  native  city.* 

So  bent  were  the  popish  cantons  on  the  execution 
of  their  edict,  and  so  much  were  they  afraid  lest  any 
thing  should  intervene  to  prevent  it,  that  they  ordered 
their  deputies  to  cross  the  Alps  in  the  depth  of  winter. 
On  their  arrival  at  Locarno,  the  latter  assembled  the 
inhabitants,  and,  in  a  threatening  harangue,  told  them, 
that,  as  they  had,  by  their  rebellious  and  perverse  in- 
novations in  religion,  disturbed  the  peace  and  nearly 
broken  the  union  of  the  Helvetic  body,  they  might  just- 
ly have  been  visited  with  exemplary  punishment,  but 
that  the  diet,  graciously  overlooking  their  past  faults, 
had  ordained  a  law  by  which  their  future  conduct 
should  be  imperiously  regulated.  The  decree  having 
been  read,  the  municipal  authorities  immediately  rati- 
fied it  by  their  subscriptions:  the  inhabitants,  being 
divided  in  sentiment,  were  allowed  till  next  day  to 
give  in  their  answer.  On  the  following  morning  such 
as  were  resolved  to  adhere  to  the  popish  religion  ap- 
peared before  the  deputies,  and  begging  forgiveness 
for  any  thing  in  their  past  conduct  which  might  have 
been  offensive,  promised  an  entire  obedience  and  con- 
formity to  the  laws  for  the  future.  In  the  afternoon, 
the  Protestants,  drawn  up  in  regular  order,  two  men, 

*  Muralti  Oratio,  p.  152—160. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  229 

followed  by  their  wives,  walking  abreast,  the  women 
carrying  their  infants  in  their  arms,  the  men  leading 
their  children,  and  those  who  were  most  respectable 
for  their  rank  taking  the  lead,  proceeded  to  the  coun- 
cil room,  where  they  were  received  by  the  deputies 
with  marks  of  indecent  levity,  instead  of  that  respect 
and  sympathy  to  which  their  appearance  and  pros- 
pects entitled  them.  One  of  their  number  addressed 
the  deputies  in  the  name  of  his  brethren.  Being 
heavily  accused  of  embracing  novelties  and  danger- 
ous opinions,  they  begged  leave,  he  said,  humbly  to 
declare  that  they  professed  that  faith  which  was  pre- 
figured under  the  Old  Testament,  and  more  clearly 
revealed  by  Christ  and  his  apostles:  after  searching 
the  Scriptures,  and  comparing  the  Latin  and  Italian 
translations,  with  prayer  for  divine  illumination,  they 
had  embraced  that  doctrine  which  was  summarily 
comprehended  in  the  apostles'  creed,  and  rejected  all 
human  traditions  contrary  to  the  word  of  God :  they 
disclaimed  Novatianism  and  all  novel  opinions,  and 
held  in  abhorrence  every  thing  that  favoured  licen- 
tiousness of  manners,  as  they  had  often  protested  to 
the  seven  popish  and  four  Protestant  cantons :  com- 
mitting themselves  to  Providence,  they  were  prepared 
to  suffer  any  thing  rather  than  foment  strife,  or  be  the 
occasion  of  war  in  the  confederation :  they  had  always 
preserved  their  allegiance  to  the  confederate  cantons 
inviolate,  and  were  willing  to  spend  their  blood  and 
treasure  in  their  defence:  they  threw  themselves  on 
the  generosity  and  mercy  of  the  lords  of  the  seven 
cantons,  and  supplicated  them,  in  the  bowels  of  Jesus 
Christ,  to  take  pity  on  such  a  number  of  persons,  in- 
cluding delicate  females  and  helpless  infants,  who,  if 
driven  from  their  native  country,  must  be  reduced  to 
the  greatest  distress:  but  whatever  resolution  might 
be  come  to  respecting  this  request,  they  entreated  that 
a  rigorous  investigation  should  be  made  into  the 
crimes,  affecting  their  honour  and  the  credit  of  their 
religion,  with  which  they  had  been  charged;  and  that 
if  any  of  them  were  found  guilty,  they  should  be 
punished,  according  to  their  demerit,  with  the  utmost 


230  HISTORY    OF    THE 

severity.  With  hearts  as  rigid  and  haughty  as  the 
Alps  which  they  had  lately  passed,  the  deputies  re- 
plied to  this  touching  and  magnanimous  appeal — "We 
are  not  come  here  to  listen  to  your  faith.  The  lords 
of  the  seven  cantons  have,  by  the  deed  now  made 
known  to  you,  declared  what  their  religion  is,  and 
they  will  not  suffer  it  to  be  called  in  question  or  dis- 
puted.* Say,  in  one  word,  are  you  ready  to  quit 
your  faith,  or  are  you  not  ?"  To  this  the  Protestants 
with  one  voice  replied — "  We  will  live  in  it,  we  will 
die  in  it;"  while  the  exclamations — "we  will  never 
renounce  it" — "  it  is  the  only  true  faith" — "  it  is  the 
only  holy  faith" — "  it  is  the  only  saving  faith," — con- 
tinued for  a  considerable  time  to  resound  from  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  assembly,  like  the  murmurs  which 
succeed  the  principal  peal  in  a  thunder  storm.  Before 
leaving  the  room,  they  were  required  individually  to 
give  their  names  to  the  clerk,  when  two  hundred  per- 
sons immediately  came  forward  with  the  greatest 
alacrity  and  with  mutual  congratulations.! 

Perceiving  that  they  could  look  for  no  favour  from 
the  deputies,  who  sternly  refused  them  permission  to 
remain  till  the  rigour  of  winter  was  over,  the  Protes- 
tants made  preparations  for  their  departure,  and  sent 
Taddeo  de  Dunis  before  them  to  request  an  asylum 
from  the  magistrates  of  Zurich.  But  they  had  still 
to  suffer  greater  trials.  Riverda,  the  papal  nuncio, 
following  up  his  success  at  the  diet  in  Switzerland, 
made  his  appearance  at  Locarno.  Having  obtained 
an  audience  of  the  deputies,  and  thanked  them  in  the 
pope's  name  for  the  care  they  had  testified  for  the 
catholic  faith,  he  requested,  first,  that  they  should 
require  the  Grison  league  to  deliver  up  the  fugitive 
preacher  Beccaria,  that  he  might  be  punished  for  the 
daring  crime  which  he  had  committed  in  corrupting 
the  faith  of  his  countrymen;  and,  secondly,  that  they 
would  not  permit  the  Locarnese  emigrants  to  carry 
along  with  them  their  property  and  children;  but  that 
the  former  should  be  forfeited,  and  the  latter  retained 

*  "  Das  wollen  sie  unarguieret  und  ungedisputieret  haben." 
t  Muralti  Oratio,  p.  160—164. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  231 

and  brought  up  in  the  faith  of  the  church  of  Rome. 
The  deputies  readily  acceded  to  the  first  of  these  re- 
quests, but  excused  themselves  from  complying  with 
the  second,  with  which  their  instructions  did  not  war- 
rant them  to  interfere.  They  begged  the  nuncio,  how- 
ever, to  grant  power  to  the  priests  of  Locarno  to  re- 
ceive such  of  the  Protestants  as  might  be  induced  to 
return  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church.     This  Riverda 
not  only  granted,  but  also  offered  his  own  services, 
along  with  those  of  two  Dominican  doctors  of  theol- 
ogy, whom  he  had  brought  along  with  him,  to  con- 
vince the  deluded  heretics.     But  though  he  harassed 
the   Protestants,  by  obliging  them   to  listen  to  ha- 
rangues delivered  by  the  monks  and  to  wait  on  con- 
ferences with  himself,  he  did  not  succeed  in  making  a 
single  convert.    Having  heard  of  three  ladies  of  great 
respectability,  Catarina  Rosalina,  Lucia  di  Orello,  and 
Barbara  di  Montalto,  who  were  zealous  Protestants, 
the  nuncio  felt  a  strong  inclination  to  enter  the  lists  of 
controversy  with  them;  but  they  parried  his  attacks 
with  so  much  dexterity,  and  exposed  the  idolatry  and 
abuses  of  the  Romish  church  with  such  boldness  and 
severity,  as  at  once  to  mortify  and  irritate  his  emi- 
nence.    Barbara  di  Montalto,  the  wife  of  the  first 
physician  of  the  place,  having  incurred  his  greatest 
resentment,  he  prevailed  on  the  deputies  to  issue  an 
order  to  apprehend  her  for  blasphemies  which  she 
had  uttered  against  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass.     Her 
husband's  house,  which  had  been  constructed  as  a 
place  of  defence  during  the  violent  feuds  between  the 
Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  was  built  on  the  Lake  Mag- 
giore,  and  had  a  concealed  door,  requiring  the  strength 
of  six  men  to  move  it,  which  opened  upon  the  water, 
where  a  boat  was  kept  in  waiting  to  carry  off  the 
inmates  upon  any  sudden  alarm.     This  door  he  had 
caused  his  servants  to  open  that  night  in  consequence 
of  an  alarming  dream,  which  led  him  to  apprehend 
danger,  not  to  his  wife  indeed,  but  to  himself     Early 
next  morning  the  officers  of  justice  entered  the  house, 
and  bursting  into  the  apartment  where  the  lady  was 
in  the  act  of  dressing  herself,  presented  a  warrant 


232  HISTORY    OF    THE 

from  the  deputies  to  convey  her  to  prison.  Rising  up 
with  great  presence  of  mind,  she  hegged  them,  with 
an  air  of  feminine  delicacy,  to  permit  her  to  retire  to 
an  adjoining  apartment,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  on 
some  article  of  apparel.  This  being  granted,  she  de- 
scended the  stairs,  and,  leaping  into  the  boat,  was 
rowed  off  in  safety,  before  the  eyes  of  her  enemies, 
who  were  assembled  in  the  court-room  to  receive  her. 
Provoked  at  this  disappointment,  the  nuncio  and 
deputies  wreaked  their  vengeance  upon  the  husband 
of  the  lady,  whom  they  stripped  of  his  property.  Not 
satisfied  with  this,  they  amerced  in  a  large  sum  two 
members  of  the  reformed  church  who  had  refused  to 
have  their  children  baptized  after  the  popish  forms. 
But  the  severest  punishment  fell  on  a  poor  tradesman, 
named  Nicolas.  He  had  been  informed  against,  some 
time  before,  for  using,  in  a  conversation  with  some  of 
his  neighbours,  certain  expressions  derogatory  to  the 
Virgin  Mary,  who  had  a  celebrated  chapel  in  the 
vicinity,  called  Madonna  del  Sasso ;  and  the  prefect 
Reuchlin,  with  the  view  of  silencing  the  clamours  of 
the  priests,  had  punished  his  imprudence  by  condemn- 
ing him  to  an  imprisonment  of  sixteen  weeks.  The 
poor  man  was  now  brought  a  second  time  to  trial  for 
that  offence,  and,  after  being  put  to  the  torture,  had 
sentence  of  death  passed  upon  him,  which  was  unre- 
lentingly executed  by  order  of  the  deputies,  notwith- 
standing the  intercession  of  the  Roman  catholic  citi- 
zens in  his  behalf.* 

The  Protestants  had  fixed  on  the  3d  of  March  1555, 
for  setting  out  on  their  journey;  and  so  bitter  had 
their  life  been  for  some  time,  that,  attached  as  they 
were  to  their  native  place,  they  looked  forward  to  the 
day  of  their  departure  with  joy.  But  before  it  arrived, 
the  government  of  Milan,  yielding  to  the  instigations 
of  the  priesthood,  published  an  edict,  prohibiting  the 
Locarnese  exiles  from  remaining  above  three  days 
within  the  Milanese  territory,  under  the  pain  of  death; 
and  imposing  a  fine  on  those  who  should  afford  them 
any  assistance,  or  enter  into  conversation  with  them, 

*  Muralti  Oratio,  p.  157,  164—170. 


REFORMATION    IN   ITALY.  233 

especially  on  any  matter  connected  with  religion. 
Being  thus  precluded  from  taking  the  road  which  led 
to  the  easiest  passage  across  the  Alps,  they  sot  out 
early  on  the  morning  of  the  day  fixed,  and,  after  sail- 
ing to  the  northern  point  of  the  Lake  Maggiore, 
passed  the  Helvetian  balliages,  by  the  way  of  Bellin- 
zone,  and  reached  Rogoreto,  a  town  subject  to  the 
Grison  league.  Here  the  Alps,  covered  with  snow 
and  ice,  presented  an  impassable  barrier,  and  obliged 
them  to  take  up  their  winter  quarters,  amidst  the  in- 
conveniences necessarily  attending  the  residence  of 
such  a  number  of  persons  among  strangers.  After 
two  months,  the  thaw  having  opened  a  passage  for 
them,  they  proceeded  to  the  Grisons,  where  they  were 
welcomed  by  their  brethren  of  the  same  faith.  Being 
offered  a  permanent  residence,  with  admission  to  the 
privileges  of  citizenship,  nearly  the  half  of  their  num- 
ber took  up  their  abode  in  that  country;  the  remain- 
der, amounting  to  a  hundred  and  fourteen  persons, 
went  forward  to  Zurich,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
came  out  to  meet  them  at  their  approach,  and,  by  the 
kind  and  fraternal  reception  which  they  gave  them, 
consoled  and  revived  the  hearts  of  the  sad  and  Aveary 
exiles.* 

In  the  meantime,  the  city  of  Locarno  rejoiced  at 
the  expulsion  of  the  Reformed,  as  if  it  had  been  the 
removal  of  a  plague  ;  but  this  exultation  was  of  short 
continuance.  The  most  industrious  part  of  the  com- 
munity being  expelled,  the  trade  of  the  place  began 
to  languish.  As  if  visibly  to  punish  the  cruelty  with 
which  they  had  treated  their  brethren,  their  lands 
were  laid  waste  during  the  succeeding  year  by  a  tem- 
pest, while  the  pestilence  raged  with  still  more  destruc- 
tive violence  among  the  inhabitants.  To  these  cala- 
mities were  added  intestine  animosities  and  dissen- 
sions.    The  two  powerful  families  of  the  Buchiachi 

»  Muralti  Oratio,  p.  171,  172.  Sleidan,  torn.  iii.  lib.  xxvi.  p.  506. 
Schelhorn  makes  the  number  of  those  who  reached  Zurich  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-three.  (Ergoctzlichkeiten,  tom.  iii.  p.  1162.)  A  few 
persons,  attached  to  the  Reformed  doctrine,  still  remained  at  Locar- 
no.    (De  Porta,  tom.  ii.  p.  346.) 

16 


234  HISTORY    OF    THE 

and  Rinaldi,  who  had  been  leagued  against  the  Pro- 
testants, now  became  competitors  for  the  superiority 
of  the  neighbouring  village  of  Brisago,  vacant  by  the 
expulsion  of  the  Orelh;  and,  in  support  of  their  claims, 
they  raised  bands  of  armed  men,  attacked  each  other, 
and  committed  depredations  on  the  peaceable  inhabi- 
tants; in  consequence  of  which,  the  Swiss  govern- 
ment was  obliged  to  maintain  a  garrison  at  great 
expense  in  Locarno.* 

Hard  as  was  the  fate  of  the  Locarnese  Protestants, 
it  was  mild  compared  with  that  of  their  brethren  in 
the  interior  of  Italy,  who  had  no  friendly  power  to 
save  them  from  the  vengeance  of  Rome,  and  no  asy- 
lum at  hand  to  which  they  could  flee,  when  refused 
the  protection  of  their  own  governments.  To  retire 
in  a  body  was  impossible ;  they  were  obliged  to  fly 
singly ;  and  when  they  ventured  to  return  for  the  pur- 
pose of  carrying  away  their  families  or  recovering 
the  wreck  of  their  fortunes,  they  were  often  seized 
by  the  familiars  of  the  inquisition,  and  lodged  in  the 
same  prisons  with  their  brethren  whom  they  had  left 
behind  them.  While  the  profession  of  the  truth  ex- 
posed persons  to  such  hardships  and  perils,  we  need 
not  wonder  that  many  were  induced  to  recant,  while 
still  greater  numbers,  with  the  view  of  avoiding  or 
allaying  suspicion,  gave  external  countenance  to  a 
worship  which  they  inwardly  detested  as  superstitious 
and  idolatrous.  This  was  the  case  at  Lucca.  Averse 
to  quit  their  native  country,  and  to  relinquish  their 
honours  and  possessions,  trusting  in  their  numbers 
and  influence,  and  deceived  by  the  connivance  of  the 
court  of  Rome  at  their  private  meetings  for  a  course 
of  years,  the  Protestants  in  that  republic  became  se- 
cure, and  began  to  boast  of  their  superior  courage  in 
maintaining  their  ground,  while  many  of  their  brethren 
had  timidly  deserted  it,  and  sufl'ered  the  banner  of 
truth,  which  had  been  displayed  in  different  quarters 

*  Muralti  Oratio,  p.  174,  175.  Another  account  of  the  persecution 
of  the  Locarnese,  besides  that  of  Muralto,  is  given  in  a  letter  from 
Simon  Sultzer,  minister  at  Basle,  to  J.  Marbach.  (Fechtius,  Epist. 
Marbach,  p.  46,  &c.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  235 

of  Italy,  to  fall  to  the  ground.  But  this  pleasing 
dream  was  soon  to  be  dissipated.  Scarcely  had  Paul 
IV.  mounted  the  papal  throne,  when  orders  were 
issued  for  the  suppression  of  the  Lucchese  conventicle; 
according  to  a  preconcerted  plan,  its  principal  mem- 
bers were  in  one  day  thrown  into  the  dungeons  of  the 
inquisition;  and,  at  the  sight  of  the  instruments  of 
torture,  the  stoutest  of  them  lost  their  courage,  and 
were  fain  to  make  their  peace  with  Rome  on  the 
easiest  terms  which  they  could  purchase.  Martyr, 
whose  apology  for  his  flight  they  had  with  difficulty 
sustained,  and  whose  example  they  had  refused  to 
follow  when  it  was  in  their  power,  felt  deeply  afflict- 
ed at  the  dissipation  of  a  church  in  which  he  took  a 
tender  interest,  and  at  the  sudden  defection  of  so 
many  persons  in  whose  praises  he  had  often  been  so 
warm.  In  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  them  on 
this  occasion,  he  says — "How  can  I  refrain  from 
lamentations,  when  I  think  that  such  a  pleasant  gar- 
den as  the  Reformed  Church  at  Lucca  presented  to 
the  view,  has  been  so  completely  laid  waste  by  the 
cruel  tempest,  as  scarcely  to  retain  a  vestige  of  its  for- 
mer cultivation.  Those  who  did  not  know  you,  might 
have  entertained  fears  that  you  would  not  be  able  to 
resist  the  storm ;  it  never  could  have  entered  into  my 
mind  that  you  would  fall  so  foully.  After  the  know- 
ledge you  had  of  the  fury  of  antichrist,  and  of  the 
danger  which  hung  over  your  heads,  when  you  did 
not  choose  to  retire,  by  availing  yourselves  of  what 
some  call  the  common  remedy  of  the  weak,  but  which, 
in  certain  circumstances,  I  deem  a  wise  precaution, 
your  friends  were  disposed  to  say,  ^  These  tried  and 
brave  soldiers  of  Christ,  will  not  fly,  because  they  are 
determined,  by  their  martyrdom  and  blood,  to  open  a 
way  for  the  progress  of  the  gospel  in  their  native 
country,  emulating  the  noble  examples  which  are 
given  every  day  by  their  brethren  in  France,  Belgium, 
and  England.'  Ah,  how  much  have  these  hopes  been 
disappointed!  What  matter  of  boasting  has  been 
given  to  our  antichristian  oppressors !     But  this  con- 


236  HISTORY    OP    THE 

founding  catastrophe  is  to  be  deplored  with  tears, 
rather  than  ".vords."* 

Notwithstanding  these  severities,  the  seeds  of  the 
reformed  doctrine  were  not  extirpated  in  Lucca.  In 
the  year  1556,  some  of  the  best  famihes  in  that  city, 
with  the  view  of  enjoying  the  free  exercise  of  reh- 
gion,  transferred  their  famihes  and  wealth  to  Switzer- 
land and  France.  The  Micheli,  Turretini,  Calendrini, 
Burlamacchi,  Diodati,  Balbani,  and  Minutoli,  who 
have  made  so  great  a  figure  in  the  state  and  church 
of  Geneva,  came  originally  from  Lucca.  Irritated  by 
their  departure,  the  government  barbarously  offered 
three  hundred  crowns  to  the  person  who  should  kill 
one  of  them  in  Italy,  France,  or  Flanders.  The 
council  of  Geneva  wrote  to  Lucca  requesting  the  re- 
call of  this  proclamation,  but  all  their  solicitations 
were  in  vain,  though  it  does  not  appear  that  the  re- 
fugees were  molested  any  further  than  by  being  put 
in  fear  of  their  lives.t  We  find  the  popish  writers 
complaining  that,  in  the  year  1562,  the  heretics  in 
Lucca  kept  up  a  correspondence  with  their  country- 
men in  foreign  countries,  and,  by  means  of  merchants, 
procured  Protestant  books  from  Lyons  and  Geneva. J 
In  1556,  more  families  from  Lucca  arrived  at  Gene- 
va ;§  and,  in  the  following  year,  a  severe  ordinance 
came  from  the  Lucchese  authorities,  prohibiting  all 
intercourse,  by  speech  or  letters,  with  those  who  had 
been  denounced  "rebels  for  the  cause  of  religion."|| 

The  refugees  from  Lucca  appear  to  have  been 
allowed  to  remain  in  quietness  until  1679,  when  an 
unexpected  occurrence  showed  that  they  were  not 

*  Martyris  Loc.  Com.  p.  771,  772. 

t  Picot,  Histoire  de  Geneve,  torn,  ii,  p.  110. 

t  Raynaldi  Annales,  ad  an.  1562. 

§  Leti,  Historia  Genevrina,  parte  iii.  p.  162. 

II  Bibl.  Modenese,  torn.  v.  p.  125.  Among  the  persons  named  in 
this  ordinance  as  rebels,  is  "Messer  Siinoni  Simone,  Medico."  This 
ingenious  but  versatile  man  resided  at  Geneva,  Heidelberg,  Leipsic, 
Prague,  and  Cracow,  and  was  as  unsettled  in  his  religious  creed  as 
in  his  place  of  residence;  having  been  successively  a  Calvinist,  Lu- 
theran, Arian,  Jesuit,  and  (if  we  may  believe  his  countryman  Squar- 
cialupo)  Atheist.  fBezaeEpist.  ep.  53,  56.  Brucker,  Hist.  Philos. 
iv.  2b6.     Bock,  i.  834,  910.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  237 

altogether  forgotten  in  tlie  land  of  their  fathers.    This 
was  a  letter  addressed  to  them  by  cardinal  Spinola, 
at  that  time  bishop  of  Lucca,  in  which  his  eminence 
declared  that,  in  his  paternal  solicitude  for  the  diocese 
over  which  Innocent  XI.  had  placed  him,  he  had 
learned  with  grief  that,  during  the  troubles  of  the 
bygone  century,  multitudes,  remarkable  for  the  no- 
bility of  their  extraction  and  the  superiority  of  their 
talents,  had  left  a  city  in  which  they  filled  the  highest 
offices,  to  repair  to  Geneva;  that  the  affection  he  felt 
for  the  descendants  of  these  men  would  not  allow 
him  to  rest  until  he  had  taken  this  step,  with  the  view 
of  prevailing  with  them  to  return  to  the  bosom  of 
their  mother  church,  for  the  success  of  which  he  had 
ordered  a  public  supplication  throughout  the  whole 
of  his  diocese ;  and  that  he  trusted  they  would  remem- 
ber, that  there  was  nothing  more  glorious  nor  more 
conducive  to  their  safety  than  to  yield  to  God,  and 
betake  themselves  to  the  only  sanctuary  of  truth.  The 
refugees  at  first  thought  it  most  prudent  to  return  no 
answer  to  this  letter,  lest  truth  should  oblige  them  to 
say  things  unpleasant  to  a  prelate  who  had  spoken  of 
their  ancestors   in   such   flattering  terms;  but  being 
aware  that  there  was,  at  that  time,  a  general  concert 
among  the  Roman  catholic  powers  to  make  proselytes 
of  the  Protestants,  and  hearing  that  reports  unfavour- 
able to  their  steadfastness  were  abroad,  and  that  the 
cardinal  was  actually  applying  to  the  pope  for  their 
absolution,  they  felt  it  incumbent  on  them  to  publish 
to  the  world  their  real  sentiments.     After  giving  a 
sketch  of  the  progress  which  the  reformed  religion 
had  made  at  Lucca,  they,  in  their  answer,  analyze  the 
cardinal's  letter,  and  conclude   with  an  affectionate 
and  forcible  appeal  to  their  "  kinsmen  according  to 
the  flesh,"  who  were  still  groping  in  the  darkness  of 
popish  Lucca.*     When  the  reply  came  into  the  hands 
of  Spinola,  he  sent  one  copy  of  it  to  the  pope  and 

*  Lettre  de  M.  le  Cardinal  Spinola,  eveque  de  Luqucs  aux  origi- 
naux  Luquois  qui  demeurent  h  Geneve.  Avec  les  Considerations 
qu'ils  ont  fait  ii  ce  sujct.  A  Geneve,  1680.  The  cardinal's  letter 
was  dated  the  19th  of  May  1679. 


238  HISTORY    OF    THE 

another  to  the  Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office,  who 
ordered  him  to  cause  all  the  copies  to  be  burnt  by  the 
executioner.* 

Two  facts  are  sufficient  to  estabUsh  the  severity  of 
persecution  in  the  duchy  of  Mantua.  In  the  year 
1566,  GugUelmo,  duke  of  Mantua,  respecting  the 
rights  of  his  subjects  as  well  as  his  own  authority, 
refused  to  send  certain  persons  accused  of  heresy  to 
Rome  for  trial.  This  drew  down  upon  him  the  indig- 
nation of  Pius  v.,  who  threatened  him  with  excom- 
munication and  a  declaration  of  war,  as  one  who  had 
made  Mantua  a  nest  of  heretics;  and  his  holiness 
would  have  carried  his  threats  into  execution,  had 
not  the  princes  of  Italy  prevailed  on  him  to  pardon 
the  duke  on  his  submission.!  Two  years  after,  a  per- 
son, allied  to  the  duke,  having  been  seized  by  the  in- 
quisition on  suspicion  of  heresy,  his  highness  begged 
the  chief  inquisitor  to  release  the  prisoner.  This  re- 
quest was  refused  by  the  haughty  monk,  who  re- 
plied, that  though  he  acknowledged  the  duke  as  his 
temporal  lord,  yet,  in  the  present  case,  he  acted  for 
the  pope,  who  possessed  a  power  paramount  to  that 
of  any  secular  prince.  Some  days  after,  the  duke 
sent  a  second  message,  pressing  his  former  request, 
when  the  inquisitor,  holding  out  the  keys  of  the  dun- 
geon, told  the  messengers  insolently  they  might  re- 
lease the  prisoners  at  their  peril.:}: 

In  no  quarter  of  Italy  were  more  cruel  methods 
employed  to  extirpate  the  new  opinions  than  in  the 
Milanese,  especially  after  it  fell  under  the  dominion  of 
Philip  II.  of  Spain.  Galeazzo  Trezio,  a  nobleman  of 
Lodi,  while  attending  the  university  of  Pavia,  had 
imbibed  the  reformed  doctrines  from  Maynardi,  who 
acted  at  that  time  as  an  Augustinian  preacher,  and 
was  afterwards  confirmed  in  them  by  the  instructions 
of  Curio.     Having  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  inqui- 

*  Leti,  Historia  Genevrina,  parte  v.  p.  351 — 366.  The  reply  was 
written  by  the  pastor  Burlamacchi,  from  materials  furnished  by  the 
pastor  Turretini. 

t  Bzovii  Annales,  ad  an.  1566. 

t  Epibt.  Tob.  EgUni  ad  H.  Bullingerum,  2  Mart.  1568  :  De  Porta, 
torn.  ii.  p.  486. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  239 

sition  in  1551,  and  retracted  some  concessions  which 
he  had  been  induced  to  make  at  his  first  apprehen- 
sion, he  was  sentenced  to  be  burned  aUve,  a  punish- 
ment which  he  bore  with  the  utmost  fortitude.*  The 
persecution  became  more  general  when  the  duke  of 
Alva  was  made  governor.  In  the  year  155S  two  per- 
sons were  committed  alive  to  the  flames.  One  of 
them,  a  monk,  being  forced  by  an  attending  priest 
into  a  pulpit  erected  beside  the  stake  to  make  his  re- 
cantation, confessed  the  truth  with  great  boldness, 
and  was  driven  into  the  fire  with  blows  and  curses. 
During  the  course  of  the  following  year,  scarcely  a 
week  elapsed  without  some  individual  being  brought 
out  to  suffer  for  heresy;  and,  in  1563,  eleven  citizens 
of  rank  were  thrown  into  prison.  The  execution  of  a 
young  priest  in  1569  was  accompanied  with  circum- 
stances of  peculiar  barbarity.  He  was  condemned 
to  be  hanged  and  dragged  to  the  gibbet  at  a  horse's 
tail.  In  consequence  of  earnest  intercessions  in  his 
favour,  the  last  part  of  the  sentence  was  dispensed 
with;  but,  after  being  half-strangled,  he  was  cut 
down,  and,  refusing  to  recant,  was  literally  roasted 
to  death  and  his  body  thrown  to  the  dogs.t 

Persecution  was  also  let  loose  within  the  territories 
of  Tuscany.  In  1547,  a  law  was  proclaimed  at  Flo- 
rence, calling  upon  all  who  possessed  heretical  books, 
particularly  those  of  Ochino  and  Martyr,  to  deliver 
them  up  within  fifteen  days,  under  the  pain  of  a  hun- 
dred ducats,  and  ten  years'  confinement  in  the  galleys; 
threatening  a  personal  visit  to  the  houses  of  suspected 
persons  after  the  expiry  of  the  limited  time;  and  for- 
bidding, under  heavy  penalties,  the  printing  of  such 
books.  After  the  establishment  of  the  inquisition, 
more  decisive  measures  were  adopted  by  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  Holy  Office,  the  vicar  of  the  archbishop, 
the  provost  of  the  metropolitan  church,  and  the  spe- 
dalingo  or  director  of  the  hospital  of  Santa  Maria 
Nuova.     In  December  1551,  an  auto  deft  was  cele- 

*  The  account  of  this  martyr  was  furnished  by  Celio  S.  Curio  to 
Pantaleon.  (Rerum  in  Eccl.  Gest.  p.  247—249.  Conf  Hicronymi 
Marii  Eusebius  Captivus,  f.  105.) 

t  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  295,  296,  486,  488. 


240  HISTORY    OF    THE 

brated  in  the  city  of  Florence,  in  which  twenty-two 
persons  walked  in  procession  as  penitents,  among 
whom  was  Bartolommeo  Panchiarichi,  a  wealthy 
citizen,  who  had  serv^ed  the  duke  in  the  capacity  of 
ambassador  to  the  court  of  France.  They  were 
clothed  in  caps  and  cloaks  painted  with  crosses  and 
devils,  and  were  publicljr  "  reconciled"  in  the  cathe- 
dral church,  while  the  books  found  in  their  possession 
were  burned  in  the  piazza.  At  the  same  time  a 
number  of  females  went  through  this  ceremony  pri- 
vately in  the  church  of  San  Simone.  The  zeal  of  the 
inquisitorial  commissioners  Avas  soon  after  signalized 
in  the  case  of  a  native  of  Piacenza,  who  had  come  to 
Florence  in  1547,  and  having  dedicated  to  the  duke  a 
translation  of  Xenophon,  continued  his  literary  pur- 
suits in  that  city.  The  record  of  his  process,  which 
has  been  preserved,  bears,  "  that  Ludovico  Domeni- 
chi,  a  learned  man  of  about  thirty  years  of  age,  had 
translated,  from  Latin  into  the  vulgar  tongue,  the 
Nicodemiana  of  Calvin,  caused  it  to  be  printed,  and 
corrected  it,  the  book  being  most  dishonest,  and  printed 
in  Florence,  not  at  Basle,  as  it  falsely  pretended,  on 
which  account  he  was  suspected  of  heresy,  though  he 
denied  having  ever  held  any  dangerous  opinions:  that 
he  should  therefore  abjure,  as  one  violently  suspected, 
having  a  copy  of  the  book  translated  by  him  hung 
from  his  neck,  and  be  afterwards  condemned  to  the 
galleys  for  ten  years,  less  or  more,  for  transgressing 
the  laws  which  regulated  the  press. ""^  These  severi- 
ties increased  at  a  subsequent  period.  Under  the 
pretext  that  it  was  dangerous  to  entrust  to  a  number 
of  persons  the  secrets  which  transpired  in  the  course 
of  examination,  Pius  V.  discharged  the  three  com- 
missaries who  had  hitherto  taken  part  in  trials  for 
heresy,  and  committed  the  whole  business  to  a  single 
inquisitor,  which  was  the  same  thing  as  transferring 
the  power  to  the  congregation  at  Rome,  by  whose 
directions  he  was  regulated.  This,  together  with  the 
facile  conduct  of  Cosmo  in  delivering  up  to  the  pope 
Carnesecchi,  whose  fate  will  afterwards  be  recorded, 

*  Galluzzi,  i.  143,  144. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  241 

spread  terror  and  discontent  over  the  city.  Numbers 
betook  themselves  to  flight,  and  others  were  sent  to 
Rome.  The  inquisitor,  fond  of  displaying  his  power, 
and  anxious  to  recommend  himself  by  his  activity, 
harassed  the  inhabitants  incessantly,  interrogating  the 
unlearned  on  the  profoundest  mysteries  of  religion, 
and  converting  into  heresy  what  proceeded  from  mere 
ignorance.  In  the  year  1567,  the  regent  remonstrated 
with  the  pope  against  these  iniquitous  proceedings, 
and  insisted  that  the  archbishop  and  nuncio  should 
be  associated  with  the  inquisitor;  but  all  that  could 
be  obtained  was  the  removal  of  the  latter,  and  the 
substitution  of  one  less  indiscreet  and  ignorant.  The 
consequence  was,  that  Florence,  which  had  long  been 
the  resort  of  enlightened  men  from  all  parts  of  the 
world,  was  shunned  by  foreigners  ;  and  as  the  minds 
of  the  inquisitors  were  filled  with  the  notion  that 
emissaries  were  sent  from  Germany  and  France  to 
disseminate  the  new  opinions  in  Italy,  persons  coming 
from  these  countries,  unless  they  were  furnished  with 
the  most  unexceptionable  testimonials,  were  subjected 
to  infinite  trouble  and  vexation.* 

These  proceedings  drove  many  persons,  eminent 
for  their  talents  and  rank,  from  Tuscany.  Micliael 
Angelo  Florio,  a  popular  preacher  in  his  native  coun- 
try, became  pastor  to  a  congregation  of  Italian  Pro- 
testants, first  in  the  Orisons  and  afterwards  in  Lon- 
don.t  The  name  of  Nardi,  so  familiar  to  those  ac- 
quainted with  Italian  literature,  appears  in  the  cata- 
logue of  those  who  forsook  Florence  from  love  to  the 

*  Galluzzi,  ii.  203,  204. 

t  Florio  is  the  author  of  a  very  rare  and  curious  work,  including 
a  life  of  the  unfortunate  and  accomplished  Lady  Jane  Gray  : — "  His- 
toria  do  la  Vita  e  de  la  niortc  de  I'illustriss.  SignoraGiovanna  Graia, 
gia  Regina  eletta  e  publicata  d'Inghilterra :  e  de  la  cose  accadute  in 
quel  Regno  dopo  la  morte  del  Re  Edoardo  VI.  nella  quale  secondo  le 
Divine  Scritture  si  trata  de  i  principali  articoli  de  la  Religione  Chris- 
tiana. Con  I'aggiunto  d'una  doctiss.  disputa  Theologica  fatta  in  Os- 
sonia,  I'anno  1554.  L'Arguinento  del  tutto  si  dechiaro  ne  TAuuerti- 
mento  sequentc,  e  nel'  Proemio  de  I'Authore,  M.  Michel-angelo  Florio 
Fiorentino,  gia  Predicatore  famoso  del  Sant  Evangelio  en  piu  cita 
d'ltalia,  et  en  Londra. — Stampate  appressi  Richardo  Piltore  ne  I'anno 
di  Christo  1607." 


242  HISTORY    OF    THE 

gospel.*  Pietro  Gelido,  a  native  of  Samminiato,  was 
an  ecclesiastic  of  great  learning,  who  having  been 
educated  in  his  youth  at  the  court  of  Clement  VII. 
took  up  his  residence  in  Florence.!  He  had  served 
the  duke  in  the  character  of  secretary  at  the  court  of 
France,  and  acted  as  his  resident  in  Venice  from  1552 
to  1562,  during  which  period  he  acquitted  himself 
equally  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  republic  and  of  his 
prince.  During  the  visits  which  he  paid  to  Ferrara, 
Gelido  had  imbibed  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformation, 
and  gave  great  offence  to  the  clergy  by  the  intercourse 
which  he  held  with  Germans,  and  the  protection 
which  he  extended  to  those  who  were  suspected  of 
heresy.  This  induced  him  to  retire  to  France,  and 
to  take  up  his  abode  with  the  duchess  Renee  of  Fer- 
rara. But  he  was  not  permitted  to  enjoy  this  retire- 
ment. A  spy  of  his  former  master  gave  false  infor- 
mation against  him  to  the  Florentines  who  surrounded 
queen  Catharine ;  and  being  accused  at  court,  he  found 
it  necessary  to  retreat  to  Geneva,  where  he  joined  the 
Italian  congregation  already  erected  in  that  city. 
From  that  place  he  addressed  a  letter  to  Cosmo,  vin- 
dicating his  own  conduct,  and  urging  the  duke  to  use 
his  influence  with  the  pope  to  assemble  a  council  in 
the  heart  of  Germany,  and  to  attend  it  in  person. J 
The  example  of  Gelido  was  followed,  at  a  later  period, 
by  Antonio  Albizio,  who  belonged  to  one  of  the 
noblest  families  in  Tuscany.  He  was  the  founder  of 
the  academy  of  Alterati  at  Florence,  and  had  been 
sent  by  the  grand  duke  as  ambassador  to  the  emperor 
Maximilian  II. ;  but  having  discovered  the  truth  by 
reading  the  Scriptures,  he  made  a  voluntary  sacrifice 
of  his  honours,  and  retired  to  Kempten  in  Suabia, 
where  he  divided  his  time,  until  his  death  in  1626, 
between   devotional   exercises   and   literary   studies. 

*  Joannes  Leo  Nardus,  Florentinus,  Tabularum  duarum  Legis 
Evangelical,  Gratiae,  Spiritus,  et  Vitce,  Libri  quiiique,  Bas.  1553. 

+  We  learn  from  Galluzzi,  that  he  was  commonly  called  "  il  Pero," 
and  he  is  no  doubt  the  person  mentioned  by  that  name  in  a  letter 
from  Paulus  Manutius  to  Carnesecchi.  (Lettere  di  Tredeci,  p.  294, 
edit.  1565.) 

I  Galluzzi,  ii.  77,  78. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  243 

Great  influence  was  used  by  his  friends  to  recover 
him  to  the  ancient  faith,  but  without  effect;  and  his 
process  was  going  on  before  the  inquisition  at  Rome 
when  he  died.* 

Similar  proceedings  took  place  in  Sienna,  which 
had  now  fallen  under  the  dominion  of  the  grand  duke 
of  Tuscany.  During  a  number  of  years  after  the  dis- 
covery of  the  defection  of  Ochino,  the  Soccini,  and 
Paleario,  from  the  Roman  faith,  the  clergy  and  inquisi- 
tors alarmed  the  government  with  reports  of  the  spread 
of  heresy  in  the  city  and  territories  of  Sienna.  In  1 560 
the  bishop  of  Bologna  was  sent  to  conduct  a  process, 
which  was  deemed  of  greater  importance;  it  was  that 
of  Cornelio  Soccini,  who  was  accused  of  having  adopt- 
ed the  peculiar  opinions  of  his  relation,  Faustus  Soci- 
nus.  As  all  that  could  be  drawn  from  him  by  exami- 
nation was,  that  he  believed  whatever  was  contained 
in  the  Scriptures,  he  was,  with  the  consent  of  the  duke, 
transferred  to  Rome.  In  the  year  1567  the  persecu- 
tion became  severer,  and  many  were  driven  from  the 
country,  subjected  to  process,  or  delivered  up  to  the 
Holy  Office.  Even  Germans,  who  had  come,  under 
the  security  of  the  public  faith,  to  study  at  the  univer- 
sity of  Sienna,  were  seized  and  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  pope.t 

At  Naples,  the  Protestants  enjoyed  a  reprieve  from 
persecution  during  the  dissensions  excited  by  the  re- 
newed attempt  to  introduce  the  Spanish  Inquisition.:]: 
But  the  people  were  satisfied  with  the  abandonment 
of  that  measure  by  the  government,  which,  in  its  turn, 
not  only  forgave  the  pope  for  fomenting  the  late  oppo- 
sition to  its  measures,  but  entered  into  a  treaty  with 
him,  in  which  it  was  agreed  to  take  common  mea- 
sures for  rooting  out  the  new  opinions.    Lorenzo  Ro- 

*  Mazzachelli,  Seriltori  Italian!,  torn.  i.  part  i.  p.  337.  He  was 
the  author  of  t^temniata  Principum  Christianorum,  Aug-.  Vind.  1612, 
and  of  Exercitationes  Thuologicae,  Campodnni,  1616.  An  account  of 
his  conversion  was  published  by  Jac.  Zeamanfl  in  1692,  and  his  life 
by  F.  D.  Haeberlin  in  1740. 

t  Galluzzi,  ii.  202,  203. 

t  Gonc^alo  de  lllescas,  Historia  Pontifical  y  Catholica,  parte  ii.  f. 
418,  a.— 420,  b.     Burgos,  1578. 


244  HISTORY    OF    THE 

mano,  a  native  of  Sicily,  had,  at  a  former  period, 
instilled  the  doctrine  of  Zuingle  into  the  minds  of 
many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Caserta,  a  town  lying 
about  fifteen  miles  north  of  Naples.  Having  gone  to 
Germany,  where  he  was  more  fully  instructed  in  the 
truth,  he  returned  to  the  Neapolitan  territory  in  1549, 
and,  having  opened  a  class  for  logic,  took  occasion  to 
expound  the  Scriptures  to  his  scholars.  But  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  clergy  was  awake,  and  he  was  soon  dela- 
ted to  the  Inquisition.  Romano  did  not  possess  the 
firmness  of  a  martyr:  alarmed  at  the  danger  which 
he  had  incurred,  he  sought  an  interview  with  the 
Theatine  cardinal,  confessed  his  errors,  and  informed 
him  of  the  numbers,  including  persons  of  the  first 
rank,  male  and  female,  who  had  embraced  heresy, 
both  in  the  capital  and  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom. 
He  was  condemned  to  abjure  his  opinions  publicly  in 
the  cathedral  churches  of  Naples  and  Caserta,  and  to 
undergo  certain  other  penances  at  Rome ;  after  which 
he  obtained  his  liberty.*  In  consequence  of  his  infor- 
mation, the  inquisitors  sent  by  the  pope  commenced 
a  rigorous  search  after  heretics  in  the  city  of  Naples, 
which  was  afterwards  extended  over  the  kingdom. 
Many  were  thrown  into  prison,  and  not  a  few  sent  to 
Rome  to  undergo  the  fiery  ordeal.  These  severities 
continued,  with  intervals  of  relaxation,  during  several 
years.  On  the  24th  of  March,  1564,  two  noblemen, 
Giovan-Francesco  d' Alois,  of  Caserta,  and  Giovan- 
Bernardino  di  Gargano,  of  Avarsa,  after  being  con- 
victed of  heresy,  were  beheaded  in  the  market-place, 
and  their  bodies  consumed  to  ashes  in  the  sight  of  the 
people.! 

The  prosecutions  for  heresy,  together  with  the 
dread  in  which  the  inhabitants  were  kept  of  the  intro- 
duction of  the  court  of  inquisition,  had  a  fatal  influ- 
ence on  the  interests  both  of  trade  and  literature. 
Whole  streets  in  the  city  of  Naples  were  deserted  by 
their  inhabitants?  The  academies  of  the  Sireni,  Ar- 
denti,  and  Incogniti,  lately  erected  for  the  cultivation 

*  Giannone,  Hist.  Civ.  de  Naples,  b.  xxxii.  chap.  v.  sect.  i. 
t  Ibid.  sect.  ii. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  245 

of  poetry,  rhetoric,  and  astronomy,  were  shut  up  by 
the  viceroy,  under  the  pretext  that  the  members,  after 
giving  out  a  question  on  some  branch  of  secular 
learning,  dropped  it,  and  entered  on  discussions  re- 
specting the  Scriptures  and  divinity.* 

Two  things  conspired  with  this  violence  to  ruin  the 
reformed  cause  in  Naples.  The  first  was,  the  coming 
of  certain  adherents  of  anabaptisni  and  arianism,who 
got  introduced  to  the  secret  meetings  of  the  Protes- 
tants, and  made  disciples  to  their  peculiar  tenets.t 
The  second  was  the  practice  which  some  of  them 
indulged  of  attending  the  popish  worship,  partaking 
of  mass,  and  conducting  themselves  in  pulDlic  in  every 
respect  as  if  they  had  been  papists.  These  have  been 
called  Valdesians  by  some  writers,  because  they  jus- 
tified themselves  by  appealing  to  the  example  of 
Valdes,  and  to  the  advice  which  he  gave  those  whom 
he  had  instructed  in  the  doctrine  of  justification,  but 
whose  minds  were  yet  fettered  by  prejudices  in  favour 
of  the  church  of  Rome  and  the  ancient  rites.  This 
practice,  which  became  more  general  as  the  persecu- 
tion increased,  not  only  offended  those  conscientious 
individuals  who  shunned  the  popish  worship  as  idola- 
trous, but  it  gradually  wore  oft'  from  the  minds  of  the 
conformists  the  impressions  of  that  faith  which  they 
had  embraced,  and  prepared  them  for  sacrificing  it  on 
the  slightest  temptation.  Notwithstanding  all  their 
caution,  not  a  few  of  them  were  seized  as  suspected 
persons,  and  purchased  their  lives  by  recanting  those 
truths  which  they  had  professed  to  hold  in  the  highest 
estimation.  But  this  was  not  all:  having  once  incur- 
red the  jealousy  of  the  inquisitors,  and  exposed  them- 
selves to  the  malice  or  avarice  of  informers,  some  of 
them  were  seized  a  second  time,  and  subjected  to 
tortures  and  a  cruel  death,  as  relapsed  heretics.:}: 
Afraid  of  incurring  the  same  punishment,  or  actuated 
by  a  desire  to  enjoy  the  pure  worship  of  God,  a  con- 
siderable number  of  Protestants  agreed  to  quit  Italy; 

*  Giannone,  lib.  xxxii.  chap,  v.  sect.  i. 

•f  Lite  of  the  Marquis  of  Vico,  chap.  vii.  p.  13.     Lond.  1635. 

i  Life  of  the  Marquis  of  Vico,  chap.  vii.  p.  14. 


246  HISTORY    OF    THE 

but  when  they  came  to  the  Alps,  and  stopped  to  take 
a  last  view  of  theh  beloved  country,  the  greater  part, 
struck  with  its  beauties,  and  calling  to  mind  the 
friends  and  the  comforts  which  they  had  left  behind, 
burst  into  a  flood  of  tears,  and,  abandoning  their  pur- 
pose, returned  to  Naples.  They  had  scarcely  arrived 
there,  when  they  were  thrown  into  prison,  and,  hav- 
ing submitted  to  penance,  spent  the  remainder  of  their 
lives  distrusted  by  those  around  them,  and  preyed 
upon  by  remorse  and  a  consciousness  of  self-degrada- 
tion.* 

When  the  reformed  opinions  had  been  suppressed 
in  the  capital,  the  Neapolitan  government  permitted 
the  inquisitors  to  roam  through  the  country  like  wild 
beasts  let  loose,  and  to  devour  its  innocent  subjects. 
Of  all  the  barbarities  of  which  Rome  was  guilty  at 
this  period,  none  was  more  horrible  than  those  which 
were  inflicted  on  the  descendants  of  the  ancient  Wal- 
denses.  It  would  seem  as  if  she  wished  to  exceed 
the  cruelties  committed  during  the  dark  ages,  in  the 
crusades  which  Simon  de  Montfort,  of  bloody  me- 
mory, had  conducted  against  the  ancestors  of  that 
people,  under  the  consecrated  banners  of  the  church. 

The  Waldensian  colony  in  Calabria  Citeriore  had 
increased  in  the  sixteenth  century  to  four  thousand 
persons,  who  possessed  several  towns  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Cosenza,  of  which  the  principal  were 
Santo  Xisto,  belonging  to  the  duke  of  MontaJto,  and 
La  Guardia,  situate  on  the  sea-coast.  Cut  ofl"  from 
intercourse  with  their  brethren  of  the  same  faith,  and 
destitute  of  the  means  of  education  for  their  pastors, 
this  simple  people,  at  the  same  time  that  they  observ- 
ed their  own  forms  of  worship,  had  gradually  become 
habituated  to  attend  on  mass,  without  which  they 
found  it  diflicult  to  maintain  a  friendly  intercourse 
with  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  place.  Their 
curiosity  was  awakened  by  hearing  that  a  doctrine 
bearing  a  strong  affinity  to  that  of  their  fathers  was 
propagated  in  Italy ;  they  eagerly  sought  to  become 
acquainted  with  it,  and  being  convinced  that  they  had 

*  Life  of  the  Marquis  of  Vico,  chap.  x.  p.  21. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  247 

erred  hitherto  in  countenancing  the  popish  worship, 
they  appUed  to  their  brethren  in  the  valleys  of  Pragela, 
and  to  the  ministers  of  Geneva,  to  obtain  teachers 
who  should  instruct  them  more  perfectly,  and  organize 
their  churches  after  the  Scripture  pattern.*  By  dili- 
gent preaching  and  catechizing,  these  missionaries  not 
only  promoted  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  among 
those  to  whom  they  were  sent,  but  propagated  it  in 
the  neighbouring  towns,  and  in  the  province  of  Basi- 
licata.t 

No  sooner  was  this  known  at  Rome,  than  the  sacred 
college  sent  two  monks,  Valerio  Malvicino  and  Alfonso 
Urbino,  into  Calabria,  to  suppress  the  churches  of  the 
Waldenses,  and  reduce  them  to  the  obedience  of  the 
holy  see.  On  their  first  arrival,  the  monks  assumed 
an  air  of  great  gentleness.  Having  assembled  the 
inhabitants  of  Santo  Xisto,  they  told  them,  that  they 
had  not  come  with  the  view  of  hurting  any  person, 
but  merely  to  warn  them  in  a  friendly  manner  to 
desist  from  hearing  any  teachers  but  those  appointed 
by  their  ordinary:  that  if  they  would  dismiss  those 
men  who  had  led  them  astray,  and  live  for  the  future 
according  to  the  rules  of  the  Roman  church,  they  had 
nothing  to  fear;  but  that,  if  they  acted  otherwise,  they 
would  expose  themselves  to  the  danger  of  losing  their 
lives  and  property,  by  incurring  the  punishment  of 
heretics.  They  then  appointed  a  time  for  celebration 
of  mass,  which  they  required  all  present  to  attend. 
Instead  of  complying  with  this  injunction,  the  inhab- 
itants, in  a  body,  quitted  the  town  and  retired  into 
the  woods,  leaving  behind  them  only  a  few  aged  per- 
sons and  children.  Concealing  their  chagrin,  the 
monks  immediately  went  to  La  Guardia,  and  having 
caused  the  gates  to  be  shut,  assembled  the  inhabitants, 
and  told  them  that  their  brethren  of  Santo  Xisto  had 
renounced  their  erroneous  opinions,  and  gone  to  mass, 
exhorting  them  to  imitate  so  dutiful  and  wise  an 
example.    The  poor  simple  people,  crediting  the  report 

*  Zanchii  Epistolae,  lib.  ii.  p.  3G0.     Leger,  Hist,  des  Eglises  Vaud. 
part  ii.  p.  333. 

t  Giannone,  lib.  xxxii.  chap.  v.  sect.  ii. 


248  HISTORY    OP    THE 

of  the  monks,  and  alarmed  at  the  danger  which  they 
held  out,  complied ;  but  no  sooner  did  they  ascertain 
the  truth,  than,  overwhelmed  with  shame  and  vexa- 
tion, they  resolved  instantly  to  leave  the  place  with 
their  wives  and  children,  and  to  join  their  brethren 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  woods;  a  resolution 
from  which  they  were  with  difficulty  diverted  by  the 
representations  and  promises  of  Salvatore  Spinello, 
the  feudatory  superior  of  the  town.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  monks  procured  two  companies  of  foot  sol- 
diers to  be  sent  into  the  woods,  who  hunted  the  in- 
habitants of  Santo  Xisto  like  beasts  of  prey,  and, 
having  discovered  their  lurking-place,  fell  on  them 
with  cries  of  Ammazzi,  trmmazzi,  ^^  Murder  them, 
murder  them."  A  part  of  the  fugitives  took  refuge  on 
a  mountain,  and  having  secured  themselves  among 
the  rocks,  demanded  a  parley  with  the  captain.  After 
entreating  him  to  take  pity  on  them,  their  wives,  and 
children,  they  said,  that  they  and  their  fathers  had 
inhabited  that  country  for  several  ages,  without  hav- 
ing given  any  person  cause  to  complain  of  their  con- 
duct; that  if  they  could  not  be  allowed  to  remain  in 
it  any  longer  without  renouncing  their  faith,  they 
hoped  they  would  be  permitted  to  retire  to  some  other 
country;  that  they  would  go,  by  sea  or  land,  to  any 
place  which  their  superiors  were  pleased  to  appoint; 
that  they  would  engage  not  to  return;  and  that  they 
would  take  no  more  along  with  them  than  what  was 
necessary  for  their  support  on  the  journey,  for  they 
were  ready  to  part  with  their  property  rather  than  do 
violence  to  their  consciences  by  practising  idolatry. 
They  implored  him  to  withdraw  his  men,  and  not 
oblige  them  reluctantly  to  defend  themselves,  as  they 
could  not  answer  for  the  consequences,  if  reduced  to 
despair.  Instead  of  listening  to  this  reasonable  offer, 
and  reporting  it  to  his  superiors,  the  captain  ordered 
his  men  to  advance  by  a  defile,  upon  which  those  on 
the  hill  attacked  them,  killed  the  greater  part,  and  put 
the  rest  to  flight."^ 

*  Perrin,  Hist,  des  Vaudois,  part.  i.  p.  199 — 202.     Perrin  relates 
this  under  the  year  1560,  and  speaks  of  it  as  having  taken  place  after 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  249 

It  was  immediately  resolved  to  avenge  on  the  whole 
body  this  unpremeditated  act  of  resistance  on  the  part 
of  a  few.  The  monks  wrote  to  Naples  that  the  coun- 
try was  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  upon  which  the  viceroy 
despatched  several  companies  of  soldiers  to  Calabria, 
and,  to  gratify  the  pope,  followed  them  in  person.  On 
his  arrival,  listening  to  the  advice  of  the  inquisitors, 
he  caused  a  proclamation  to  be  made,  delivering  up 
Santo  Xisto  to  fire  and  sword,  which  obliged  the  in- 
habitants to  remain  in  their  concealments.  By  another 
proclamation,  he  offered  a  pardon  to  the  bannitti,  or 
persons  proscribed  for  crimes,  (who  form  a  numerous 
class  in  Naples,)  on  the  condition  of  their  assisting  in 
the  war  against  the  heretics.  This  brought  a  number 
of  desperate  characters  to  his  standard,  who,  being 
acquainted  with  the  recesses  of  the  woods,  tracked  out 
the  fugitives,  the  greater  part  of  whom  were  slaugh- 
tered by  the  soldiers,  while  the  remainder  took  refuge 
in  the  caverns  of  the  high  rocks,  where  many  of  them 
died  of  hunger.  Pretending  to  be  displeased  with 
the  severity  of  military  execution,  the  inquisitors 
retired  to  some  distance  from  the  place,  and  cited  the 
inhabitants  of  La  Guardia  to  appear  before  them. 
Encouraged  by  the  reports  which  they  had  heard,  the 
people  complied ;  but  they  had  no  sooner  made  their 
appearance,  than  seventy  of  them  were  seized  and 
conducted  in  chains  to  Montalto."*  They  were  put 
to  the  question  by  the  orders  of  the  inquisitor  Panza, 
to  induce  them  not  only  to  renounce  their  faith  but 
also  to  accuse  themselves  and  their  brethren  of  having 
committed  odious  crimes  in  their  religious  assemblies. 
To  wring  a   confession  of  this  from  him,   Stefano 

Louis  Paschal  came  to  Calabria.  But  I  suspect  he  has  placed  it  too 
late.  At  least  the  author  of  Busdragi  Epistola,  which  is  dated  15th 
December,  1558,  speaking  of  the  progress  of  the  reformed  doctrine 
in  Italy,  says — "  Nam  quotidie  aliquid  novi  sentitur,  nunc  in  hac 
civitate,  nunc  in  ilia.  Calabria  nuper  fere  tota  tumultuata  est." 
(Serin.  Antiq.  tom.  i.  p.  322.) 

*  Giannone  says,  that  the  heretics  had  fortified  Guardia;  and  that 
Scipio  Spinelli,  finding  he  could  not  reduce  it  by  force,  had  recourse 
to  deceit,  and,  under  pretext  of  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  introduced 
soldiers  into  the  castle,  and  gained  possession  of  the  town.  Hist,  de 
Naples,  b.  xxxii.  c.  v.  sect.  ii. 

17 


250  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Carlino  was  tortured  until  his  bowels  gushed  out. 
Another  prisoner,  named  Verminel,  having,  in  the 
extremity  of  }3ain,  promised  to  go  to  mass,  the  inquisi- 
tor flattered  himself  that,  by  increasing  the  violence 
of  the  torture,  he  could  extort  a  confession  of  the 
charge  which  he  was  so  anxious  to  fasten  on  the  Pro- 
testants. But  though  the  exhausted  sufferer  was  kept 
during  eight  hours  on  the  horrid  instrument  called 
the  hell,  he  persisted  in  denying  the  atrocious  ca- 
lumny. A  person  of  the  name  of  Marzone  was  strip- 
ped naked,  beaten  with  iron  rods,  dragged  through 
the  streets,  and  then  felled  with  the  blows  of  torches. 
One  of  his  sons,  a  boy,  having  resisted  the  attempts 
made  for  his  conversion,  was  conveyed  to  the  top  of 
a  tower,  from  which  they  threatened  to  precipitate 
him,  if  he  would  not  embrace  a  crucifix,  which  was 
presented  to  him.  He  refused;  and  the  inquisitor,  in 
a  rage,  ordered  him  instantly  to  be  thrown  down. 
Bernardino  Conte,  on  his  way  to  the  stake,  threw 
away  a  crucifix  which  the  executioner  had  forced  into 
his  hands ;  upon  which  Panza  remanded  him  to  prison, 
until  a  more  dreadful  mode  of  punishment  should  be 
devised.  He  was  conveyed  to  Cosenza,  where  his 
body  was  covered  with  pitch,  in  which  he  was  burnt 
to  death  before  the  people.*  The  manner  in  which 
persons  of  the  tender  sex  were  treated  by  this  brutal 
inquisitor,  is  too  disgusting  to  be  related  here.  Suf- 
fice it  to  say,  that  he  put  sixty  females  to  the  torture, 
the  greater  part  of  whom  died  in  prison  in  consequence 
of  their  wounds  remaining  undressed.  On  his  return 
to  Naples,  he  delivered  a  great  number  of  Protestants 
to  the  secular  arm  at  St.  Agata,  where  he  inspired  the 
inhabitants  with  the  utmost  terror;  for,  if  any  indivi- 
dual came  forward  to  intercede  for  the  prisoners,  he 
was  immediately  put  to  the  torture  as  a  favourer  of 
heresy,  t 

Horrid  as  these  facts  are,  they  fall  short  of  the  bar- 

*  Perrin,  ut  supra,  p.  202 — 204.  Leger,  Hist,  des  Eglises  Vau- 
doiscs,  torn,  ii,  p.  335. 

t  Perrin,  p.  205,  206.  A  priest  named  Anania,  who  liad  taken  an 
active  part  in  the  persecution  of  that  innocent  people,  wrote  an  account 
of  it  in  Latin  verse.     (Giannone,  ut  supra.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  251 

barity  perpetrated  on  the  same  people  at  Montalto  in 
the  year  1560,  under  the  government  of  the  marquis 
di  Buccianici,  to  whose  brother,  it  is  said,  the  pope 
had  promised  a  cardinal's  hat,  provided  the  province 
of  Calabria  was  cleared  of  heresy.  I  shall  give  the 
account  in  the  words  of  a  Roman  Catholic,  servant  to 
Ascanio  Caraccioli,  who  witnessed  the  scene.  The 
letter  in  which  he  describes  it  was  published  in  Italy, 
along  with  other  narratives  of  the  bloody  transaction: 
"  Most  illustrious  sir — Having  written  you  from  time 
to  time  what  has  been  done  here  in  the  affair  of 
heresy,  I  have  now  to  inform  you  of  the  dreadful  jus- 
tice which  began  to  be  executed  on  these  Lutherans 
early  this  morning,  being  the  11th  of  June.  And,  to 
tell  you  the  truth,  I  can  compare  it  to  nothing  but  the 
slaughter  of  so  many  sheep.  They  were  all  shut  up 
in  one  house  as  in  a  sheepfold.  The  executioner 
went,  and,  bringing  out  one  of  them,  covered  his  face 
with  a  napkin,  or  benda,  as  we  call  it,  led  him  out  to 
a  field  near  the  house,  and,  causing  him  to  kneel 
down,  cut  his  throat  with  a  knife.  Then,  taking  off 
the  bloody  napkin,  he  went  and  brought  out  another, 
Avhom  he  put  to  death  after  the  same  manner.  In 
this  way,  the  whole  number,  amounting  to  eighty- 
eight  men,  were  butchered.  I  leave  you  to  figure  to 
yourself  the  lamentable  spectacle,  for  I  can  scarcely 
refrain  from  tears  while  I  write ;  nor  was  there  any 
person  who,  after  witnessing  the  execution  of  one, 
could  stand  to  look  on  a  second.  The  meekness  and 
patience  with  which  they  went  to  martyrdom  and 
death  are  incredible.  Some  of  them  at  their  death 
professed  themselves  of  the  same  faith  with  us,  but 
the  greater  part  died  in  their  cursed  obstinacy.  All 
the  old  men  met  their  death  with  cheerfulness,  but 
the  young  exhibited  symptoms  of  fear.  I  still  shudder 
while  I  think  of  the  executioner  with  the  bloody 
knife  in  his  teeth,  the  dripping  napkin  in  his  hand, 
and  his  arms  besmeared  with  gore,  going  to  the 
house  and  taking  out  one  victim  after  another,  just 
as  the  butcher  does  the  sheep  which  he  means  to  kill. 
According  to   orders,  wagons  are  already  come  to 


252  HISTORY    OF    THE 

carry  away  the  dead  bodies,  which  are  appointed  to 
be  quartered,  and  hung  up  on  the  pubUc  roads  from 
one  end  of  Calabria  to  the  other.  Unless  his  holiness 
and  the  viceroy  of  Naples  command  the  marquis  di 
Buccianici,  the  governor  of  this  province,  to  stay  his 
hand  and  leave  off,  he  will  go  on  to  put  others  to  the 
torture,  and  multiply  the  executions  until  he  has  de- 
stroyed the  whole.  Even  to-day,  a  decree  has  passed 
that  a  hundred  grown  up  women  shall  be  put  to  the 
question,  and  afterwards  executed;  in  order  that  there 
may  be  a  complete  mixture,  and  we  may  be  able  to 
say,  in  well-sounding  language,  that  so  many  persons 
were  punished,  partly  men  and  partly  women.  This 
is  all  that  I  have  to  say  of  this  act  of  justice.  It  is 
now  eight  o'clock,  and  I  shall  presently  hear  accounts 
of  what  was  said  by  these  obstinate  people  as  they 
were  led  to  execution.  Some  have  testified  such 
obstinacy  and  stubbornness  as  to  refuse  to  look  on  a 
crucifix,  or  confess  to  a  priest;  and  they  are  to  be 
burnt  alive.  The  heretics  taken  in  Calabria  amount 
to  sixteen  hundred,  all  of  whom  are  condemned ;  but 
only  eighty-eight  have  as  yet  been  put  to  death. 
This  people  came  originally  from  the  valley  of  An- 
grogna,  near  Savoy,  and  in  Calabria  are  called  Ultra- 
montani.  Four  other  places  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
are  inhabited  by  the  same  race,  but  I  do  not  know 
that  they  behave  ill;  for  they  are  a  simple  unlettered 
people,  entirely  occupied  with  the  spade  and  plough, 
and,  I  am  told,  show  themselves  sufficiently  religious 
at  the  hour  of  death."*  Lest  the  reader  should  be 
inclined  to  doubt  the  truth  of  such  horrid  atrocities, 
the  following  summary  account  of  them,  by  a  Nea- 
politan historian  of  that  age,  may  be  added.  After 
giving  some  account  of  the  Calabrian  heretics,  he 
says — "  Some  had  their  throats  cut,  others  were  sawn 
through  the  middle,  and  others  thrown  from  the  top 
of  a  high  cliff:  all  were  cruelly  but  deservedly  put  to 
death.  It  was  strange  to  hear  of  their  obstinacy;  for 
while  the  father  saw  his  son  put  to  death,  and  the 

*  Pantaleon,  Rerum  in  Eccles.  Gest.  Hist.  f.  337,  338.     De  Porta, 
torn.  ii.  p.  309,  312. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  253 

son  his  father,  they  not  only  exhibited  no  symptoms 
of  grief,  but  said  joyfully,  that  they  would  be  angels 
of  God:  so  much  had  the  devil,  to  whom  they  had 
given  themselves  up  as  a  prey,  deceived  them."* 

By  the  time  that  the  persecutors  were  glutted  with 
blood,  it  was  not  difficult  to  dispose  of  the  prisoners 
who  remained.  The  men  were  sent  to  the  Spanish 
galleys ;  the  women  and  children  were  sold  for  slaves ; 
and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  who  renounced 
their  faith,  the  whole  colony  was  exterminated.! 
"Many  a  time  have  they  afflicted  me  from  my  youth," 
may  the  race  of  the  Waldenses  say — "  many  a  time 
have  they  afflicted  me  from  my  youth.  My  blood — 
the  violence  done  to  me  and  to  my  flesh — be  upon" 
Rome ! 

While  the  popes  exerted  themselves  in  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  reformed  doctrine  in  other  parts  of  Italy, 
it  may  be  taken  for  granted  that  they  were  not  idle 
within  the  territories  of  the  church.  It  has  been 
stated  by  some  writers,  that  the  procedure  of  the 
inquisition  was  milder  in  Italy  than  in  Spain:  but 
both  the  statement  of  the  fact,  and  the  reasons  by 
which  it  is  usually  accounted  for,  require  to  be  quali- 
fied. One  of  these  reasons  is,  the  policy  with  which 
the  Italians,  including  the  popes,  have  always  con- 
sulted their  pecuniary  interests,  to  which  they  post- 
poned every  other  consideration.  This,  however,  will 
be  found  to  hold  true  as  to  their  treatment  of  the 
Jews,  rather  than  of  the  Lutherans.  The  second 
reason  is,  that  the  popes  being  temporal  princes  in 
the  states  of  the  church,  had  no  occasion  to  employ 
the  inquisition  to  undermine  the  rights  of  the  secular 
authorities  in  them,  as  in  other  countries.  This  is 
unquestionably  true;  and  it  accounts  for  the  fact, that 
the  court  of  inquisition,  long  after  its  operations  had 
been  suspended  in  Italy,  continued  to  be  warmly  sup- 
ported by  papal  influence  in  Spain.  But  at  the  time 
of  which  I  write,  and  during  the  remainder  of  the 

*  Tommaso  Costo,  Seeonda  Parte  del  Compendio  dell'  Istoria  di 
Napoli,  p.  257. 
t  Perrin.  ut  supra,  p.  206,  207.     Hist,  des  Martyrs,  f.  516,  a. 


254  HISTORY    OF    THE 

sixteenth  century,  it  was  in  full  and  constant  opera- 
tion, and  the  popes  found  that  it  enabled  them  to  ac- 
complish what  would  have  baffled  their  power  as 
secular  sovereigns.  The  chief  difference  between  the 
Italian  and  Spanish  inquisitions  at  that  period,  con- 
sisted in  their  policy  respecting  the  mode  of  punish- 
ment. The  latter  sought  to  inspire  terror  by  the 
solemn  spectacle  of  a  public  act  of  justice,  in  which 
the  scaffold  was  crowded  with  criminals.  Except  in 
the  case  of  the  remote  and  friendless  Calabrians, 
it  was  the  object  of  the  former  to  avoid  all  unneces- 
sary publicity  and  eclat.  With  this  view,  the  mode 
of  punishment  usual  at  Venice  was  sometimes  adopt- 
ed at  Rome,  as  in  the  case  of  Bartolommeo  Fonzio.* 
In  other  cases  the  victims  were  brought  to  the  stake 
singly  or  in  small  numbers,  and  often  strangled  before 
being  committed  to  the  flames.  The  report  of  the 
autos  de  fe  of  Seville  and  Valladolid  blazed  at  once 
over  Europe:  the  executions  at  Rome  made  less  noise 
in  the  city,  because  they  were  less  splendid  as  well  as 
more  frequent,  and  the  rumour  of  them  died  away 
before  it  could  reach  the  ear  of  foreigners. 

Paul  III.  threw  many  of  the  Protestants  into  the 
prisons  of  Rome ;  they  were  brought  forth  to  execu- 
tion by  Julius  III.;  and  Paul  IV.  followed  in  the 
bloody  track  of  his  predecessor.  Under  the  latter,  the 
inquisition  spread  alarm  every  where,  and  created  the 
very  evils  which  it  sought  to  allay.  Princes  and  prin- 
cesses, clergy  and  laity,  bishops  and  friars,  entire  aca- 
demies, the  sacred  college,  and  even  the  holy  office 
itself,  fell  under  the  suspicion  of  heretical  pravity. 

*  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  33.  Heidegger  states,  that  Fonzio  was 
drowned  along  with  thirteen  preachers  of  the  gospel.  (Diss.de  Mira- 
culis  Eccles.  Evang.  §  4.').)  I  conjecture  that  this  writer  was  misled 
by  a  cursory  inspection  of  a  letter,  (then  probably  unprinted,)  from 
Frechtus  to  Bullinger,  dated  July  24,  1538,  which  says — "  Bartho- 
lomseuni  Fontium  Vcnetum,  publica  fide  sibi  a  Romano  Pontifice 
data,  Romam  pervenisse  et  fidei  suje  rationem  dedisse,  ac  statim  ab 
Antichristo  sacco  impositum  et  Tiberi  immersurn,  in  Domino  mor- 
tuum,  in  hujus  locum  XIII.  emersisse  evangelicos  prasdicatores,  qui 
Roniae,  invito  etiam  Antichristo,  Christum  annuncient."  (Fueslin, 
Epist.  Reform.  Helvet.  p.  177.)  It  is  rather  a  serious  mistake  to  con- 
found emergo  with  immergo. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  255 

The  conclave  was  subjected  to  an  expnrgatory  pro- 
cess. Cardinals  Morone  and  Pole,  with  Foscarari, 
bishop  of  Modena,  Lnighi  Priuli,  and  other  persons 
of  eminence,  were  prosecuted  as  heretics.  It  was  at  last 
found  necessary  to  introduce  laymen  into  the  inquisi- 
tion, "  because  (to  use  the  words  of  a  contemporary 
writer)  not  only  many  bishops,  and  vicars,  and  friars, 
but  also  many  of  the  inquisitors  themselves,  were 
tainted  with  heresy."*  Much  of  the  extravagance 
displayed  at  this  time  is,  no  doubt,  to  be  ascribed  to 
the  personal  fanaticism  and  jealousy  of  the  pontiff, 
who  sent  for  some  of  the  cardinals  to  his  death-bed, 
and  recommended  the  inquisition  to  their  support 
with  his  latest  breath.  Such  was  the  frenzied  zeal  of 
this  infallible  dotard,  that,  if  his  life  had  been  spared 
a  little  longer,  the  poet's  description  of  the  effects  of 
superstition  would  have  been  realized,  '^  and  one  ca- 
pricious curse  enveloped  all."  Irritated  by  his  vio- 
lent proceedings,  and  by  the  extortion  and  rapine  with 
which  they  had  been  accompanied,  the  inhabitants  of 
Rome,  as  soon  as  the  tidings  of  his  death  transpired, 
rose  in  tumult,  burnt  the  house  of  inquisition  to  the 
ground,  after  having  liberated  all  the  prisoners,  broke 
down  the  statue  which  Paul  had  erected  for  himself, 
and  dragging  its  members  with  ropes  through  the 
streets,  threw  them  into  the  Tiber.! 

Pius  IV.  was  naturally  of  a  mild  disposition,  and 
put  a  stop  to  the  violent  and  arbitrary  proceedings  of 
his  predecessor.  J  But  he  was  unable  to  control  the 
cardinal  placed  at  the  head  of  the  inquisition;  and, 
accordingly,  his  pontificate  was  disgraced  by  the  mas- 
sacres in  Calabria,  and  by  executions  in  various  parts 
of  Italy.  In  the  room  of  the  edifice  which  had  been 
demolished  in  the  tumult,  a  house  beyond  the  Tiber, 
which  belonged  to  one  of  the  cardinals,  was  appro- 

*  Bernini,  Istoria  di  tutte  I'Heresia,  secol.  xvi.  cap.  vii. :  Puig- 
blanch's  History  of  the  Inquisition,  i.  61,  62. 

t  Natalis  Comes,  Hist,  sui  Teinporis,  lib.  xii.  f.  263,  269. 

t  Galluzzi,  torn.  ii.  p.  71.  "  Du  temps  de  Pie  IV.  on  parloit  fort 
librement  a  Rome;  j'y  etois  du  regne  de  Pie  IV.  et  V."  (Secunda 
Scaligerana ;  Collect,  des  Maiseaux,  torn.  ii.  p.  504.) 


256  HISTORY    OF    THE 

priated  to  the  inquisitors,  and  cells  were  added  to  it 
for  the  reception  of  prisoners.  This  was  commonly 
called  the  Lutheran  prison,  and  is  said  to  have  been 
built  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Circus  of  Nero,  in 
which  so  many  Christians  were  delivered  to  the  wild 
beasts.  It  was  in  this  prison  that  Philip,  the  son  of 
the  learned  Joachim  Camerarius,  and  Peter  Rieter  de 
Kornburg,  a  Bavarian  gentleman,  were  confined  for 
two  months  during  the  year  1565;  having  been  seized, 
when  visiting  Rome  on  their  travels,  in  consequence 
of  the  information  of  a  Jew,  who  mistook  Rieter  for 
another  German  with  whom  he  had  quarrelled.  But 
although  the  mistake  was  acknowledged  by  the  in- 
former himself,  they  were  detained  as  heretics,  and 
obtained  their  liberty  only  through  the  interference  of 
the  imperial  ambassador,  accompanied  with  a  threat 
from  the  Protestant  princes  that  the  agents  of  Rome 
should  be  treated  in  the  same  manner  in  travelling 
through  Germany.*  Pompeio  di  Monti,  a  Neapolitan 
nobleman,  who  had  been  seized  by  the  familiars  of 
the  inquisition,  as  he  was  crossing  the  bridge  of  St. 
Angelo  on  horseback,  along  with  his  relation,  Marc- 
antonio  Colonna,  was  lodged  in  the  same  apartment 
with  Camerarius,  who  derived  from  his  conversation 
much  Christian  comfort,  as  well  as  useful  counsel,  to 
avoid  the  snares  which  the  inquisitors  were  in  the 
habit  of  spreading  for  their  prisoners.!  During  the 
subsequent  year,  Di  Monti  was  sentenced  to  be  burnt 
alive;  but,  in  consideration  of  a  sum  of  seven  thou- 
sand crowns  being  advanced  by  his  friends,  he  was 

*  Schelhorn,  Vita  Philippi  Camerarii,  p.  86 — 101.  Relatio  de 
Captivitate  Romana  Philippi  Camerarii  et  Petri  Rieteri,  p.  7 — 30, 
54 — 64.  Tliis  last  work  was  published  by  Camerarius  himself,  and 
contains  a  particular  account  of  the  examinations  which  he  under- 
went, and  of  the  causes  of  his  release,  accompanied  with  documents. 

t  Relatio,  ut  supra,  p.  73,  74.  They  shared  together  the  use  of  a 
Latin  Bible,  which  the  baron  had  procured  and  kept  concealed  in  his 
bed.  Camerarius  having  applied  for  a  Psalter  to  assist  him  in  his 
devotions,  tiie  noted  Jesuit,  Petrus  Canisius,  by  whom  he  was  visited, 
pressed  on  him  the  Office  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  as  more  conducive  to 
edification ;  and,  when  it  was  declined,  sent  him  Amadis  de  Gaul, 
and  Caesar's  Commentaries.     (Ibid.  p.  14,  15.) 


REFORMATION   IN    ITALY.  257 

only  strangled,  and  his  body  afterwards  committed  to 
the  flames.* 

The  flames  of  persecution  were  rekindled  mider 
Pius  v.,  who  was  created  pope  in  the  year  1566. 
The  name  of  this  inexorable  pontiff"  was  Michele 
Ghisleri;  and  the  cruelties  committed  during  the  two 
preceding  pontificates  are  in  no  small  degree  to  be 
ascribed  to  his  influence,  as  president  of  the  inquisi- 
tion, a  situation  which  he  had  held,  under  the  desig- 
nation of  the  Alexandrine  cardinal,  since  the  late 
establishment  of  that  tribunal,  t  His  elevation  to  the 
popedom  was  followed  by  a  hot  persecution  in  Rome 
and  the  states  of  the  church.  It  raged  with  great 
violence  in  Bologna,  where  "persons  of  all  ranks 
were  promiscuously  subjected  to  the  same  imprison- 
ment, and  tortures,  and  death. "J  "  Three  persons 
(says  a  writer  of  that  time)  have  lately  been  burnt 
alive  in  that  city,  and  two  brothers  of  the  noble  family 
of  Ercolani  seized  on  suspicion  of  heresy,  and  sent 
bound  to  Rome."  At  the  same  time,  many  of  the 
German  students  in  the  university  were  imprisoned, 
or  obliged  to  fly.§  The  following  description  of  the 
state  of  matters  in  the  year  1568  is  from  the  pen  of 
one  who  was  residing  at  that  time  on  the  borders  of 
Italy : — "  At  Rome  some  are  every  day  burnt,  hanged, 
or  beheaded:  all  tlie  prisons  and  places  of  confine- 
ment are  filled,  and  they  are  obliged  to  build  new 
ones.  That  large  city  cannot  furnish  gaols  for  the 
numbers  of  pious  persons  who  are  continually  appre- 
hended. A  distinguished  person,  named  Carnesecchi, 
formerly  ambassador  to  the  duke  of  Tuscany,  has 
been  committed  to  the  flames.  Two  persons  of  still 
greater  distinction,  baron  Bernardo  di  Angole,  and 
count  di  Petigliano,  a  genuine  and  brave  Roman,  are 
in  prison.     After  long  resistance,  they  were  at  last 

*  Relatio,  ut  supra,  p.  7,  8. 

t  Thuani  Hist.  lib.  xxxix.  ad  an.  1566.  Vita  Philippi  Camerarii. 
p.  102.     Galluzzi,  torn.  ii.  p.  75. 

t  Thobias  Eglinus  ad  Bullingerum,  29  Decern.  1567:  De  Porta, 
torn.  ii.  p.  460. 

§  Epistola  Joachimi  Camerarii,  16  Feb.  1566;  et  Epist.  Petri  Rie- 
teri,  prid.  Id.  Maii  1567:  Vita  Phil.  Camerarii,  p.  174,  197. 


25S  HISTORY    OF    THE 

induced  to  recant,  on  a  promise  that  they  should  be 
set  at  hberty.  But  what  was  the  consequence  ?  The 
one  was  condemned  to  pay  a  fine  of  eighty  thousand 
crowns,  and  to  suffer  perpetual  imprisonment;  and 
the  other  to  pay  one  thousand  crowns,  and  be  confined 
for  Ufe  in  the  convent  of  the  Jesuits.  Thus  have  they, 
by  a  dishonourable  defection,  purchased  a  life  worse 
than  death."*  The  same  writer  relates  the  following 
anecdote,  which  shows  the  base  stratagems  which  the 
Roman  inquisition  employed  to  get  hold  of  its  vic- 
tims:— "A  letter  from  Genoa  to  Messere  Bonetti 
states,  that  a  rich  nobleman  at  Modena,  in  the  duchy 
of  Ferrara,  was  lately  informed  against  as  a  heretic  to 
the  pope,  Avho  had  recourse  to  the  following  method 
of  getting  him  into  his  claws.  The  nobleman  had  a 
cousin  at  Rome,  who  was  sent  for  to  the  castle  of  St. 
Angelo,  and  told,  ^  Either  you  must  die,  or  write  to 
your  cousin  at  Modena,  desiring  him  to  meet  you  in 
Bologna  at  a  certain  hour,  as  if  you  wished  to  speak 
to  him  on  important  business.'  The  letter  was  des- 
patched, and  the  nobleman  having  ridden  in  haste  to 
Bologna,  was  seized  as  soon  as  he  had  dismounted 
from  his  horse.  His  friend  was  then  set  at  liberty. 
This  is  dragon's  game."t  Speaking  of  the  rigour  of 
the  inquisition  in  Italy,  and  the  suddenness  of  execu- 
tions at  this  period,  Muretus  said  to  De  Thou — "  We 
know  not  what  becomes  of  people  here  :  I  am  terri- 
fied every  morning  when  I  rise,  lest  I  should  be  told 
that  such  and  such  a  one  is  no  more;  and,  if  it  should 
be  so,  we  durst  not  say  a  word."| 

Furious  as  this  pope  was,  he  felt  himself  sometimes 
forced  to  yield  to  a  power  which  he  durst  not  brave. 
Galeas  de  San  Severino,  count  de  Caiazzo,  Avas  a 
favourite  of  Charles  IX.  of  France,  and  held  a  high 
rank  in  his  army.  Having  occasion  to  go  into  Italy 
on  his  private  affairs  about  the  year  1568,  he  was 
thrown  into  the  inquisition  as  a  Hugonot.     Charles 

*  Thobias  Eglinus  ad  Bullingerum,  2  Mart.  1568:  De  Porta,  torn, 
ii.  p.  486. 

t  Ibid.  20  Mart.  1568  :  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  487. 
t  Thuana,  Collect,  des  Maiseaux,  torn.  i.  p.  16. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  259 

instantly  despatched  the  marquis  de  Pisano  with  in- 
structions to  insist  on  the  hberation  of  the  count  as  a 
French  subject.  The  pope  requested  time  to  delibe- 
rate. After  repeated  delays,  the  marquis  demanded 
the  release  of  the  prisoner  within  eight  days;  and, 
that  time  having  elapsed,  he  obtained  an  audience  of 
his  holiness,  and  told  him  peremptorily,  that,  if  the 
count  was  not  delivered  to  him  next  day,  the  ambas- 
sador of  France  should  be  instantly  recalled,  and  a 
stop  put  to  all  the  ordinary  intercourse  with  Rome  as 
to  ecclesiastical  benefices  in  the  kingdom.  By  the 
advice  of  the  cardinals,  Pius  was  prevailed  on  to  give 
up  the  prisoner,  but  with  great  reluctance,  saying, 
that  the  king  had  sent  him  an  imbriacone.^ 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  write  a  martyrology;  but 
I  cannot  altogether  pass  over  the  names  of  those  men 
who  intrepidly  displayed  the  standard  of  truth  before 
the  walls  of  Rome,  and  fell  within  the  breach  of  the 
antichristian  citadel. 

Faventino  Fanino,  or  Fannio,  a  native  of  Faenza, 
within  the  states  of  the  Church,  is  usually,  though  not 
correctly,  said  to  be  the  first  who  suff"ered  martyrdom 
for  the  Protestant  faith  in  Italy.t  Having  received 
the  knowledge  of  the  truth  by  reading  the  Bible  and 
other  religious  books  in  his  native  language,  he  began 
to  impart  it  to  his  neighbours,  and  was  soon  thrown 
into  prison.  Through  the  persuasion  of  his  friends, 
he  purchased  his  liberty  by  recantation,  which  threw 
him  into  great  distress  of  mind.  On  recovering  from 
this  dejection,  he  resolved  to  exert  himself  more  zeal- 
ously than  before  in  discovering  to  his  countrymen 
the  errors  by  which  they  were  deluded,  and  in  ac- 

*  A  drunkard.  De  Thou  received  this  anecdote  from  the  marquis 
himself.  (Thuana,  Collect,  des  Maiseaux,  torn.  i.  p.  3,  4.)  It  was 
the  same  nobleman  who,  when  ordered  by  Sixtus  V.  to  quit  his  terri- 
tories  within  eight  days,  replied — "  Your  territories  are  not  so  large, 
but  that  I  can  quit  them  within  twenty-four  hours."     (Ibid.  p.  5.) 

t  According  to  Scaliger,  a  person  named  Jacobin  was  the  first 
martyr  in  Italy.  The  civilian  Cujas,  who  was  present  at  his  exccu- 
tion,  says  he  was  not  a  Protestant,  but  merely  differed  in  some 
things  irom  the  Roman  church;  for,  adds  he,  "in  those  days  they 
burnt  lor  a  small  matter."     (.Scaligcrana  Secuada,  art.  H(Eretici.) 


260  HISTORY    OF    THE 

quainting  them  with  the  way  of  salvation.  For  this 
purpose  he  commenced  travelhng  through  the  pro- 
vince of  Romagna.  His  plan  was,  after  succeeding 
with  a  few  individuals,  to  leave  them  to  instruct  others, 
while  he  removed  to  another  place;  by  which  means 
he,  within  a  short  time,  disseminated  extensively  the 
knowledge  of  evangelical  doctrine.  He  was  at  last 
seized  at  a  place  called  Bagnacavallo,  and  conducted 
in  chains  to  Ferrara.  Neither  threats  nor  solicitations 
could  now  move  him  to  waver  in  his  confession  of  the 
truth.  To  the  lamentations  of  his  wife  and  sister, 
who  came  to  see  him  in  prison,  he  replied,  "Let  it 
suffice  you,  that,  for  your  sakes,  I  have  once  denied 
my  Saviour.  Had  I  then  had  the  knowledge  which, 
by  the  grace  of  God,  I  have  acquired  since  my  fall,  I 
would  not  have  yielded  to  your  entreaties.  Go  home 
in  peace."  Of  Fannio's  imprisonment,  which  lasted 
two  years,  it  may  be  said,  that  it  fell  out  "  to  the  fur- 
therance of  the  gospel,  so  that  his  bonds  in  Christ 
were  manifest  in  all  the  palace."  He  was  visited  by 
the  princess  Lavinia  della  Rovere,  by  Olympia  Mora- 
ta,  and  other  persons  distinguished  for  rank  or  intelli- 
gence, who  were  edified  by  his  instructions  and  pray- 
ers, and  took  a  deep  interest  in  his  fate.  When  orders 
were  issued  to  prevent  strangers  from  having  access 
to  him,  he  employed  himself  in  teaching  his  fellow- 
prisoners,  including  several  persons  of  rank,  confined 
for  state  crimes,  upon  whom  his  piety,  joined  with 
uncommon  modesty  and  meekness,  produced  such  an 
effect,  that  they  acknowledged,  after  their  enlarge- 
ment, that  they  never  knew  what  liberty  and  happi- 
ness was  until  they  found  it  within  the  walls  of  a 
prison.  Orders  were  next  given  to  put  him  in  soli- 
tary confinement,  when  he  spent  his  time  in  writing 
religious  letters  and  essays,  which  he  found  means  of 
conveying  to  his  friends,  and  several  of  which  were 
published  after  his  death.  So  much  were  the  priests 
afraid  of  the  influence  which  he  exerted  over  those 
who  approached  him,  that  his  prison  and  his  keeper 
were  repeatedly  changed.  In  the  year  1550,  Julius 
HI.,  rejecting  every  intercession  made  for  his   life, 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  261 

ordered  him  to  be  executed.  He  was  accordingly 
brought  out  to  the  stake  at  an  early  hour  in  the  morn- 
ing, to  prevent  the  people  from  witnessing  the  scene, 
and  being  first  strangled,  was  committed  to  the 
flames.* 

At  the  same  time  and  in  the  same  manner  did  Do- 
menica  della  Casa  Bianca  suffer  death.  He  was  a 
native  of  Basano  in  the  Venetian  states,  and  acquired 
the  knowledge  of  the  truth  in  Germany,  when  a  soldier 
in  the  army  of  Charles  V.  With  the  zeal  of  a  young 
convert  he  endeavoured,  on  his  return  to  Italy,  to 
disabuse  the  minds  of  his  deluded  countrymen.  After 
labouring  with  success  in  Naples  and  other  places,  he 
was  thrown  into  prison  at  Piacenza,  and,  refusing  to 
retract  what  he  had  taught,  suffered  martyrdom  with 
much  fortitude,  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age.t 

We  have  already  met  repeatedly  with  MoUio,  the 
Bolognese  professor,  who  was  held  in  such  high 
esteem  through  Italy  for  his  learning  and  holy  ]ite.| 
After  the  flight  of  his  brethren,  Ochino  and  Martyr,  in 
1542,  he  was  frequently  in  great  danger,  and  more 
than  once  thrown  into  confinement,  from  which  he  had 
always  providentially  escaped.  But  after  the  acces- 
sion of  pope  Julius  III.  he  was  sought  for  with  great 
eagerness,  and  being  seized  at  Ravenna,  was  conduct- 
ed, under  a  strong  guard,  to  Rome,  and  lodged  in  a 
strait  prison.§  On  the  5th  of  September  1553,  a  pub- 
lic assembly  of  the  inquisition  was  held  with  great 
pomp,  which  was  attended  by  the  six  cardinals  and 
their  episcopal  assessors,  before  whom  a  number  of 
prisoners  were  brought  with  torches  in  their  hands. 
All  of  them  recanted  and  performed  penance,  except 

*  Olympiae  Moratse  Opera,  p.  90,  102,  107.  Nolten,  Vita  Olym. 
MoratEB,  p.  127—134.  Hist,  des  Martyrs,  f.  186,  J 87.  Beza?  Icones, 
sig.  Hh  ij. 

t  Hist,  des  Martyrs,  f.  487,  b.  The  following  work  I  have  not 
seen: — "De  Fannii  Faventini  ac  Dominici  Bassancnsis  mortc,  qui 
nuper  ob  Christum  in  Italia  Rom.  Pontificis  jussu  impie  occisi  sunt, 
brevis  historia  ;  Fran.  Nigro  Bassanensi  auclore.  1550." 

t  See  before  p.  94,  124. 

§  During  his  imprisonment  he  composed  a  commentary  on  Genesis, 
which  is  praised  by  Rabus,  the  German  martyrologist.  (Gerdesii 
Italia  Reform,  p.  302.) 


262  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Mollio,  and  a  native  of  PenigiOj  named  Tisserano. 
When  the  articles  of  accusation  against  Mollio  were 
read,  permission  was  given  him  to  speak.  He  defend- 
ed the  doctrines  which  he  had  taught  respecting  justi- 
fication, the  merit  of  good  works,  auricular  confession, 
and  the  sacraments;  pronounced  the  power  claimed 
by  the  pope  and  his  clergy  to  be  usurped  and  anti- 
christian;  and  addressed  his  judges  in  a  strain  of  bold 
and  fervid  invective,  which  silenced  and  chained  them 
to  their  seats,  at  the  same  time  that  it  cut  them  to  the 
quick.  "As  for  you, cardinals  and  bishops,"  said  he, 
"if  I  were  satisfied  that  you  had  justly  obtained  that 
power  which  you  assume  to  yourselves,  and  that  you 
had  risen  to  your  eminence  by  virtuous  deeds,  and 
not  by  blind  ambition  and  the  arts  of  profligacy,  I 
would  not  say  a  word  to  you.  But  since  I  know,  on  the 
best  grounds,  that  you  have  set  moderation,  and  mod- 
esty, and  honour,  and  virtue  at  defiance,  I  am  con- 
strained to  treat  you  without  ceremony,  and  to  declare 
that  your  power  is  not  from  God  but  the  devil.  If  it 
were  apostolical,  as  you  would  make  the  poor  world 
believe,  then  your  manner  of  life  would  resemble  that 
of  the  apostles.  But  when  I  perceive  the  filth,  and 
falsehood,  and  profaneness  with  which  it  is  overspread, 
what  can  I  think  or  say  of  your  Church  but  that  it  is 
a  receptacle  of  thieves  and  a  den  of  robbers?  What  is 
your  doctrine  but  a  dream — a  lie  forged  by  hypo- 
crites? Your  very  countenances  proclaim  that  your 
belly  is  your  god.  Your  great  object  is  to  seize  and 
amass  wealth  by  every  species  of  injustice  and  cruel- 
ty. You  thirst  without  ceasing  for  the  blood  of  the 
saints.  Can  you  be  the  successors  of  the  holy  apos- 
tles, and  vicars  of  Jesus  Christ — you  who  despise 
Christ  and  his  word,  you  who  act  as  if  you  did  not 
believe  that  there  is  a  God  in  heaven,  you  who  per- 
secute to  the  death  his  faithful  ministers,  make  his 
commandments  of  no  effect,  and  tyrannize  over  the 
consciences  of  his  saints?  Wherefore  I  appeal  from 
your  sentence,  and  summon  you,  cruel  tyrants  and 
murderers,  to  answer  before  the  judgment-seat  of 
Christ  at  the  last  day,  where  your  pompous  titles  and 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  263 

gorgeous  trappings  will  not  dazzle,  nor  your  guards 
and  torturing  apparatus  terrify  us.  And  in  testimony 
of  this,  take  back  that  which  you  have  given  ine."  In 
saying  this,  he  threw  the  flaming  torch  which  he  held 
in  his  hand  on  the  ground  and  extinguished  it.  Galled 
and  gnashing  upon  him  with  their  teeth,  like  the  per- 
secutors of  the  first  Christian  martyr,  the  cardinals 
ordered  Mollio,  together  with  his  companion,  who 
approved  of  the  testimony  he  had  borne,  to  instant 
execution.  They  were  conveyed,  accordingly,  to  the 
Campo  del  Fior,  where  they  died  with  the  most  pious 
fortitude.* 

Pomponio  Algieri,  a  native  of  Nola,  in  the  king- 
dom of  Naples,  was  seized  when  attending  the  uni- 
versity of  Padua,  and  after  being  examined  in  the 
presence  of  the  podesta,  was  sent  bound  to  Venice. 
His  answers,  on  the  different  examinations  which  he 
underwent,  contain  a  luminous  view  of  the  truth,  and 
form  one  of  the  most  succinct  and  nervous  refutations 
of  the  principal  articles  of  popery,  from  Scripture  and 
the  decretals,  which  is  anywhere  to  be  found.  They 
had  the  effect  of  spreading  his  fame  through  Italy. 
From  regard  to  his  learning  and  youth,  the  senators 
of  Venice  were  anxious  to  set  him  at  liberty,  but  as 
he  refused  to  abandon  his  sentiments,  they  condemned 
him  to  the  galleys.  Yet,  yielding  to  the  importunities 
of  the  nuncio,  they  afterwards  sent  him  to  Rome,  as 
an  acceptable  present  to  the  newly-elected  pope,  Paul 
IV.,  by  whom  he  was  doomed  to  be  burnt  alive,  in 
the  twenty-fourth  year  of  his  age.     The   Christian 

*  Hist,  des  Martyrs,  f.  264,  965.  Gcrdesii  Ital.  Reform,  p.  104. 
Zanchi  gives  the  following  anecdote  of  this  martyr,  in  a  letter  to 
Bullinger  :— "  I  will  relate  what  (Mollio  of)  Montalcino,  the  monk, 
who  was  afterwards  burnt  at  Rome  for  the  gospel,  once  said  to  me 
respecting  your  book,  De  origine  eiroris.  As  I  had  not  read  or  seen 
the  work,  he  exhorted  me  to  purchase  it;  '  and,' said  he,  '  if  you 
have  not  money,  p'uckout  your  right  eye  to  enable  you  to  buy  it,  and 
read  it  with  the  left.'  By  the  favour  of  providence,  I  soon  after 
found  the  book,  without  losing  my  eye;  for  I  bought  it  for  a  crown, 
and  abridged  it  in  such  a  cliaracter  as  that  not  even  an  inquisitor 
could  read  it ;  and  in  such  a  form,  that,  if  he  had  read  it,  lu  could 
not  have  discovered  what  my  sentiments  were."  (Zanchii  Epist.  lib. 
ii.  p,278.) 


264  HISTORY    OF    THE 

magnanimity  with  which  this  youthfni  martyr  bore 
that  cruel  death,  terrified  the  cardinals  who  attended 
to  grace  the  spectacle.  A  letter  written  by  him,  in 
his  prison  at  Venice  describes  the  consolations  by 
which  his  spirit  was  refreshed  and  upheld  under  his 
sufferings,  in  language  to  which  I  scarcely  know  a 
parallel.  It  appears  from  this  interesting  document, 
that  the  friends  of  evangelical  truth  were  still  numer- 
ous in  Padua.* 

Equally  distinguished  was  the  constancy  of  Fran- 
cesco Gamba,  a  native  of  Como.  He  was  in  the 
habit  of  visiting  Geneva  for  the  sake  of  conversation 
with  the  learned  men  of  that  city.  Having  on  one 
of  these  occasions,  participated  along  with  them  of 
the  Lord's  Supper,  the  news  of  this  fact  reached  home 
before  him,  and  he  was  seized  on  the  Lake  of  Como, 
thrown  into  prison,  and  condemned  to  the  flames. 
By  the  interposition  of  the  imperial  ambassador  and 
some  of  the  Milanese  nobiUty,  his  execution  was  pre- 
vented for  some  days,  during  which  interval  his  firm- 
ness was  assailed  by  the  sophistry  of  the  monks,  the 
entreaties  of  his  friends,  and  the  interest  which  many 
of  his  townsmen  of  the  popish  persuasion  took  in  his 
welfare.  He  modestly  declined  the  last  services  of 
the  friars,  expressed  his  gratitude  to  those  who  had 
testified  a  concern  for  his  life,  and  assured  the  judge, 
who  lamented  the  necessity  which  he  was  under  of 
executing  the  law,  that  he  forgave  him,  and  prayed 
God  to  forgive  him.  His  tongue  having  been  perfo- 
rated to  prevent  him  from  addressing  the  spectators, 
he  kneeled  down  and  prayed  at  the  place  of  execu- 
tion ;  then  rising,  he  looked  round  the  crowd,  which 
consisted  of  several  thousands,  for  a  particular  friend, 
to  whom  he  waved  his  right  hand,  which  was  loose, 
as  the  appointed  sign  that  he  died  in  peace  and  confi- 
dence ;  after  which  he  stretched  out  his  neck  to  the 
executioner,  who  had  been  authorized,  by  way  of 

*  The  autograph  of  this  letter,  together  with  the  facts  respecting 
the  writer,  were  communicated  by  Curio  to  the  historian  Henry 
Pantaleon.  (Rcrum  in  Eccles.  Gcst.  part.  ii.  app.  329 — 332.  Conf. 
Bezae  Icones,  sig.  Hh  iij.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  265 

favour,  to  strangle  him  before  committing  his  body- 
to  the  fire.* 

Godfredo  Varaglia,  though  a  Piedmontese,  and  put 
to  death  in  his  native  country,  deserves  a  place  here 
from  his  intimate  connexion  with  Italy.  He  belonged 
to  the  order  of  Capuchins,  and  acquired  great  cele- 
brity as  one  of  their  preachers.  Inheriting  from  his 
ancestors  a  strong  antipathy  to  the  Waldenses,  he  had 
received  an  appointment  to  labour  as  a  missionary  in 
their  conversion,  and  the  highest  hopes  of  success 
were  entertained  from  his  zeal  and  eloquence ;  but  the 
issue  turned  out  very  different,  for  he  became  a  con- 
vert to  the  opinions  of  his  opponents,  and,  like  another 
Paul,  began  to  preach  the  faith  which  he  had  sought 
to  destroy,  t  From  that  time  he  acted  in  concert  with 
Ochino.j:  When  the  latter  left  Italy,  he  and  twelve 
others  of  his  order  were  apprehended  and  conveyed 
to  Rome.  The  suspicions  against  them  being  slight, 
or  their  interest  powerful,  they  were  admitted  to  make 
an  abjuration  of  heresy  in  general  terms,  and  confined 
to  the  capital  on  their  parole  for  five  years.  At  the 
end  of  that  period  Varaglia  was  persuaded  to  lay  aside 
the  cowl,  and  enter  into  secular  orders.  His  talents 
had  procured  him  the  friendship  of  a  dignitary  of  the 
church,  from  whom  he  enjoyed  a  pension  for  some 
time ;  and  his  patron  being  appointed  papal  legate  to 
the  king  of  France  in  the  year  1556,  he  accompanied 
him  to  that  country.  But  his  conscience  not  permit- 
ting him  any  longer  to  conceal  his  sentiments,  he  part- 
ed from  the  legate  at  Lyons,  and  repaired  to  Geneva, 
where  he  accepted  an  appointment  to  preach  the  gos- 
pel to  the  Waldenses  in  the  valley  of  AngiOgna.§ 

*  This  account  is  taken  from  a  letter  written  by  a  gentleman  of 
Como  to  the  martyr's  brother.  (Acta  et  Monim.  Martyrum,  f.  270 — 
272.  Wolfii  Lect.  Memorab.  torn.  ii.  p.  686.)  Gamba  suffered  on 
the  21st  of  July  1554. 

t  Leger,  Histoire  des  Eglises  Vaudoises,  p.  29.  Hospinian,  by 
mistake,  makes  Varaglia  to  have  been  the  founder  of  the  Capucliins. 
(De  Orig.  Monach.  cap.  ix.  p.  297.)  This  order  of  monks  was  insti- 
tuted by  Matteo  de  Baschi.  (Observationes  Halenses,  torn  iv.  p,  410.) 

t  Gerdesii  Hist.  Ref.  tom.  iv.  p.  360. 

§  This  is  the  account  which  he  gave  of  himself,  on  his  examina- 

18 


266  HISTORY    OF    THE 

He  had  not  laboured  many  months  among  that  people, 
when  he  was  apprehended,  conveyed  to  Turm,  and 
condemned  to  death,  which  he  endured  with  great 
fortitude  on  the  29th  of  March  1558,  in  the  fiftieth 
year  of  his  age.  When  interrogated  on  his  trial  as  to 
his  companions,  he  told  his  judges  that  he  had  lately 
been  in  company  with  twenty-four  preachers,  who 
had  mostly  come  from  Geneva;  and  that  the  number 
of  those  who  were  ready  to  follow  them  was  so  great, 
that  the  inquisitors  would  not  find  wood  wherewith 
to  burn  them.^ 

Ludovico  Paschali  was  a  native  of  Cuni  in  Pied- 
mont, and  having  acquired  a  taste  for  evangelical 
doctrine  at  Nice,  left  the  army  to  which  he  had  been 
bred,  and  went  to  study  at  liausanne.  When  the 
Waldenses  of  Calabria  applied  to  the  Italian  church 
at  Geneva  for  preachers,  Paschali  was  fixed  upon  as 
eminently  qualified  for  that  station.  Having  obtained 
the  consent  of  Camilla  Guerina,  a  young  woman  to 
whom  he  had  previously  been  affianced,  he  set  out 
along  with  Stefano  Negrino.  On  their  arrival  in  Cala- 
bria, they  found  the  country  in  a  state  of  agitation; 
and  after  labouring  for  some  time  to  quiet  the  minds 
of  the  people  and  comfort  them  under  persecution, 
they  were  both  apprehended  at  the  instance  of  the 
inquisitor.  Negrino  was  allowed  to  perish  of  hunger 
in  his  prison.  Paschali,  after  being  kept  eight  months 
in  confinement  at  Cosenza,  was  conducted  to  Naples, 
from  which  he  \vas  transferred  to  Rome.  His  suffer- 
ings were  great,  and  he  bore  them  with  the  most  un- 
common fortitude  and  patience,  as  appears  from  the 
letters,  equally  remarkable  for  their  noble  sentiments 
a.nd  pious  unction,  which  he  wrote  from  his  prisons 
to  the  persecuted  flock  in  Calabria,  to  his  afflicted 
spouse,  and  to  the  church  of  Geneva.  Giving  an  ac- 
tion before  the  supreme  court  of  justice  at  Turin.  (Hist,  des  Mar- 
tyrs, f.  4186.) 

*  The  account  of  Varaglia  was  transmitted  to  Pantaleon  by  Curio, 
(Rerum  in  Eccl.  Gest.  p.  334,  335.  Hist,  des  Martyrs,  f.  418— 
421.)  In  1563,  the  nuncio  Visconli  wrote  to  cardinal  Borromeo,  that 
more  than  the  half  of  the  Piedmontese  were  Hugonots.  (Epist.  apud 
Gerdes.  Ital.  Ref.  p.  94.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  267 

count  of  his  journey  from  Cosenza  to  Naples,  he  says 
— "  Two  of  our  companions  had  been  prevailed  on 
to  recant,  but  they  were  no  better  treated  on  that  ac- 
count; and  God  knows  what  they  will  suffer  at  Rome, 
where  they  are  to  be  conveyed,  as  well  as  Marquet 
and  myself.  The  good  Spaniard,  our  conductor, 
wished  us  to  give  him  a  sum  of  money  to  be  relieved 
from  the  chain  by  which  we  were  bound  to  one  an- 
other; and,  with  the  view  of  extorting  a  bribe,  he 
put  on  me  a  pair  of  handcuffs  so  strait  that  they  en- 
tered into  the  flesh  and  deprived  me  of  all  sleep ;  but 
I  found  that  nothing  would  satisfy  him  short  of  all 
the  money  I  had,  amounting  to  two  ducats,  which  I 
needed  for  my  support.  At  night  the  beasts  were 
better  treated  than  we,  for  their  litter  was  spread  for 
them,  while  we  were  obliged  to  lie  on  the  hard  ground 
without  any  covering ;  and  in  this  condition  we  re- 
mained for  nine  nights.  On  our  arrival  at  Naples, 
we  were  thrust  into  a  cell,  noisome  in  the  highest 
degree,  from  the  damp  and  the  ordure  of  the  pri- 
soners." 

His  brother,  Bartolomeo,  who  had  come  from  Cuni, 
with  letters  of  recommendation  to  endeavour  to  pro- 
cure his  liberty,  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the 
first  interview  which,  after  great  difficulty,  he  obtain- 
ed with  him  at  Rome,  in  the  presence  of  a  judge  of 
the  inquisition.  "  It  was  quite  hideous  to  see  him, 
with  his  bare  head,  and  his  arms  and  hands  lacerated 
by  the  small  cords  with  which  he  was  bound,  like  one 
about  to  be  led  to  the  gibbet.  On  advancing  to  em- 
brace him,  I  sank  to  the  ground.  ' My  brother!'  said 
he, '  if  you  are  a  Christian,  why  do  you  distress  your- 
self thus?  Do  you  not  know,  that  a  leaf  cannot  fall 
to  the  earth  without  the  will  of  God  ?  Comfort  your- 
self in  Christ  Jesus,  for  the  present  troubles  are  not 
worthy  to  be  compared  with  the  glory  to  come.' — 
'No  more  of  that  talk!'  exclaimed  the  inquisitor. 
When  we  were  about  to  part,  my  brother  begged  the 
judge  to  remove  him  to  a  less  horrid  prison.  '  There 
is  no  other  prison  for  you  than  this,'  was  the  answer. 
— '  At  least  show  me  a  little  pity  in  my  last  days,  and 


268  HISTORY    OF    THE 

God  will  show  it  to  you.' — '  There  is  no  pity  for  such 
obstinate  criminals  as  you/  replied  the  hardened 
wretch.  A  Piedmontese  doctor  who  was  present 
joined  me  in  entreating  the  judge  to  grant  this  favour; 
but  he  remained  inflexible.  '  He  will  do  it  for  the 
love  of  God/  said  my  brother,  in  a  melting  tone. — 
^  All  the  other  prisons  are  full,'  replied  the  judge,  eva- 
sively.— ^  They  are  not  so  full  but  that  a  small  corner 
can  be  spared  for  me.' — *  You  would  infect  all  who  were 
near  you  by  your  smooth  speeches.' — ^  I  will  speak  to 
none  who  does  not  speak  to  me.' — ^Be  content;  you 
cannot  have  another  place.' — '  I  must  then  have  pa- 
tience,' replied  my  brother,  meekly."  How  convincing 
a  proof  of  the  power  of  the  gospel  do  we  see  in  the 
confidence  and  joy  displayed  by  Paschali,  under  such 
protracted  and  exhausting  sufferings !  "  My  state  is 
this,"  says  he,  in  a  letter  to  his  former  hearers — "  I 
feel  my  joy  increase  every  day  as  I  approach  nearer 
to  the  hour  in  which  I  shall  be  offered  as  a  sweet- 
smelling  sacrifice  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  my  faith- 
ful Saviour;  yea,  so  inexpressible  is  my  joy,  that  I 
seem  to  myself  to  be  free  from  captivity,  and  am  pre- 
pared to  die  for  Christ,  not  only  once,  but  ten  thou- 
sand times,  if  it  were  possible;  nevertheless,  I  perse- 
vere in  imploring  the  Divine  assistance  by  prayer,  for 
I  am  convinced  that  man  is  a  miserable  creature  when 
left  to  himself,  and  not  upheld  and  directed  by  God." 
A  short  time  before  his  death,  he  said  to  his  brother — 
"I  give  thanks  to  my  God,  that,  in  the  midst  of  my 
long-continued  and  severe  affliction,  I  have  found 
some  kind  friends;  and  I  thank  you,  my  dearest  bro- 
ther, for  the  tender  interest  you  have  taken  in  my 
welfare.  But  as  for  me,  God  has  bestowed  on  me 
that  knowledge  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  which  as- 
sures me  that  I  am  not  in  an  error,  and  I  know  that 
I  must  go  by  the  narrow  way  of  the  cross,  and  seal 
my  testimony  with  my  blood.  I  do  not  dread  death, 
and  still  less  the  loss  of  my  earthly  goods ;  for  I  am 
certain  of  eternal  life  and  a  celestial  inheritance,  and 
my  heart  is  united  to  my  Lord  and  Saviour."  When 
his  brother  Avas  urging  him  to  yield  a  little,  with  the 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  269 

view  of  saving  his  life  and  property,  he  replied,  "  Oh! 
my  brother,  the  danger  in  which  you  are  involved 
gives  me  more  distress  than  all  that  I  suffer,  or  have 
the  prospect  of  suffering,  for  I  perceive  that  your 
mind  is  so  addicted  to  earthly  things  as  to  be  indiffer- 
ent to  heaven."  At  last,  on  the  8th  of  September 
1560,  he  was  brought  out  to  the  conventual  church  of 
Minerva,  to  hear  his  process  publicly  read;  and  next 
day  he  appeared,  without  any  diminution  of  his 
courage,  in  the  court  adjoining  the  castle  of  St.  Ange- 
lo,  where  he  was  strangled  and  burnt,  in  the  view  of 
the  pope  and  a  party  of  cardinals  assembled  to  wit- 
ness the  spectacle.* 

Passing  over  others,  I  shall  give  an  account  of  two 
persons  of  great  celebrity  for  their  talents  and  stations, 
but  whose  names,  owing  to  the  secrecy  with  which 
they  were  put  to  death,  have  not  obtained  a  place  in 
the  martyrology  of  the  Protestant  church. 

Pietro  Carnesecchi  was  a  Florentine  of  good  birth 
and  liberally  educated.!  From  his  youth  it  appeared 
that  he  was  destined  to  "stand  before  kings  and  not 
before  mean  men."  Possessing  a  fine  person  and  a 
quick  and  penetrating  judgment,  he  united  affability 
with  dignity  in  his  manners,  and  was  at  once  discreet 
and  generous.  Sadolet  praises  him  as  "a  young  man 
of  distinguished  virtue  and  liberal  accomplishments;"  J 
and  Bembo  speaks  of  him  in  terms  of  the  highest  re- 
spect and  affection. §  As  he  had  followed  the  fortunes 
of  the  Medici,  he  was  made  secretary,  and  afterwards 
apostolical  protonotary,  to  Clement  VII.,  who  bestow- 
ed on  him  two  abbacies,  one  in  Naples  and  the  other 
in  France ;  and  so  great  was  his  influence  with  that 
pope,  that  it  was  commonly  said,  "that  the  Church 
was  governed  by  Carnesecchi  rather  than  by  Clem- 

*  Hist,  des  Martyrs,  f.  506—516.  Leger,  Hist,  dcs  Eglises  Vau- 
doiscs,  part.  i.  p.  204. 

t  Camerarius  says,  that  Francesco  Robertello  was  his  preceptor. 
(Epistolae  Flaminii,  &,c.  apud  Schelhornii  Amoenit.  Litcrarias,tom.  x. 
p.  1200.)  If  this  was  the  case,  the  master  must  have  been  as  young 
as  the  scholar.     (Tiraboschi,  torn.  vii.  p.  841.) 

t  Epist.  Famil.  vol.  ii.  p.  189. 

§  Lettere,  tom.  iii.  p.  437 — 439. 


270  HISTORY    OF    THE 

ent.'^  Yet  he  conducted  himself  with  so  much  modes- 
ty and  propriety  in  his  deUcate  situation,  as  not  to  in- 
cur envy  during  the  hfe  of  his  patron,  and  to  escape 
disgrace  at  his  death.     His  career  of  worldly  honour, 
which  had  commenced  so  auspiciously,  was  arrested 
by  a  very  different  cause.     Being  deeply  versed  in 
Greek  and  Roman  literature,  an  eloquent  speaker,  and 
a  poet,  he  spent  his  time,  after  the  death  of  his  patron, 
in  travelling  through  the  different  cities  of  Italy,  con- 
versing with  the  learned,  and  adding  to  his  stock  of 
knowledge.*     At  Naples  he  formed  an  intimacy  with 
Valdes,  from  whom  he  imbibed  the  reformed  doc- 
trine ;t  and,  as  he  possessed  great  candour  and  love  of 
truth,  his  attachment  to  these  doctrines  daily  acquired 
strength  from  reading,  meditation,  and  conference 
with  learned  men.     During  the  better  days  of  cardi- 
nal Pole,  he  made  one  of  the  select  party  which  met 
in  th^t  prelate's  house  in  Viterbo,  and  spent  the  time 
in  religious  exercises.  J     When  his  friend  Flamhiio, 
startled  at  the  thought  of  leaving  the  church  of  Rome, 
stopped  short  in  his  inquiries,  Carnesecchi  displayed 
that  mental  courage  which  welcomes  truth  when  she 
tramples  on  received  prejudices,  and  follows  her  in 
spite  of  the  hazards  which  environ  her  path.§     After 
the  flight  of  Ochino  and  Martyr,  he  incurred  the  vio- 
lent suspicions  of  those  who  prosecuted  the  search 
after  heresy,'  and,  in  1546,  was  cited  to  Rome,  where 
cardinal  de  Burgos  one  of  the  inquisitors,  was  order- 
ed to  investigate  the  charges  brought  against  him. 
He  was  accused  of  corresponding  with  the  heretics 
who  had  fled  from  justice,  supplying  suspected  per- 
sons with  money  to  enable  them  to  retire  to  foreign 

*  Galluzzi.  torn.  ii.  p.  76. 

t  Ladcrchii  Annales,  ad  an.  1567. 

t  "  II  resto  del  giorno  passo  con  questa  santa  e  utile  compagnia 
del  Sig-.  Carnesecchi,  e  Mr.  Marco  Antonio  Flaminio  nostro.  Utile 
io  chiamo,  perche  la  sera  poi  Mr.  Marco  Antonio  da  pasto  a  me,  e 
alia  mig-lior  parte  della  famiglia,  de  illo  cibo  qui  non  perit,  in  tal 
maniera  che  io  non  so  quando  io  abbia  sentito  maggior  consolatione, 
ne  maggior  edificatione."  (Lettere,  il  Card.  Keg.  Polo  al  Card. 
Gasp.  Contarini;  di  Viterbo,  alli  ix  di  Decembre  1541  ;  Poli  Epis- 
tolae,  vol.  iii.  p.  42.) 

§  See  before,  p.  166. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  271 

parts,  giving  testimonials  to  schoolmasters,  who  un- 
der the  pretext  of  teaching  the  rudiments  of  know- 
ledge, poisoned  the  minds  of  the  youth  with  their 
heretical  catechisms,  and  particularly  with  having  re- 
commended to  the  duchess  of  Trajetto*  two  apostates, 
whom  ho  extolled  as  apostles  sent  to  preach  the  gos- 
pel to  the  heathen.t  Through  the  favour  of  the  mild 
pontiff,  Paul  III.,  the  matter  was  accommodated,  but 
Carnesecchi,  to  avoid  the  odium  which  had  been  ex- 
cited against  him,  found  it  necessary  to  quit  Italy  for 
a  season.  After  spending  some  time  with  Margaret, 
duchess  of  Savoy,  who  was  not  unfriendly  to  the  re- 
formed doctrines,  he  went  to  France,  where  he  en- 
joyed the  favour  of  the  new  monarch,  Henry  II, ,  and 
his  queen,  Catharine  de  Medicis.  In  the  year  1552, 
he  returned  to  his  native  country,  confirmed  in  his 
opinions  by  the  intercourse  which  he  had  with  foreign 
Protestants, J  and  took  up  his  residence  chiefly  at 
Padua,  within  the  Venetian  territories,  where  he  was 
in  less  danger  from  the  intrigues  of  the  court  of 
Rome,  and  could  enjoy  the  society  of  those  who 
were  of  the  same  religious  sentiments  with  himself. 
Paul  IV.  had  not  been  long  seated  on  the  papal 
throne  when  a  criminal  process  was  commenced 
against  him.  As  he  did  not  choose  to  place  himself  at 
the  mercy  of  that  furious  pontifl"  by  making  a  personal 
appearance,  he  was  summoned  at  Rome  and  Venice, 
and  failing  to  appear  within  the  prescribed  term,  the 
sentence  of  excommunication  was  launched  against 
him,  by  which  he  was  delivered  over  to  the  secular 
power  to  be  punished  as  a  contumacious  heretic. § 

*  See  before  p.  159.  t  Laderchli  Annal.  ad  an.  1567. 

\  Laderchius  says  he  formed  an  intimacy  with  Phihp  Melanchthon; 
but  as  the  latter  was  never  in  France,  Scheliiorn  thinks  the  person 
referred  to  might  be  Andrew  Melanchthon,  a  relation  of  that  reformer, 
who  was  imprisoned  for  preaching  in  the  Agenois.  (Amoen.  Hist. 
Eccles.  torn.  ii.  p.  192.) 

§  The  process  against  him  was  commenced  October  25, 1557;  the 
monitory  summons  was  issued  March  24,  1558;  and  the  excommu- 
nication  was  passed  April  6,  1559.  (Laderchius,  ut  supra.)  Galluzzi, 
in  his  history  of  the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany,  says,  that  Cosmo,  by 
means  of  letters  of  commendation,  prorogations,  and  attestations  of 
infirmity,  contrived  to  avert  the  sentence  during  tiie  life  of  that  pope. 


272  HISTORY    OF    THE 

When  Giovanni  Angelo  de'  Medici  ascended  the 
chair  of  St.  Peter,  under  the  name  of  Pius  IV.,  Car- 
nesecchi,  who  had  always  been  a  zealous  friend  to 
the  family  of  this  pontiff,  obtained  from  him  the 
removal  of  the  sentence  of  excommunication,  without 
his  being  required  to  make  any  abjuration  of  his  opin- 
ions. The  popish  writers  complain,  that,  notwith- 
standing these  repeated  favours,  he  still  kept  up  his 
correspondence  Avith  heretics  in  Naples,  Rome,  Flo- 
rence, Venice,  Padua,  and  other  places  both  within 
and  without  Italy ;  that  he  gave  supplies  of  money  to 
Pietro  Gelido,  Leone  Marionio,  and  others  who  had 
fled  to  Geneva;  and  that  he  recommended  the  wri- 
tings of  the  Lutherans  while  he  spoke  degradingly  of 
those  of  the  Catholics.  On  the  accession  of  Pius  V. 
he  retired  to  Florence,  and  put  himself  under  the  pro- 
tection of  Cosmo,  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  justly 
dreading  the  vengeance  of  the  new  pope.  From 
papers  afterwards  found  in  his  possession,  it  appears 
that  he  had  intended  to  retire  to  Geneva,  but  was 
induced,  by  the  confidence  which  he  placed  in  his 
protector,  to  delay  the  execution  of  his  purpose  until 
it  was  too  late.  At  a  conclave  held  at  Rome  for  the 
special  purpose,  measures  were  concerted  for  obtain- 
ing possession  of  his  person.  Cardinal  Pacecco,  a 
distinguished  member  of  the  sacred  college,  addressed 
a  flattering  letter  to  the  duke,  in  which,  after  praising 
his  zeal  for  the  holy  see,  and  telling  him  that  he  could 
never  have  a  better  opportunity  of  testifying  it  and 
gratifying  his  holiness,  he  added,  that  it  should  not  be 
matter  of  surprise  that  such  eagerness  was  shown  for 
the  apprehension  of  one  man,  as  the  example  would 
draw  after  it  the  most  important  consequences,  in 
which  his  excellency  himself  might  share.  The  mas- 
ter of  the  sacred  palace  was  sent  to  Florence  with  a 
letter  to  Cosmo,  written  with  the  pope's  own  hand, 
and  instructions  to  request  him  to  deliver  up  a  heretic 
who  had  long  laboured  to  destroy  the  Catholic  faith, 
and  corrupted  the  minds  of  multitudes.*  When  the 
messenger  arrived  and  delivered  his  credentials,  Car- 

*  Galluzzi,  torn.  ii.  p.  78,  79. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  273 

nesecchi  was  sitting  at  table  with  the  duke,  who,  to 
ingratiate  himself  with  the  pope,  ordered  his  guest 
to  be  immediately  laid  under  arrest,  and  conducted  as 
a  prisoner  to  Rome ;  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  hos- 
pitality and  friendship,  for  which  he  received  the 
warm  thanks  of  his  holiness.*  The  prisoner  was 
proceeded  against  without  delay  before  the  inqui- 
sition, on  a  charge  consisting  of  no  fewer  than  thirty- 
four  articles,  which  comprehended  all  the  peculiar  doc- 
trines held  by  Protestants  in  opposition  to  the  church 
of  Rome.t  Achilles  Statins,  a  native  of  Portugal,  who 
had  formerly  held  the  situation  of  secretary  to  him, 
acted  on  the  present  occasion  as  his  legal  accuser. 
The  articles  were  proved  by  witnesses,  and  by  the 
letters  of  the  prisoner,  who,  after  defending  himself 
for  some  time,  admitted  the  truth  of  the  main  charges, 
and  owned  that  the  articles  contained  generally  a  state- 
ment of  the  opinions  which  he  entertained.  We  have 
the  testimony  of  a  popish  historian,  who  consulted  the 
records  of  the  holy  office,  to  the  constancy  and  firm- 
ness with  which  the  prisoner  avowed  his  sentiments 
to  the  last.  "  With  hardened  heart,"  says  he,  "  and 
uncircumcised  ears,  he  refused  to  yield  to  the  neces- 
sity of  his  circumstances,  and  thus  rendered  the  ad- 
monitions and  the  often  repeated  delays  granted  to 
him  for  deliberation  useless;  nor  could  he,  by  any 
means,  be  induced  to  abjure  his  errors  and  to  return 
to  the  true  religion,  according  to  the  wish  of  Pius, 
who  had  resolved,  on  the  appearance  of  penitence,  to 
visit  his  past  crimes  with  a  more  lenient  punishment 
than  they  merited.''^  The  same  account  is  given  by 
the  historian  of  the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany,  who  says 

*  Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1566.  Laderchius,  who  has  inserted,  in  his 
Annals,  the  pope's  letters  to  Cosmo,  admits  the  truth  of  Dc  Thou's 
narrative  as  to  the  manner  of  Camesecehi's  apprehension,  which  hfe 
applauds — "  ex  bene  acta  re  et  optima  Cosmi  mentc."  The  letter 
demanding  Carnesecchi  is  dated  June  20,  and  the  letter  of  thanks, 
July  1,  1566. 

t  The  articles  are  given  at  large  by  Laderchius,  m  his  Annals, 
from  which  they  have  been  reprinted  by  Schelhorn,  (Ama^n.  Hist. 
Eccles.  torn.  ii.  p.  197—205,)  and  by  Gerdesius,  with  some  abridg- 
ment.    (Ital.  Ref.  p.  144—148.) 

X  Laderchius,  ut  supra. 


274  HISTORY    OF    THE 

that  Cosmo,  by  letters  and  messages,  sought  to  move 
the  clemency  of  th&  pope  and  cardinals ;  but  that  all  his 
efforts  were  rendered  useless  by  "the  fanaticism'^  of 
Carnesecchi.*  On  the  16th  of  August,  1567,  sentence 
was  pronounced  against  him,  and  on  the  21st  of  Sep- 
tember it  was  publicly  read  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary, 
near  Minerva,  along  with  those  of  other  heretics.t  He 
was  condemned  as  an  incorrigible  heretic,  deprived  of 
all  honours,  dignities,  and  benefices,  and  delivered  over 
to  the  secular  arm ;  after  which  he  was  degraded,  and 
clothed  with  a  sanhenito,  painted  with  flames  and 
devils.  The  final  execution  of  the  sentence  was,  how- 
ever, delayed  for  ten  days.  Whether  this  delay  pro- 
ceeded from  deference  to  the  duke,  or  a  hope  of  being 
able  to  present  such  a  distinguished  person  as  Car- 
nesecchi  in  the  character  of  a  penitent  on  the  scaffold, 
it  may  be  difficult  to  determine.  During  the  interval, 
a  Capuchin  of  Pistoia  was  incarcerated  along  with 
him,  with  the  view  of  inducing  him  to  recant ;  but  as 
the  labours  of  the  friar  proved  fruitless,  Carnesecchi 
was  brought  out  on  the  3d  of  October,  and  being  be- 
headed, his  body  was  consumed  in  the  flames.  "  His 
fanaticism,"  says  a  historian,  who  has  furnished  us 
with  some  minute  particulars  respecting  him,  "  sus- 
tained him  to  the  very  last  moment.  He  went  to  exe- 
cution as  to  a  triumph,  and  appeared  with  new  linen 
and  gloves,  as  his  inflamed  sanbenito  did  not  admit 
of  his  wearing  any  other  piece  of  apparel.":]: 

*  Heresy  was  the  word  used  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  cen- 
turies; but  the  writers  of  the  Church  of  Rome  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury substitute  the  word  fanaticism,  as  calculated  to  lessen  the  odium 
of  the  severities  employed  against  the  Protestants,  on  the  minds  of 
men  living  in  an  age  more  distinguished  for  its  liberality  than  its 
faith. 

t  In  the  diary  of  Cardinal  Farnese  is  the  following  entry,  under 
the  19th  September,  1567: — "  Sanctissimus  Dominus  noster  hortatus 
est,  et  invitavit  omnes  Reverendissimos  Dominos,  ut  accederent  ad 
videndum,  et  audiendum  abjurationem  liEereticorum,  qui  fieri  debet 
die  Dominico  proximo  futuro  in  Ecclesia  B.  Maria3  prope  Minervam." 
To  this  is  added,  in  the  original  MS.,  "  Lata  est  haec  sententia  die 
Sabbathi  16  Augusti  1567  ;  die  vero  Dominico  21  Septembris  ejus- 
dem  anni,  in  Ecclesia  S.  Mariae  supra  Minervam  publico  recitata." 

t  Galluzzi,  tom.  ii.  p.  80.  Laderchius  expresses  great  displeasure 
at  De  Thou  for  saying  that  Carnesecchi  was  condemned  to  the  fire, 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  275 

.  It  has  been  the  barbarous  poUcy  of  the  church  of 
Rome  to  destroy  the  fame,  however  well  earned,  and, 
if  possible,  to  aboUsh  the  memory  and  blot  out  the 
very  names  of  those  whose  lives  she  has  taken  away 
for  heresy.  Flaminio  himself  did  not  escape  this 
"occult  censure,"  as  it  has  been  called;  and  his  name 
was  expunged  from  letters  which  were  published  after 
his  death,  though  he  was  never  formally  convicted  of 
heresy,  and  had  several  friends  in  the  sacred  college.* 
The  subject  is  curious,  and  it  may  not  be  improper  to 
adduce  an  example  or  two.  The  celebrated  Muretus 
was  engaged  in  publishing  a  work  which  was  intend- 
ed to  contain  a  poem  in  praise  of  Carnesecchi.  In 
the  meantime,  a  prosecution  for  heresy  was  com- 
menced against  the  object  of  his  panegyric,  which 
threw  the  delicate  author  into  great  perplexity. 
Averse  to  lose  the  ode,  but  afraid  to  associate  himself 
with  a  person  suspected  of  heresy,  he  held  a  consul- 
tation on  the  subject,  and  the  result  was,  that  his  cau- 
tion conquered  his  vanity,  and  the  poem  was  sup- 
pressed.! Carnesecchi  was  the  intimate  friend  of  the 
learned  printer,  Paulus  Manutius,  and  was  godfather 
to  one  of  his  sons.  In  an  edition  of  his  letters  pub- 
lished in  1558,  this  scholar,  writing  to  Muretus,  had 
spoken  in  the  most  kindly  manner  of  his  Carnesecchi; 
but  in  subsequent  editions,  including  those  which 
proceeded  from  his  own  press,  we  find  the  harsh 
name  of  his  friend  gratefully  softened  down  to  Molini. 

without  saying  whether  he  was  to  be  committed  to  it  dead  or  alive; 
and  he  asserts  that  the  Roman  Church  never  decreed  that  heretics 
should  be  burnt  ahve.  But  in  his  next  volume,  he  found  it  necessary 
to  correct  his  error,  and  to  admit  the  truth  of  what  he  had  denied. 
(Annal.  tom.  xxiii.  f.  200.) 

*  "  Neque  tamen  occultam  censuram  cfFugit,  (Flaminius,)  ejus 
nomine  passim  in  epistolis,  quK  postea  publicataB  sunt,  expuncto." 
(Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1551.)  Schelhorn  has  produced  a  number  of 
instances  in  illustration  of  the  truth  of  De  Thou's  assertion.  Ergoctz- 
lichkeiten,  tom.  i.  p.  201—205. 

t  The  passage  relating  to  this  subject  is  in  a  letter  to  Paulus  Manu- 
tius, and  begins  in  the  following  characteristic  strain — "  Erat  ad 
Petrum  Tiv  ^n^ox^r^v  (finge  aliquod  ejusmodi  nomcn  aut  latinuiii  aut 
vernaculuni,  ita  quern  dicam  intcUigcs)  ode  una  jam  pridcm  scripta ; 
de  qua,  quid  faciam,  nescio,"  «fec.  (Mureti  Oral,  ct  Epist.  lib.  i.  p. 
442.    Lips.  1672.) 


i276  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Again,  in  a  dedication  of  the  works  of  Sallust  to  car- 
dinal Trivulzi,  printed  in  1557,  Manutius  mentions 
"  Petrus  Carnesecus,  the  protonotary,  an  honoured 
person,  distinguished  for  every  virtue,  and  excelling^ 
in  a  cuhivated  mind,  all  that  I  have  met  with  in  the 
course  of  my  life;"  but  in  the  subsequent  editions  of 
the  dedication  we  look  in  vain  for  the  name  of  the 
"  honoured"  protonotary !  The  same  person  printed, 
in  1556,  select  letters  of  illustrious  men,  containing 
one  written  in  a  laudatory  strain  by  Cosmo  Ghieri, 
bishop  of  Fano,  to  "  Carnesecchi,  apostolical  protono- 
tary;" but  in  an  enlarged  edition  of  the  work  pub- 
lished at  Venice  in  1568,  the  office  only,  and  not  the 
name  of  the  person  to  whom  that  letter  was  addressed, 
appears.  "  It  is  not  so  much  to  be  wondered  at," 
says  Schelhorn,  when  speaking  of  the  verses  written 
in  praise  of  this  martyr,  "that  they  should  have  been 
afraid  to  mention,  at  least  in  Italian,  his  name,  at  a 
time  when  the  funeral  pile,  on  which  his  body  was 
consumed  to  ashes,  was  yet  smoking;  but  that,  at  the 
expiry  of  nearly  two  centuries,  such  innocent  and 
beautiful  poems,  which  do  not  treat  of  religion,  and 
had  been  published,  should  be  still  suppressed,  merely 
because  they  were  addressed  to  Carnesecchi,  is  a  clear 
proof  that  the  prohibitory  laws  of  Rome  continue  to 
have  no  small  authority  in  the  Venetian  states."* 
About  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  an  edition 
of  the  poems  of  Flaminio  was  published  by  one  of  his 
countrymen,  who  found  it  necessary,  or  judged  it 
prudent,  to  omit  the  odes  addressed  to  Carnesecchi, 
"  lest  he  should  incur  the  censure  of  those  who  have 
said  and  written  that  Marcus  Antonius  Flaminius  was 
a  heretic,  because  he  cultivated  the  friendship  of  Car- 
nesecus."! Nor  is  this  all;  for  the  learned  editor, 
in  quoting  from  a  dedication  to  a  former  edition  of  the 

*  Schelhorn,  Ergoetzlichkciten,  torn,  1.  p.  205 — 209. 

t  Flaminii  Cannina,  ex  prelo  Cominiano,  1743,  p.  375.  The 
editor,  Franciscus  Maria  Mancurtius,  had  included  the  odes  referred 
to,  in  a  former  edition  of  the  work  printed  in  1727.  (Schelhorn, 
Erg-oetzlichkeiten,  torn.  i.  p.  189,  191,  197.  Conf.  AmcEn.  Hist.  Eccl. 
torn.  ii.  p.  209.)  I  subjoin  one  of  the  poems,  from  which  the  learned 
reader  will  judge  of  the  violence  which  the  editor  must  have  done  to 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  277 

poems,  in  v/hich  Carnesecchi  was  highly  praised,* 
suppresses  his  name ;  forgetting,  perliaps,  that  the  ex- 
cellent author  whose  works  he  was  editing  had  him- 
self been  formerly  subjected  to  the  same  unworthy 
treatment.  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  far  this  system 
of  suppression  was  carried.  Another  instance  of  it 
may  be  given.  A  letter  of  Cardinal  Maffei  to  Lodo- 
vico  Castelvetro,  in  which  his  eminence  expresses  the 
highest  esteem  for  that  scholar,  was  published  in  1556, 
among  a  collection  of  the  epistles  of  illustrious  men; 
but  in  a  new  edition  of  the  work  which  appeared  in 
1568,  after  Castelvetro  had  incurred  the  stigma  of 
heresy,  his  name  is  not  to  be  seen.t  These  facts  are 
not  foreign  to  our  subject.  They  will  suggest  to  the 
intelligent  reader  a  train  of  reflections  as  to  the  fatal 
influence  which  bigotry  and  intolerance  must  have 
exerted  at  this  time  in  Italy  over  all  that  is  liberal  in 

his  taste,  when  he  prevailed  on  himself  afterwards  to  exclude  it: — 

Ad  Petrum  Carnesecum. 

O  dulce  hospitium,  O  lares  beati, 

O  mores  faciles,  et  Atticorom 

ConditaB  sale  coUectiones, 

Quam  vos,  aegro  animo  et  laborioso, 

Quantis  cum  lacrymis,  miser  relinquo  I 

Cur  me  sceva  necessitas  abire, 

Cur  vultum,  atque  oculos,  jocosque  suaves 

Cogit  linquere  tarn  veuusti  amici  ? 

Ah  reges  valeant,  opesque  regum, 

Et  quisquis  potuit  domos  potentum 

Anteponere  candidi  sodalis 

Blandis  alloquiis,  facetiisque; 

Sed  quanquam  procul  a  tuis  ocellis, 

Jucundissime  Carnescce,  abibo 

Regis  imperium  mei  secutus, 

Non  loci  tamen  ulla,  temporisve 

Intervalla,  tuos  mihi  lepores, 

Non  mores  ipsa  adiment.     Manebo  tecum, 

Tecum  semper  ero,  tibique  semper 

Magnam  partem  animas  mea3  relinquara, 
Mellite,  optime,  mi  venuste  amice. 
*  Schelhorn,  Ergoetz.  tom.  i.  p.  196,  197.     The  dedication  was  ad- 
dressed to  Margaret,  sister  of  Henry  II.  of  France,  and  contained 
these  words  : — "  Cum  Petrus  Carnesecus,  lectissimus  Sc  ornatissimus 
vir,  de  tua  singulari  erga  Deum  pietate,  et  assiduo  litteraruni  studio, 
ad  me  multa  scripsisset,"  &,c.     Mancurti  gives  the  passage  thus:  — 
"Cum  lectissimus  ct  ornatissimus  quidam  vir,"  &.C. 
t  Biblioteca  Modenese,  tom.i.  p.  437. 


278  HISTORY    OF    THE 

letters  or  generous  in  spirit.  If  it  is  only  after  the 
most  laborious  search,  and  often  in  the  way  of  catch- 
ing at  obscure  hints,  detecting  fallacious  names,  and 
cross-examining  and  confronting  editions  of  the  works 
of  the  learned,  that  we  have  been  able  to  discover 
much  of  what  we  know  of  the  Reformation  and  its 
friends  in  that  country,  how  many  facts  respecting 
them  must  remain  hid,  or  have  been  irrecoverably 
lost,  in  consequence  of  the  long  continuance  of  a  prac- 
tice so  indefensible  in  itself  and  so  disgraceful  to  the 
republic  of  letters. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  Aonio  Paleario,  or, 
according  to  his  proper  name,  Antonio  dalla  Paglia.* 
On  quitting  the  Siennese  about  the  year  1543,  he  em- 
braced an  invitation  from  the  senate  of  Lucca,  where 
he  taught  the  Latin  classics,  and  acted  as  orator  to 
the  republic  on  solemn  occasions.  To  this  place  he 
was  followed  by  Maco  Blaterone,  one  of  his  former 
adversaries,  a  sciolist  who  possessed  that  volubility  of 
tongue  which  captivates  the  vulgar  ear,  and  whose 
ignorance  and  loquacity  had  been  severely  chastised, 
but  not  corrected,  by  the  satirical  pen  of  Aretino. 
Lucca  at  that  time  abounded  with  men  of  enlightened 
and  honourable  minds;  and  the  eloquence  of  Paleario, 
sustained  by  the  lofty  bearing  of  his  spirit,  enabled 
him  easily  to  triumph  over  his  unworthy  rival,  who, 
disgraced  and  driven  from  the  city,  sought  his  revenge 
from  the  Dominicans  at  Rome.  By  means  of  his 
friends  in  the  conclave,  Paleario  counteracted  at  that 
time  the  informations  of  his  accuser,  which,  however, 
were  produced  against  him  at  a  future  period.!  Mean 

*  Tirabosclii,  Storia,  vii.  1452.  The  wretched  iambics  in  which 
Latinus  Latinius  charges  Paleario  with  having  renounced  his  bap- 
tism by  changing  his  Christian  name,  and  alleges  that  his  dropping 
the  letter  T  from  it  was  ominous  of  the  manner  in  which  "  the 
wretched  old  man  expiated  his  crimes  on  a  gibbet,"  have  been 
thought  worthy  of  a  place  in  the  Menagiana.  De  la  Monnoye,  who 
wrote  an  epigram  in  Greek  and  Latin  in  opposition  to  them,  says — 
"  They  are  so  frigid,  that  they  would  have  quenched  the  flames  in 
which  Paleario  was  consumed."     (Menag.  tom.  i.  p.  217.) 

t  Epistolee,  lib.  iii. :  Opera  Palearii,  p.  525—531,  550—554,  edit. 
Halbaueri. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  279 

while,  his  spirit  submitted  with  rekictance  to  the 
drudgery  of  teaching  languages,  and  his  income  was 
insufficient  for  supporting  the  domestic  establishment 
which  his  wife,  who  had  been  genteelly  bred,  aspired 
to.*  In  these  circumstances,  after  remaining  about 
ten  years  at  Lucca,  he  accepted  an  invitation  from  the 
senate  of  Milan,  which  conferred  on  him  a  liberal 
salary,  together  with  special  immunities,  as  professor 
of  eloquence.!  He  kept  his  place  in  that  city  during 
seven  years,  though  in  great  perils  amidst  the  severi- 
ties practised  towards  those  suspected  of  favouring 
the  new  opinions.  But  in  the  year  1566,  while  de- 
liberating about  his  removal  to  Bologna,J  he  was 
caught  in  the  storm  which  burst  on  so  many  learned 
and  excellent  men  at  the  elevation  of  Pius  V.  to  the 
pontifical  chair.  Being  seized  by  Frate  Angelo  de 
Cremona,  the  inquisitor,  and  conveyed  to  Rome,  he 
was  committed  to  close  confinement  in  the  Torre 
Nona.  Plis  book  on  the  benefit  of  Christ's  death,  his 
commendations  of  Ochino,§  his  defence  of  himself 
before  the  Senators  at  Sienna,  and  the  suspicions 
which  he  had  incurred  during  his  residence  at  that 
place  and  at  Lucca,  were  all  revived  against  him. 
After  the  whole  had  been  collected  and  sifted,  the 
charge  at  last  resolved  itself  into  the  four  follow- 
ing articles : — that  he  denied  purgatory  ;  disapproved 
of  burying  the  dead  in  churches,  preferring  the  an- 
cient Roman  method  of  sepulture  without  the  walls 
of  cities ;  ridiculed  the  monastic  life  ;  and  appear- 
ed to  ascribe  justification  solely  to  confidence  in 
the  mercy  of  God  forgiving  our  sins  through  Jesus 
Christ.  II  For  holding  these  opinions,  he  was  con- 
demned, after  an  imprisonment  of  three  years,  to  be 
suspended  on  a  gibl3et  and  his  body  to  be  given  to 
the  flames ;  and  the  sentence  was  executed  on  the  3d 

*  Epist.  lib.  iv. ;  Ibid.  p.  563. 

t  Halbauer  has  given  the  diploma  of  the  civic  authorities  in  his 
life  of  Paleario,  p.  27— 29. 

t  Tiraboschi,  Storia,  vii.  1454. 

§  Palearii  Opera,  p.  102,  103. 

11  Laderchii  Annales,  torn.  xxii.  p.  202. 


280  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  July  1570,  in  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age.*  A 
minute,  which  professes  to  be  an  official  document  of 
the  Dominicans  who  attended  him  in  his  last  moments, 
but  which  has  neither  names  nor  signatures,  states 
that  Paleario  died  confessed  and  contrite.!  The  testi- 
mony of  such  interested  reporters,  though  it  had  been 
better  authenticated,  is  not  to  be  implicitly  received: 
as  it  is  well  known  that  they  were  accustomed  to 
boast,  Avithout  the  slightest  foundation,  of  the  conver- 
sions which  they  made  on  such  occasions.!  In  the 
present  instance  it  is  contradicted  by  the  popish  con- 
tinuator  of  the  annals  of  the  church,  who  drew  his 
materials  from  the  records  of  the  inquisition,  and  re- 
presents Paleario  as  dying  impenitent.  His  words  are 
— "When  it  appeared  that  this  son  of  Belial  was  ob- 
stinate and  refractory,  and  could  by  no  means  be  re- 
covered from  the  darkness  of  error  to  the  light  of  truth, 
he  was  deservedly  delivered  to  the  fire,  that,  after 
suffering  its  momentary  pains  here,  he  might  be 
bound  in  everlasting  flames  hereafter."§  The  un- 
natural and  disordered  conceptions  which  certain  per- 
sons have  of  right  and  wrong  prompt  them  to  impart 
facts  which  their  more  judicious  but  not  less  guilty 
associates  would  have  concealed  or  coloured.  To  this 
we  owe  the  following  account  of  Paleario 's  behaviour 
on  his  trial  before  the  cardinals  of  the  inquisition: — 
"  When  he  saw  that  he  could  produce  nothing  in  de- 
fence of  his  pravity,"  says  the  annalist  last  quoted, 
"falling  into  a  rage  he  broke  out  in  these  words — 
'  Seeing  your  eminences  have  so  many  credible  wit- 
nesses against  me,  it  is  unnecessary  for  you  to  give 

*  Writers  have  varied  as  to  the  year  of  his  martyrdom,  which, 
however,  may  be  considered  as  determined  by  an  extract  from  a 
register  kept  in  San  Giovanni  de'  Fiorentini  di  Roma,  which  was 
printed  in  Novelle  Letterarie  dell'  Anno  1745,  p.  328,  and  reprinted 
by  Schelhorn.     (Dissert,  de  Mino  Celso  Senensi,  p.  25.) 

t  Diss,  de  Mino  Celso,  p.  26.  Tiraboschi,  following  Padra  Lago- 
marsini  and  Abbate  Lazzeri,  has  adopted  this  opinion,  but  solely  on 
the  ground  referred  to  in  the  text. 

t  Conringius  has  shown  this  from  a  variety  of  examples.  (PrtB- 
fat.  ad  Cassandri  et  Wicelii  Libr.  de  Sacris  nostri  temporis  Contro- 
versiis,  p.  148.) 

§  Laderchii  Annal.  torn.  xx.  f.  204. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  281 

yourselves  or  me  longer  trouble.  I  am  resolved  to 
act  according  to  the  advice  of  the  blessed  apostle 
Peter,  when  he  says,  Christ  sulfered  for  us,  leaving 
us  an  example  that  we  should  follow  his  steps,  who 
did  no  evil  neither  was  guile  found  in  his  mouth,  who, 
when  he  was  reviled,  reviled  not  again,  when  he  suf- 
fered threatened  not,  but  committed  himself  to  him 
that  judgeth  righteously.  Proceed  then  to  give  judg- 
ment— pronounce  sentence  on  Aonio,  and  thus  gratify 
his  adversaries  and  fulfil  your  office.'  "*  Instead  of 
supposing  that  the  person  who  uttered  these  words 
was  under  the  influence  of  passion,  every  reader  of 
right  feeling  will  be  disposed  to  exclaim,  "  Here  is 
the  patience  and  the  faith  of  the  saints  !"  Before 
leaving  his  cell  for  the  place  of  execution,  he  was  per- 
mitted, by  the  monks  who  waited  on  him,  to  write  two 
letters,  one  to  his  wife,  and  another  to  his  sons,  Lam- 
pridio  and  Fedro.t  They  are  sliort,  but  the  more 
affecting  from  this  very  circumstance ;  because  it  is 
evident,  that  he  was  restrained  by  the  fear  of  saying 
any  thing  which,  by  giving  ofience  to  his  judges, 
might  lead  to  the  suppression  of  the  letters,  or  to  the 
harsh  treatment  of  his  family  after  his  death.  They 
testify  the  pious  fortitude  with  which  he  met  his 
death,  as  an  issue  which  he  had  long  anticipated  and 
wished  for,  and  that  warmth  of  conjugal  and  paternal 
affection  which  breathes  in  all  his  letters.:}:  They  also 
afford  a  negative  proof  that  the  report  of  his  recan- 
tation was  unfounded ;  for  if  he  had  really  changed 
his  sentiments,  would  he  not  have  felt  anxious  to 
acquaint  his  family  with  the  fact?  or,  if  the  change 
was  feigned,  would  not  the  monks  have  insisted, 
on  his  using  the  language  of  a  penitent,  when  they 
granted  him  permission  to  write  ? 

Paleario  had,  before  his  apprehension,  taken  care 
to  secure  his  writings  against  the  risk  of  suppression, 
by  committing  them  to  the  care  of  friends  whom  he 
could  trust;  and  their  repeated  publication  in  Protes- 

*  Laderchii  Annal.  torn.  xx.  f.  205. 
t  He  left  two  sons  and  two  daughters. 
t  The  two  letters  will  be  found  in  the  appendix. 
19 


282  HISTORY    OF    THE 

tant  countries  has  saved  them  from  those  mutilations 
to  which  the  works  of  so  many  of  his  countrymen 
have  been  subjected.  From  his  letters  it  appears  that 
he  enjoyed  the  friendship  and  correspondence  of  the 
most  celebrated  persons  of  that  time  both  in  the 
church  and  in  the  republic  of  letters.  Among  the 
former  were  cardinals  Sadolet,  Bembo,  Pole,  Maffei^ 
Badia,  Filonardo,  Sfondrati ;  and,  among  the  latter, 
Flaminio,  Riccio,  Alciati,  Vittorio,  Lampridio,  and 
Buonamici.  His  poem  on  the  immortality  of  the 
soul  was  received  with  applause  by  the  learned."^  It 
is,  perhaps,  no  high  praise  to  say  of  his  orations,  that 
they  placed  him  above  all  the  moderns  who  obtained 
the  name  of  Ciceronians,  from  their  studious  imitation 
of  the  style  of  the  Roman  orator;  but  they  are  certain- 
ly written  with  elegance  and  spirit.!  His  letter  on 
the  council  of  Trent,  addressed  to  the  Reformers,  and 
his  testimony  and  pleading  against  the  Roman  pon- 
tiffs, evince  a  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  soundness 
in  the  faith,  candour,  and  fervent  zeal,  worthy  of  a 
Reformer  and  confessor  of  the  truth.J     His  tract  on 

*  Tiraboschi,  Storia,  vii.  1454 — 1456.  Sadolet  says  of  it,  in  a 
letter  to  Sebastian  Grypha^us,  "  Tam  graviter,  tarn  erudite,  tarn 
etiam  et  verbis  et  numeris  apte  et  eleganter  tractatum  esse,  nihil  ut 
i'erme  nostrorum  temporum  leg-erini,  quod  me  in  eo  genere  delectavit 
magis." — (Palearii  Opera,  p.  G27;  conf.  p.  624,) 

t  MorhofF  says — "  Longe  aliter  sonat  quod  Palearius  scribit,  quim 
Longolius  et  alii  inepti  Ciceronis  imitatores."  (Colleg.  Epistolic. 
p.  17.)  Crenius  has  collected  several  testimonies  to  the  merit  of  Pa- 
learius. (Animad.  Philolog.  et  Historic,  part.  ii.  p.  IS — 23,  Conf. 
Miscell.  Groning.  torn,  iii,  p.  92,  93.  Des  Maizeaux,  Scaligerana, 
&c.  torn.  ii.  p,  483.     A  Life  of  Paleario  is  in  Bayle  and  in  Niceron. 

t  The  letter  appears  to  have  been  written  with  the  view  of  being 
sent  along  with  Ochino  v»^hcn  he  retired  from  Italy ;  and  one  copy 
of  it  was  addressed  to  Bucer  and  another  to  Calvin.  Salig  gave  an 
account  of  it  without  knowing  the  autlior ;  (Historic  dcr  Augsbur- 
gischen  Confession,  torn.  ii.  lib.  v,  p.  66  ;)  but  it  was  published,  for  the 
iirst  time,  in  1737,  by  Schelhorn,  along  with  a  short  account  of  the 
martyrdom  of  the  author.  (Amcenit.  Hist.  Eccles.  torn.  i.  p.  425 — 
462.)  The  other  work,  entitled  Tesii/nonia  et  Actio  in  Fordijices  Ro- 
nianos  et  eorum  Asseclas,  though  intended  also  by  the  author  to  be 
sent  across  the  Alps,  Vv'as  first  Ibund  in  his  handwriting  at  Sienna  in 
the  year  1596,  and  printed  in  1606  at  Leipsic.  (Halbauer,  Vita  Pa- 
learii, p.  49.)  The  only  peculiar  opinion  which  the  author  adopted 
was  the  unlawfuhiess  of  an  oath  in  any  case,  which  he  endeavours 
to  support   at  some  length.     (Opera,  p,  317,  &.c.)     When  he  calls 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  283 

the  benefit  of  the  death  of  Christ  was  uncommonly 
useful,  and  made  a  great  noise  at  its  first  publication. 
Forty  thousand  copies  of  it  were  sold  in  the  course  of 
six  years.*  It  is  said  that  cardinal  Pole  had  a  share 
in  composing  this  work,  and  that  Flaminio  wrote  a 
defence  of  it;t  and  activity  in  circulating  it  formed 
one  of  the  charges  on  which  cardinal  Morone  was 
imprisoned,  and  Carnesecchi  committed  to  the  flames.  :j: 
When  we  take  into  consideration  his  talents,  his  zeal, 
the  utility  of  his  writings,  and  the  sufferings  which 
he  endured,  Paleario  must  be  viewed  as  one  of  the 
greatest  ornaments  of  the  Reformed  cause  in  Italy. § 

A  number  of  other  excellent  men  sufi"ered  about 
the  same  time  with  Carnesecchi  and  Paleario,  of 
whom  the  most  noted  were  Julio  Zannetti  and  Barto- 
lommeo  Bartoccio.||  The  latter  was  the  son  of  a 
wealthy  citizen  of  Castel,  in  the  duchy  of  Spoletto, 
and  imbibed  the  Reformed  doctrine  from  Fabrizio 
Tommassi  of  Gubbio,  a  learned  young  gentleman, 
who  was  his  companion  in  arms  at  the  siege  of  Sien- 

marriage  a  sacrament,  he  appears  to  me  merely  to  mean  that  it  was 
a  divine  or  sacred  ordinance.     (Ibid.  p.  305,  315.) 
*  Schelhorn,  Erg-oetzlichkciten.  torn.  i.  p.  27. 
t  Schelhorn,  Amoenit.  Hist.  Eccles.  torn.  i.  p.  156.    Laderchii  An- 
nal.  torn.  xxii.  p.  326. 

t  Wolfii  Lect.  Memorab.  torn.  ii.  p.  656.  Schelhorn,  ut  supra,  torn, 
ii.  p.  205.  The  only  writer  for  two  centuries,  so  far  as  I  know,  who 
has  seen  the  original  of  this  rare  work,  is  Reiderer.  The  proper  title 
is — Trattato  utilissimo  del  beneficio  de  Giesu  Christo  crucifisso,  ver- 
so i  Christiani.  Venetiis  apud  Bernardinum  de  Bindonis,  Anno  Do. 
1543.  (Nachrichten  zur  Kirchen-gelerten  and  Biicher.geschichte, 
torn.  iv.  p.  121.)  An  answer  was  made  to  it  by  Ambrogio  Catarino, 
who  was  afterwards  rewarded  with  an  archbishopric. 

§  The  Italian  works  of  Paleario,  printed  and  in  MS.,  including 
some  poems,  are  mentioned  by  Tiraboschi.  (Tom.  vii.  p.  1456.) 
Joannes  Matthaeus  Toscanus,  the  author  of  Peplus  JtalicB,  who  was 
a  pupil  of  Paleario,  composed  the  following  verses,  among  others,  on 
his  master : — 

Aonio  Aonides  Graios  prompsere  lepores, 

Et  quascunque  vetus  protulit  Hellas  opes. 
Aonio  Latiae  tinxerunt  melle  Camoenae. 

Verba  ligata  modis,  verba  soluta  modis. 
Quae  nee  longa  dies,  ncc  (quae  scelerata  cremasti, 
Aonii  corpus)  perdere  flamma  potest. 
II  Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1556.     Mat.  Flacii  Catal.  Test.  Vcrit.  ap- 
pend. 


284  HISTORY    OF    THE 

na.*  On  returning  home  he  zealously  propagated  the 
truth,  and  made  converts  of  several  of  his  relations. 
During  a  dangerous  sickness  by  which  he  was  attack- 
ed, he  refused  to  avail  himself  of  the  services  of  the 
family  confessor,  and  resisted  all  the  arguments  by 
which  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  attempted  to  bring 
him  back  to  the  catholic  faith ;  upon  which  he  was 
summoned,  along  with  his  companions,  before  the 
governor  Paolo  Vitelli.  Though  still  weak  with  the 
effects  of  his  distemper,  he  rose  in  the  night  time, 
surmomited  the  wall  of  the  city  by  the  help  of  a  pike, 
and  escaped  first  to  Sienna  and  afterwards  to  Venice. 
Having  ascertained  by  letters  that  there  was  no  hope 
of  his  being  allowed  to  return  to  his  native  place,  or 
of  his  receiving  any  support  from  his  father,  except 
in  the  way  of  recanting  his  opinions,  he  retired  to 
Geneva,  where  he  married,  and  became  a  manufac- 
turer of  silk.  In  the  end  of  the  year  1567,  while 
visiting  Genoa  in  the  course  of  trade,  he  imprudent- 
ly gave  his  real  name  to  a  merchant,  and  was  appre- 
hended by  the  inquisition.  The  magistrates  of  Ge- 
neva and  Berne  sent  to  demand  his  liberation  from 
the  Genoese  republic ;  but  before  their  envoy  arrived, 
the  prisoner  had  been  sent  to  Rome  at  the  request  of 
the  pope.  After  suffering  an  imprisonment  of  nearly 
two  years,  he  was  sentenced  to  be  burnt  alive.  The 
courage  which  Bartoccio  had  all  along  displayed  did 
not  forsake  him  in  the  trying  hour;  he  walked  to  the 
place  of  execution  with  a  firm  step  and  unaltered 
countenance;  and  the  cry,  vitioria,  vittoinal  was 
distinctly  heard  from  his  lips,  after  his  body  was  en- 
veloped in  the  flames,  t 

But  it  is  time  to  bring  this  distressing  part  of  the 
narrative  to  a  close.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that,  during  the 
whole  of  this  century,  the  prisons  of  the  inquisition  in 
Italy,  and  particularly  at  Rome,  were  filled  with  vic- 
tims, including  persons  of  noble  birth,  male  and  fe- 
male, men  of  letters  and  mechanics.  Multitudes  were 
condemned  to  penance,  to  the  galleys,  or  other  arbi- 

*  In  1555..  t  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  f.  757,  758. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  285 

trary  punishments;  and,  from  time  to  time,  individ- 
uals were  put  to  death.  Several  of  the  prisoners  were 
foreigners,  who  had  visited  the  country  in  the  course 
of  business  or  of  their  travels.  Englishmen  were 
peculiarly  obnoxious  to  this  treatment.*  At  an  ear- 
lier period.  Dr.  Thomas  Wilson,  afterwards  secretary 
to  Queen  Elizabeth,  was  accused  of  heresy,  and 
thrown  into  the  prisons  of  the  inquisition  at  Rome, 
on  account  of  some  things  which  were  contained  in 
his  books  on  logic  and  rhetoric.  He  made  his  escape 
in  consequence  of  his  prison  doors  being  broke  open 
during  the  tumult  which  took  place  at  the  death  of 
pope  Paul  IV.t  Among  those  who  escaped  by  this 
occurrence  was  also  John  Craig,  one  of  our  reformers, 
who  lived  to  draw  up  the  national  covenant,  in  which 
Scotland  solemnly  abjured  the  popish  religion. J  Dr. 
Thomas  Reynolds  was  less  fortunate.  After  residing 
for  some  time  at  Naples,  he  was  informed  against  to 
the  bishop,  who  sent  him  to  Rome,  along  with  three 
Neapolitan  gentlemen,  accused  of  heresy.  With  the 
view  of  forcing  him  to  depose  against  his  fellow  pris- 
oners, he  was  subjected  to  the  torture  called  by  the 
Italians  la  tratta  di  corda,  and  by  the  Spaniards 
Vastrapado;  and,  in  consequence  of  this  and  similar 
treatment,  he  died  in  prison  in  November  1566.§  In 
the  year  1595  two  persons  were  burnt  alive  in  Rome, 
the  one  an  Endishman  and  the  other  a  native  of  Si- 
lesia;  the  former  having,  in  a  fit  of  zeal,  indiscreetly 
torn  the  host  from  the  hands  of  the  priest  who  was 
carrying  it  in  procession,  had  his  hand  cut  off  at  the 

*  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  f.  758,  a. 

t  Dr.  Wilson,  after  giving  an  account  of  his  imprisonment  and 
escape,  in  a  new  edition  of  one  of  his  works  printed  in  1560,  adds 
facetiously — "  And  now  that  I  am  come  home,  this  booke  is  shewed 
me,  and  I  am  desired  to  looke  upon  it  and  to  amende  it  where  I 
thought  meete.  Amende  it?  quoth  I.  Nay;  let  the  book  first 
amende  itself,  and  make  me  amendes.  For  surely  I  have  no  cause 
to  acknowledge  it  for  my  booke ;  because  I  have  so  smarted  for  it. 
If  the  Sonne  were  the  occasion  of  the  father's  imprisonment,  would 
not  the  father  be  offended  with  him,  think  you?"  (Art  of  Rhcto- 
rike.  Prologue,  sig.  A  5.     Lond.  1583.) 

X  Life  of  John  Knox,  vol.  ii.  p.  55. 

§  Strype's  Annals,  vol.  i.  p.  526. 


286  HISTORY    OF    THE 

Stake  before  he  was  committed  to  the  flames.  The 
nobleman  who  relates  this  fact,  and  was  then  study- 
ing at  the  university  of  Padua,  adds,  in  a  postscript  to 
his  letter,  that  he  had  just  heard  of  some  other  Eng- 
lishmen having  been  thrown  into  prison  at  Rome.* 
Notwithstanding  all  these  severities,  persons  secretly 
attached  to  the  reformed  doctrines  were  to  be  found 
in  that  country  during  the  seventeenth  century ;  and 
some  of  our  own  countr^anen,  who  had  been  induced 
to  expatriate  themselves  out  of  zeal  for  popery,  were 
converted  to  the  Protestant  faith  during  their  residence 
in  Italy.t 

After  these  details  of  cruelty,  it  may  appear  a  matter 
of  trivial  interest  to  trace  the  measures  adopted  for 
the  suppression  and  destruction  of  books.  From  the 
period  of  the  invention  of  printing,  the  regulation  of 
the  press  had  belonged  to  the  civil  authorities,  who 
issued,  from  time  to  time,  orders  for  suppressing  par- 
ticular books,  which  were  deemed  dangerous  or  unfit 
for  the  public  eye.  In  the  year  1546,  Charles  V., 
anxious  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  new  opinions  in 
Flanders,  charged  the  theological  faculty  of  Louvain 
to  draw  up  a  catalogue  of  such  books  as  ought  not  to 
be  read  by  the  people ;  and,  ten  years  after,  this  cata- 
logue was  enlarged,  and  authorized  by  an  imperial 
edict. li:     In  Rome  the  laws  on  this  subject  were  still 

*  Letter  from  John,  Earl  of  Gowrie,  Padua,  28th  November  1595; 
printed  in  appendix  to  Life  of  Andrew  Melville.  It  is  probable  that 
the  following-  extract  relates  to  the  execution  mentioned  above : — "  II 
y  a  eu  plusieurs  Anglois,  (condamnes,)  mais  sur  tout  un,  qui  a  Rome 
au  grand  temple  de  Saint  Pierre,  lors  que  le  prestre  consacroit  I'hostie, 
I'arracha  d'entre  ses  mains,  le  quel  fut  puny  meritoirement.  Le 
Secretaire  de  Monsieur  Dabain  m'a  dit  I'avoir  veu  executer."  (Scali- 
gerana  Secunda,  art.  Hceretici.)  In  bishop  Hall's  epistles,  published 
in  1614,  is  a  letter  "  To  Mr.  John  Mole,  of  a  long  time  now  a  prison- 
er under  the  inquisition  at  Rome ;  exciting  him  to  his  wonted  con- 
stancie,  and  encouraging  him  to  martyrdome."  (Epistles,  Decade 
vi.  ep.  9.) 

t  Mr.  Evelyn,  in  his  travels  through  Italy  in  1646,  met  with  a 
Scotsman,  an  officer  of  the  army,  at  Milan,  who  treated  him  cour- 
teously, and  who,  together  with  an  Irish  friar,  his  confidant,  concealed 
their  Protestantism  from  dread  of  the  inquisition.  (Evelyn's  Memoirs, 
vol.  i.  p.  215—217.) 

t  An  account  of  the  first  register  of  prohibited  books,  written  in 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  287 

local,  and  no  attempt  had  been  made  to  extend  their 
authority  over  the  catholic  world.  But  in  1559,  pope 
Paul  IV.,  emulating  the  zeal  of  the  emperor,  resolved 
to  frame  a  catalogue  still  more  rigid  in  its  prohibitions, 
and  to  make  its  observance  universal.  Accordingly, 
he  published  an  index  of  books,  accompanied  with  a 
denunciation  of  the  highest  pains  at  his  pleasure,  and 
particularly  of  deprivation  of  ecclesiastical  benefices, 
censures,  and  infamy,  against  all  who  should  not,  be- 
fore a  certain  time,  deliver  sach  books  to  the  persons 
appointed  to  receive  them.  This  index  was  divided 
into  three  classes.  The  first  contained  the  names  of 
those  authors  whose  whole  works,  whatever  the  sub- 
ject might  be  of  which  they  treated,  were  interdicted. 
The  second  contained  the  names  of  those  persons  of 
whose  works  some  only  were  specified  as  forbidden. 
The  third  pointed  out  certain  books  printed  without 
any  author's  name,  and  contained  a  prohibition  of  all 
anonymous  books  published  since  the  year  1519,  and 
of  all  of  the  same  description  which  might  be  publish- 
ed for  the  future  without  the  approbation  of  the  ordi- 
nary of  the  place  and  of  an  inquisitor.  To  the  whole 
was  added  a  list  of  upwards  of  sixty  printers,  with  a 
prohibition  of  all  works  which  proceeded  from  their 
press,  on  what  subject  and  in  what  language  soever 
they  were  written.  Such  was  the  infamous  Index 
Expurgatorins  of  Rome,  an  engine  devised  to  ex- 
tinguish letters  in  Europe,  and  to  reduce  it  to  the 
barbarism  from  which  it  had  lately  emerged.* 

Deputies  were  despatched  without  delay  to  the  dif- 
ferent states  of  Italy,  for  the  purpose  of  promulgating 
the  papal  decree  in  confirmation  of  the  index,  and 
seeing  it  carried  into  effect.  The  doom  of  the  con- 
demned books  was  the  same  with  that  pronounced 
against  heretics — consumption  by  the  flames.     Tlie 

the  language  of  the  Netherlands,  and  printed  at  Antwerp  in  1540, 
is  given  by  Riedcrer,  in  Nachrichten,  toni.  i.  p.  354 — 361. 

*  Index  Auctorum  ct  Librorum  qui  ab  Oflicio  Sanctac!  Roni,  &. 
Universalis  Inquisitionis  caveri  ab  omnibus  &  singulis  in  universa 
Christiana  Republica  mandantur.  Hie  Index  excusus  est— de  man- 
date speciali  sacri  officii,  Romte  An.  D.  1559.     Mensc  Januarii. 


288  HISTORY    OF    THE 

arrival  of  the  deputies  at  Florence  threw  Cosmo,  duke 
of  Tuscany,  into  great  perplexity.  On  the  one  hand, 
he  was  afraid  of  irritating  his  holiness  and  his  myr- 
midons; on  the  other,  to  execute  such  a  decree  would 
have  been  to  forfeit  the  glory  of  the  house  of  Medici, 
and  to  desecrate  a  city  which  boasted  of  being  the 
favourite  seat  of  letters  and  the  arts.  From  this 
dilemma  he  expected  to  be  extricated  by  the  determi- 
nation of  his  neighbours.  But  the  senate  of  Venice 
temporized,  while  the  viceroy  of  Naples  and  the 
governor  of  Milan  referred  the  matter  to  Philip  II., 
who  was  then  in  Flanders,  though  the  disposition  of 
that  monarch  to  suppress  every  species  of  liberty  was 
sufficiently  known.  Torelli,  an  eminent  lawyer  and 
first  auditor  of  the  duke,  having  been  required  to  make 
a  report  on  the  subject  to  his  master,  presented  a  re- 
monstrance stating,  that  the  execution  of  this  indis- 
creet law  would  inflict  on  the  citizens  of  Florence  a 
loss  of  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  ducats,  would 
ruin  the  printers  and  booksellers,  and  reduce  to  ashes 
all  books  printed  in  Germany,  Paris,  and  Lyons, 
(which  were  the  most  highly  esteemed,)  including 
Bibles,  Greek  and  Roman  classics,  and  other  works 
of  great  value  and  public  utility.  The  Medicean 
college,  through  Andrea  Pasquali,  the  duke's  physi- 
cian, represented  the  injury  which  it  would  inflict  on 
the  study  of  the  arts;  and  the  deputies  of  the  inquisi- 
tion themselves,  having  been  probably  dealt  with  in 
private  by  Cosmo,  seemed  to  be  ashamed  to  insist  on 
a  rigorous  execution  of  their  orders.  But  the  cardi- 
nal of  Alexandria  (afterwards  PiusV.)  insisted  on  the 
promulgation  of  the  papal  decree,  in  which  he  was 
zealously  supported  by  the  monks.  To  this  the  duke 
partially  consented,  appointing  it  to  be  carried  into 
effect  as  to  all  books  contrary  to  religion,  or  which 
treated  of  magic  and  judicial  astrology,  but  suspend- 
ing its  execution  as  to  others;  and  the  monks  of  San 
Maria,  who  intended  to  yield  implicit  obedience  to 
the  papal  decree,  were  given  to  understand  that,  as 
patron  of  their  convent  and  library,  he  could  not  agree 
to  the  destruction  of  so  many  books,  the  gift  of  his 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  289 

ancestors.  On  the  8th  of  March  1559,  the  condem- 
ned books  were  accordingly  brought  out  and  commit- 
ted to  the  flames,  with  great  solemnity,  in  the  piazzas 
of  San  Giovanni  and  Sante  Cruce.  Notwithstanding 
the  restrictions,  the  trade  suffered  so  severely,  that 
the  magistrates  of  Basle,  Zurich,  and  Frankfort,  ap- 
plied to  Cosmo  to  use  his  influence  with  the  pope  to 
obtain  some  reparation  for  the  loss  which  their  re- 
spective cities  had  sustained.* 

In  the  meantime,  the  work  of  conflagration  was 
carried  on,  without  discrimination  or  remorse  at  Rome, 
throughout  the  states  of  the  church,  and  in  every  part 
of  Italy  that  was  under  the  influence  of  the  papal 
court,  to  the  dismay  of  literary  men,  foreign  and 
native.  "  At  Rome,"  says  BuUinger,  in  a  letter  to 
Blaurer,  "Paul  IV.  has  burned  all  the  works  of  Eras- 
mus, and  also  the  works  of  Cyprian,  Jerome,  and 
Augustine,  because  they  are  polluted,  as  he  foully 
speaks,  with  the  scholia  of  Erasmus."!  "  So  great," 
says  Simler,  "  was  the  number  of  books  condemned 
by  the  pope,  that  the  professors  in  the  Italian  acade- 
mies complained  loudly  that  they  would  be  obliged 
to  desist  from  lecturing  if  the  edict  remained  in  force. 
The  magistrates  of  Frankfort,  as  weU  as  ours  and 
those  of  other  cities  in  Germany,  wrote  to  the  senate 
of  Venice,  urging  them  not  to  admit  an  edict  which 
would  put  an  end  to  the  mutual  traflic  in  books."f 
An  Italian  writer  of  that  age  says — "  The  number  of 
books  committed  to  the  flames  was  immense,  so  that 
if  they  had  all  been  collected  into  one  place,  it  would 
have  equalled  the  burning  of  Troy.  There  was  not 
a  library,  private  or  public,  which  escaped  the  dis- 
aster, or  which  was  not  nearly  annihilated."§  An- 
other contemporary  writer  writes  thus  from  Rome  to 
a  friend  in  Germany: — "Why  do  you  think  of  setting 
forth  new  works,  at  a  time  when  almost  all  those  which 
have  been  published  are  laid  under  an  interdict?   No 

*  Galluzzi,  Istor.  del  Granduc.  di  Toscano,  torn.  i.  p.  366—369. 

t  Hottinger,  Hist.  Eccl.  torn.  ix.  p.  408. 

t  Vita  H.  Bullingeri,  p.  33. 

§  Natalis  Comes,  Hist.  Sui  Temporis,  b.  xi.  p.  263. 


290  HISTORY    OF    THE 

one  here  will,  in  my  opinion,  venture  for  many  years 
to  write  any  thing,  except  it  may  be  a  letter  to  an  ab- 
sent friend.  It  is  vain  for  you  to  labour  on  the  trans- 
lation of  Demosthenes,  or  the  various  readings  of  the 
Bible.  Faernus  has  been  occupied  for  several  days 
in  clearing  and  purging  his  library;  and  I  intend  to 
commence  the  same  operation  to-morrow,  lest  some 
of  the  prohibited  goods  should  be  found  in  my  posses- 
sion. This  shipwreck,  or  rather  conflagration  of  books 
will,  I  doubt  not,  have  the  eff"ect  of  deterring  your 
learned  men  from  writing,  and  making  your  printers 
cautious  of  what  they  undertake.  As  you  regard 
me  and  yourself,  keep  your  desk  close,  lest  any  thing 
which  comes  to  you  should  transpire."* 

On  the  death  of  Paul  IV.  the  inquisition  after  books 
was  relaxed,  and  a  new  index  was  published  by  the 
authority  of  the  council  of  Trent,  which,  while  it  in- 
cluded a  greater  number  of  Protestant  works  under 
the  prohibitory  sentence,  was  more  select  and  discri- 
minate in  its  censure  of  other  productions  of  the  press. 
The  names  of  some  popish  authors  formerly  stigma- 
tized were  dropped,  and  a  distinction  was  made  among 
the  works  of  others.  But  this  led  to  a  practice  as 
barbarous  as  the  former.  The  tolerated  works  were 
mangled  by  the  censors  of  the  press,  to  whose  cor- 
rection they  were  subjected.  Several  copies  of  the 
works  of  the  fathers  are  still  to  be  found,  in  which 
the  annotations  of  Erasmus  are  so  much  disfigured, 
by  being  cut  with  knives,  torn  with  pincers,  or 
besmeared  with  glutinous  matter,  as  to  be  utterly 
illegible.  One  of  these  is  plastered  over  with  wood- 
cuts and  figures  of  different  kinds,  in  such  a  way  as 
to  have  the  appearance  of  a  historical  or  cosmographi- 
cal  work,  instead  of  one  of  the  fathers;  but,  on  a 
more  minute  inspection,  Ave  ascertain  that  these 
figures  consist  of  views  of  fields  of  battle,  tourna- 
ments, and  executions,  maps  of  cities  and  countries, 
drawings  of  animals,  escutcheons,  medals,  and  other 
prints,  which  the  inquisitors  had  ordered  to  be 
taken  out  of  Munster's  Cosmography,  and  similar 

*  Latinus  Latinius,  Lucubrat.  part.  ii.  p.  61. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  291 

works,  when  they  were  condemned  to  the  flames.^ 
So  strict  was  the  search  at  this  period,  that  domiciUary 
visits  were  appointed  with  the  view  of  discovering 
such  books  as  were  prohibited;  and  those  who  were 
unwilhng  to  have  them  committed  to  the  flames,  or 
who  had  neglected  to  dehver  them  up  within  the  pre- 
scribed time,  adopted  the  precaution  of  burying  them 
in  the  earth,  or  immuring  them  in  their  houses.  On 
taking  down  an  old  house  in  Urbino,  in  the  year  1728, 
the  workmen  disinterred  a  copy  of  Brucioli's  para- 
phrase of  Paul's  epistles,  with  some  books  of  Ochino, 
Valdes,  and  others  of  the  same  kind,  which  liad  re- 
mained in  concealment  for  more  than  a  century  and 
a  half.t 


CHAPTER  VI. 

FOREIGN    ITALIAiN    CHURCHES,  WITH   ILLUSTRATIONS    OF  THE  REFORMATION 

IN    THE    GRISONS. 

An  account  of  those  exiles  who  left  Italy  from  attach- 
ment to  the  Protestant  cause,  forms  an  important 
branch  of  our  undertaking.  It  is  important,  whether 
we  take  into  view  the  testimony  which  was  given  to 
the  authority  of  religious  principle  and  the  Reformed 
faith,  by  the  fact  of  so  many  persons  quitting  their 
homes  and  all  that  was  dear  to  them,  in  obedience  to  the 
dictates  of  conscience,  or  consider  the  loss  which  their 
imgrateful  country  sustained  by  their  emigration,  and 
the  benefits  which  accrued  to  those  countries  which, 
with  Christian  hospitality,  opened  an  asylum  to  the 
unfortunate  strangers. 

It  was  calculated  that,  in  the  year  1550,  the  exiles 
amounted  to  two  hundred,  of  whom  a  fourth  or  fifth 
part  were  men  of  letters,  and  these  not  of  the  meanest 

*  Schelhorn,  Ergoetzlichkciten,  torn.  i.  p.  20 — 22. 
t  Apostolo  Zeno,  Note  al  Fontanini  Bibl.  della  Eloq.  Italiana,  torn, 
i.  p.  119. 


292  HISTORY    OF    THE 

name.*  Before  the  year  1559,  the  number  had  in- 
creased to  eight  hundred.!  From  that  time  to  the 
year  1568,  we  have  ground  to  beheve  that  the  increase 
was  fully  as  great  in  proportion;  and  down  to  the 
close  of  the  century,  individuals  weiC  to  be  seen, 
after  short  intervals,  flying  to  the  north,  and  throwing 
themselves  on  the  glaciers  of  the  Alps  to  escape  the 
fires  of  the  inquisition. 

The  settlements  which  the  Italian  refugees  made  in 
the  Grisons  claim  our  first  notice.  With  a  few  ex- 
ceptions they  all  visited  that  country  in  the  first  in- 
stance, and  a  great  part  of  them  made  it  the  place  of 
their  permanent  abode.  This  was  chiefly  owing  to 
its  proximity  to  Italy,  and  its  afl'ording  them  the  best 
opportunities  of  corresponding  with  the  friends  they 
had  left  behind  them,  or  of  gratifying  the  hope,  to 
which  exiles  long  fondly  cling,  of  revisiting  their 
natal  soil,  as  soon  as  such  a  change  should  occur  as 
would  render  this  step  practicable  and  safe.  But  in 
choosing  this  as  a  place  of  residence,  they  must  also 
have  been  influenced  by  the  consideration  that  the 
native  tongue  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  southern  de- 
pendencies of  the  Grison  republic  was  Italian,  while 
a  language  bearing  a  near  aflinity  to  it  was  spoken 
over  the  greater  part  of  the  republic  itself.  The 
affairs  of  the  Italian  settlers  in  the  Grisons  are  so  in- 
terwoven with  the  progress  of  the  Reformation  in 
that  country,  that  the  former  cannot  be  understood 
without  some  account  of  the  latter.  I  shall  be  the 
less  scrupulous  in  entering  into  details  on  this  subject, 
because  it  relates  to  a  portion  of  the  history  of  the 
Reformed  Church  whicli  is  comparatively  little  known 
among  us ;  for  while  the  interesting  fates  of  the  Vau- 
dois,  who  took  refuge  in  the  Valais  and  Piedmont, 
have  attracted  the  attention  of  ecclesiastical  historians 
to  the  Cottian  or  western  range  of  the  Alps,  the 
Rhetian  or  eastern  has  been  in  a  great  measure  over- 
looked. 

To  the  south-east  of  Switzerland,  in  the  higher  re- 

*  Vergerio,  Lettere  al  Vescovo  di  Lesina:  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  36. 
f  Busdragi  Epist.  ut  supra,  p.  322. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  293 

gioii  of  the  Alps,  where  these  gigantic  mountains, 
covered  with  ice  and  clouds,  are  cleft  into  narrow 
valleys,  and  around  the  sources  of  the  Rhine  and 
Inn,  lies  the  country  of  the  ancient  Rhetians  and  mo- 
dern Grisons.   Secluded  from  the  rest  of  the  world,  and 
occupied  in  feeding  their  cattle  on  the  mountains,  and 
in  cultivating  corn  and  the  vine  within  their  more 
fertile  valleys,  the  inhabitants,  who  came  originally 
from  Italy,  had  preserved  their  ancient  language  and 
manners,  with  little  variation,  from  a  period  consi- 
derably anterior  to  the   Christian  era.     During  the 
middle  ages  they  fell  under  the  dominion  of  the  bisliops 
of  Coire,  the  abbots  of  Disentis,  and  a  crowd  of  other 
chiefs,  ecclesiastical  and  secular,  who  kept  them  in 
awe  by  means  of  innumerable  castles,  the  ruins  ot 
which  are  still  to  be  seen  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 
Worn  out  by  the  injuries  which  they  suffered  from 
these  petty  tyrants,  and  animated  by  the  example 
which  had  been  set  them  by  their  neighbours  the 
Swiss,  the  miserable  inhabitants,  in  the  course  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  threw  off  the  yoke  of  their  oppres 
sors  one  by  one ;  and,  having  established  a  popular 
government  in  their  several  districts,  entered  into  a 
common  league  for  the  defence  of  their  independence 
and   rights.      The    Grison   league   or  republic   con- 
sisted  of  a    union    of  three   distinct   leagues, — the 
Grey  league,  that  of  God's  House,  and  that  of  the 
Ten  Jurisdictions;  each  of  which  was  composed  of  a 
number  of  smaller  communities,  which  retained  the 
right  of  managing  all  their  internal  affairs,  as  well  as 
of  sending  depluies  to  the  general  diet,  whose  powers 
were  extremely  circumscribed.    In  no  nation,  ancient 
or  modern,  have  the  principles  of  democracy  been 
carried  to    such  extent   as  in  the   Grison   republic; 
and  as  the  checks  necessary  to  prevent  its  abuse  were 
not  provided  by  a  rude  people  smarting  under  the 
recent  effects  of  tyranny,  its  form  of  government,  ac- 
cording to  the  confession  of  its  own  as  well  as  foreign 
writers,  not  only  created  great  dissensions,  but  led  to 
gross  corruption  and  bribery  in  election  to  offices  and 


294  HISTORY    OF    THE 

in  the  administration  of  justice.*  Toward  the  be- 
ginning of  the  sixteentli  century,  the  Grison  repubhc 
obtained  a  large  accession  to  their  territories,  by  the 
possession  of  the  Valteline,  Chiavenna,  and  Bormio, 
fertile  districts  situate  between  the  Alps  and  the  Mi- 
lanese and  Venetian  territories. 

The  corruptions  which  had  overspread  the  catholic 
church  before  the  Reformation,  were  to  be  found  in 
the  Grisons,  with  all  the  aggravations  arising  from 
the  credulity  of  a  rude  people  utterly  ignorant  of  let- 
ters. The  clergy  lived  openly  in  concubinage,  figured 
at  revels,  rode  about  the  country  in  complete  armour, 
and  claimed  and  enjoyed,  under  a  republican  govern- 
ment, a  complete  exemption  from  the  laws,  even  when 
they  were  guilty  of  the  most  flagrant  crimes  and  out- 
rages.! Bands  of  foreign  priests,  furnished  with  bulls 
from  the  pope,  continually  prowled  about  in  search 
of  vacant  benefices;  and,  as  they  were  ignorant  of 
the  language  of  the  country,  could  do  nothing  but 
say  mass  in  Latin.  Preaching  was  unknown  even 
among  the  native  clergy  for  the  most  part ;  and  when 
they  did  attempt  it,  on  the  appearance  of  the  Refor- 
mers among  them,  their  performances  were  such  as 
to  excite  at  once  ridicule  and  pity.t     In  many  of  the 

*  De  Porta,  Hist.  Ref.  Eccl.  RsRt.  torn.  i.  p.  15 ;  torn.  ii.  p.  264. 
Zschokke,  Des  Schweizerlands  Geschichte,  p.  275 — 279.  Id  traduit 
par  Monnard  p.  222 — 224.  Coxe's  Travels  in  Switzerland,  vol.  iii. 
let.  85. 

t  In  the  eighteenth  century  this  exemption  continued  to  be  enjoyed 
in  the  Valteline,  not  only  by  the  clergy,  but  also  by  all  who  purchased 
permission  from  the  bishop  of  Como  to  wear  a  clerical  dress.  (Coxe's 
Travels  in  Switzerland,  vol.  iii.  p.  130.) 

X  Theodore  Schlegel,  abbot  of  St.  Luke,  in  the  city  of  Coire,  vicar 
of  the  diocese,  and  one  of  the  acutest  opponents  of  the  Reformation, 
in  a  sermon  preached  by  him  on  Christmas  1520,  told  the  people — 
"  St.  John  was  the  most  excellent  of  all  the  Evangelists,  on  account 
of  his  virginity,  which  enabled  him  to  write  in  an  elevated  strain  and 
under  Divine  inspiration  concerning  the  Godhead.  But  you  will  say, 
Peter  returned  a  good  answer  to  the  question  of  the  Lord,  when  he 
said.  Thou  art  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God.  I  answer,  he 
spoke  this  ex  exteriore  conjectura^  computatione,  he  had  acquired  the 
knowledge  of  it  from  external  things,  when  he  saw  him  walking  on 
the  sea  and  doing  other  wonders ;  but  he  did  not  call  him  the  Son  of 
God  from  Divine  inspiration,  as  St,  John  did.     As  the  incarnation  of 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  295 

communities  the  people  were  as  ignorant  as  brutes. 
Plalf  a  century  after  the  hght  of  the  Reformation  had 
penetrated  into  the  Rhetian  valleys,  the  government 
found  it  necessary  to  issue  a  decree  that  the  Roman 
catholic  priests  should  recite  the  Lord's  prayer,  apos- 
tle's creed,  and  ten  commandments,  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  people.  There  were,  however,  a  few  ho- 
nourable exceptions  both  among  the  clergy  and  laity. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  Grisons  first  caught  their 
love  of  evangelical  reform,  as  they  had  done  their  love 
of  civil  liberty,  from  the  Swiss.  A  year  had  scarcely 
elapsed  from  the  time  that  Zuingle  embarked  in  the 
reform  of  the  church  of  Zurich,  when  he  received  a 
letter  from  a  schoolmaster  at  Coire,  the  capital  of  the 
league  of  God's  House,  informing  him  that  his  name 
was  known  to  many  in  that  country,  who  approved 
of  his  doctrine  and  were  weary  of  the  simony  of  the 
church  of  Rome.^  He  soon  after  received  a  letter  to 
the  same  purpose  from  the  stadtvogt  or  chief  magis- 
trate of  the  town  of  Mayenfeld,  within  the  league  of 
the  Ten  Jurisdictions.  In  the  year  1524,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Grisons  imitated  the  example  of  the 
popish  cantons  of  Switzerland,  who,  as  a  means  of 
checking  the  progress  of  innovation,  had  enacted 
laws  for  the  reformation  of  the  clergy.  In  a  diet 
held  at  Hantz,  the  capital  of  the  Grey  league,  it  was 
decreed,  among  other  articles,  that  parish  priests 
should  discharge  their  duty  by  instructing  the  people 
according  to  the  word  of  God ;  and  that,  provided  they 
failed  in  this  or  were  unfit  for  it,  the  parishioners 
should  have  liberty  to  choose  others  in  their  room. 
These  regulations  were  evaded  by  the  clergy;  but 
they  were  the  means  of  fixing  the  attention  of  the 
people  on  a  subject  to  which  they  had  hitherto  been 

Christ  was  brought  about  through  the  figures  of  the  law,  the  promise 
of  the  Father,  and  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  so  truly  does  he 
come  into  the  hands  of  the  priest  in  the  bread  in  the  service  of  the 
mass ;  and  whoever  denies  the  latter  denies  also  the  former."  The 
writer  who  has  reported  this  passage,  adds — "  May  we  not  apply  to 
this  preacher  tlie  adage,  Among  cows  an  ox  is  an  abbot  ?"  (Co- 
mander  ad  Zuinglium,  an.  1526 :  De  Porta,  torn.  i.  p.  48.) 
*  De  Porta,  torn.  i.  p.  40—51. 


296  HISTORY    OF    THE 

indifferent,  and  produced  unforeseen  consequences  of 
the  greatest  importance.    The  first  public  reformation 
in  the  Orisons  took  place  in  the  years  1524  and  1525, 
when  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  of  St.  Anthony,  of 
Flesch,  and  of  Malantz,  in  the  high  jurisdiction  of 
Mayenfeld,  though  surrounded  by  powerful  neigh- 
bours addicted  to  popery,  embraced  with  one  consent 
the  Protestant  doctrine  and  abolished  the  mass.*  This 
produced  so  great  an  effect,  that  within  a  short  time 
the  new  doctrine  began  to  be  preached  by  some  of 
the  priests,  and  was  eagerly  listened  to  by  the  people, 
in  various  places  throughout  the  three  leagues.  Among 
these  preachers,  the  most  distinguished  were  Andrew 
Sigfrid  and  Andrew  Fabritz  at  Davos,  the  chief  town 
in  the  league  of  the  Ten  Jurisdictions :  and  in  the 
leagile  of  God's  House,  James  Tutschet  or  Biveron, 
in  Upper  Engadina;  Philip  Salutz  or  Gallitz,in  Lower 
Engadina;  and  John  Dorfman  or  Comander,  who,  in 
consequence  of  the  late  regulations  of  the  diet,  had 
been  chosen  parson  of  St.   Martin's  church,  in  the 
town  of  Coire.t     The  two  last  afterwards  became 
colleagues  at  Coire,  and  they  may  with  propriety  be 
designated  the  joint  reformers  of  the  Grisons,  having 
contributed  beyond  all  others  to  the  advancement  of 
knowledge  and'  rehgion  in  their  native  country.     Co- 
mander was  a  man  of  learning,  sound  judgment,  and 
warm  piety.     To  these  qualities  Gallitz  added  great 
dexterity  in  the  management  of  pubhc  business,  an 
invincible  command  of  temper,  and  uncommon  elo- 
quence both  in  his  native  tongue  and  in  Latin. :{:   The 
conversion  of  John  Frick,  parish  priest  of  Mayenfeld, 
was  brought  about  in  a  singular  manner.     Being  a 
zealous  catholic  and  of  great  note  among  his  brethren, 
he  had  warmly  resisted  the  new  opinions  when  they 
first  made  their  appearance.    Filled  with  chagrin  and 
alarm  at  the  progress  of  innovation  in  his  innnediate 
neighbourhood,  he  repaired  to  Rome  to  implore  the 

*  De  Porta,  torn.  i.  p.  57—68. 

t  De  Porta,  p.  58,  59,  76—78.     Ruchat,  Hist,   de  la  Reform,  de 
la  Suisse,  torn.  i.  p.  273,  274. 
t  Ibid.  torn.  i.  p.  67,  79;  torn.  ii.  p.  278. 


REFORMATION    IN   ITALY.  297 

assistance  of  his  holiness,  and  to  consult  on  the  best 
method  of  preventing  his  native  country  from  being 
overrun  with  heresy.  But  he  was  so  struck  with  the 
irreligion  which  he  observed  in  the  court  of  Rome, 
and  the  ignorance  and  vice  prevaihng  in  Italy,  that, 
returning  home,  he  joined  the  party  which  he  had 
opposed,  and  became  the  reformer  of  Mayenfeld.  In 
his  old  age  he  used  to  say  to  his  friends  pleasantly, 
that  he  learned  his  gospel  at  Rome.* 

In  the  meantime,  the  clergy,  aroused  from  the  slum- 
bers into  which  they  had  sunk  through  indolence  and 
the  absence  of  all  opposition,  had  recourse  to  every 
means  within  their  power  to  check  the  progress  of 
the  new  opinions.  Bonds  of  adherence  to  the  catho- 
lic faith  were  exacted  from  the  parish  priests.  The 
most  odious  and  horrid  representations  of  the  reform- 
ers and  their  tenets  were  circulated  among  the  peo- 
ple. Individuals  belonging  to  the  anabaptists  who 
had  been  banished  from  Switzerland  came  to  the 
Grisons,  and  laboured  to  make  proselytes  among  the 
reformed  by  pretending  to  preach  a  purer  and  more 
spiritual  religion  than  was  taught  by  Luther  and 
Zuingle,  whom  they  put  on  a  level  with  the  pope. 
The  popish  clergy  secretly  encouraged  these  enthu- 
siasts,! at  the  same  time  that  they  had  made  use  of 

*  Schelhorn,  Amcen.  Hist.  Eccl.  torn.  ii.  p.  237.  Ruchat,  torn.  i.  p. 
275. 

t  Their  leader,  who  went  by  the  name  of  Blaurok,  in  allusion  to 
the  colour  of  his  cloak,  was  an  ex-monk  of  the  Grisons,  who  had 
made  a  great  noise  in  Switzerland.  At  Zurich,  he  said  "he  would 
undertake  to  prove  that  Zuinglius  had  offered  greater  violence  to  the 
Scriptures  than  the  Roman  pontiff  himself"  (Acta  Senat.  Tigur. 
apud  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  86.)  The  following  is  an  extract  from  one 
of  his  letters  : — "  I  am  the  door,  he  that  entereth  in  by  me  shall  find 
pasture ;  he  that  entereth  by  any  other  way  is  a  thief  and  a  robber. 
As  it  is  written — » I  am  the  good  shepherd,  the  good  shepherd  givcth 
his  life  for  the  sheep,'  so  I  give  my  life  and  my  spirit  for  my  sheep, 
my  body  to  the  tower,  my  life  to  the  sword,  or  the  fire,  or  the  wine- 
press, to  squeeze  out  the  blood  and  flesh,  as  Christ  gave  his  on  the 
cross.  I  am  the  restorer  of  the  baptism  of  Christ,  and  the  bread  of 
the  Lord,  I  and  my  beloved  brethren,  Conrad  Grebel  and  Felix  Manx. 
Therefore  the  pope,  along  with  his  followers,  is  a  thief  and  a  robber  ; 
and  so  also  are  Luther  with  his  followers,  and  Zuinglius  and  Leo 
Juda  with  theirs."  (De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  89.)  Blaurok  and  his 
associates  were  banished  from  the  Grisons  in  the  year  1525. 

20 


29S  HISTORY    OF    THE 

their  excesses  to  excite  prejudice  against  the  cause  of 
the  Reformation.*  When  the  general  diet  of  the  re- 
pubhc  met  at  Coire  in  the  year  1525,  the  bishop  and 
clergy  presented  a  formal  accusation  against  Coman- 
der  and  the  other  reforming  preachers,  praying  that 
they  might  be  punished  by  the  secular  arm,  for  prop- 
agating impious,  scandalous,  and  seditious  heresies, 
contrary  to  the  faith  of  the  catholic  church  during 
fifteen  centuries,  and  tending  to  produce  that  rebel- 
lion and  outrage  which  had  lately  been  witnessed  at 
Munster  and  other  places.  Comander  having,  in  the 
name  of  his  brethren,  declared  their  readiness  to  vin- 
dicate the  doctrine  which  they  held  against  these 
criminations,  a  day  was  appointed  for  a  conference  or 
dispute  between  the  two  parties  at  Ilantz,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  certain  members  of  the  diet.  The  dispute 
which  ensued  added  seven  to  the  number  of  the  re- 
formed preachers,  who  were  previously  above  forty; 
while  the  articles  which  formed  the  subject  of  dispute 
having  been  printed  and  circulated  throughout  the 
valleys,  multiplied  converts  among  the  laity.t 

In  the  meantime,  an  event  occurred  which  had  well 
nigh  proved  fatal  to  the  reformed  party.  Irritated  by 
the  assistance  which  the  Grisons  had  given  to  Francis 
I.,  the  emperor  and  duke  of  Milan  encouraged  the 
turbulent  John  de  Medicis,  marquis  of  Muss,  to  attack 
their  southern  territories.  Having  possessed  himself 
of  the  castle  and  town  of  Chiavenna,  he  threatened  to 
attack  the  Valteline.  This  obliged  the  republic  to 
recall  their  troops  from  Italy  before  the  famous  battle 
of  Pa  via;  but  having  failed,  after  all,  in  recovering 
the  castle,  they  had  recourse  to  the  mediation  of  the 
Swiss  cantons.  The  deputies  sent  by  the  Swiss  were 
keen  Roman  catholics,  and  asserted  that  they  had  it 
in  charge  from  their  constituents  to  obtain  a  pledge 
that  heresy  should  not  be  permitted  to  spread  in  the 
Grisons,  without  which  they  could  not  co-operate  in 
bringing  the  negotiations  to  a  favourable  issue.     The 

*  De  Porta  p.  87—92. 

t  Ruchat,  torn.  i.  p.  408—416.     De  Porta,  torn.  i.   p.  96—100, 
102—130. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  299 

marquis  covered  his  ambitious  project  with  the  pre- 
text of  zeal  for  the  church,  aud  was,  besides,  under 
the  influence  of  his  brother,  tlien  an  ecclesiastic  in  the 
Valteline,  and  afterwards  raised  to  the  pontifical  chair 
under  the  designation  of  Pius  IV.  Availhig  himself 
of  these  circumstances,  the  bishop  of  Coire  prevailed 
on  the  deputies  to  insert  in  the  treaty  an  article  which 
provided  for  the  maintenance  of  the  ancient  rehgion, 
and  the  punishment  of  all  who  refused  conformity  to 
it.  An  extraordinary  diet  was  called  to  deliberate  on 
this  affair;  and  so  great  was  the  influence  of  the 
bishop  and  mediators,  together  with  the  anxiety  of 
the  nation  to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  that  a  majority 
voted  for  the  article  respecting  religion.  It  was,  how- 
ever, warmly  opposed  by  the  representatives  of  seve- 
ral districts,  including  the  city  of  Coire,  which  refused 
to  affix  its  seal  to  the  decree.  The  manner  in  which 
the  decree  was  expressed  seems  to  intimate  that  it 
partook  of  the  nature  of  an  understood  compromise 
and  temporary  measure ;  for,  Avhile  it  provided  that 
the  mass,  auricular  confession,  and  other  rites,  should 
be  observed,  it  added  that,  "along  with  these  the 
gospel  and  word  of  God  should  be  preached;"  and  in 
declaring  that  non-conformists  should  be  subjected  to 
an  arbitrary  punishment,  the  diet  "reserved  to  itself 
the  liberty  of  altering  its  measures,  upon  being  better 
informed  by  disputations,  councils,  or  any  other 
way.""^  The  first  eff*ect  of  this  law  was  the  banish- 
ment of  Gallitz,  whose  talents  and  success  rendered 
him  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  abettors  of  popery. 
Several  of  his  brethren  were  also  obliged  to  retire 
from  the  country  to  avoid  the  processes  intended 
against  them.  But  the  city  of  Coire,  in  spite  of  their 
bishop,  maintained  Comander  in  his  situation ;  their 
example  was  followed  in  other  places;  and  though 
the  clergy  endeavoured  to  push  the  advantage  which 
they  had  gained,  they  found  that  a  spirit  was  abroad 
in  the  nation  too  powerful  for  all  their  efl'orts,  even 
when  supported  by  legislative  enactments.  The  sub- 
ject was  brought  before  the  next  national  diet  by  the 
*  De  Porta,  torn.  i.  p.  131—134. 


300  HISTORY    OF    THE 

report  of  the  commissioners  appointed  to  attend  the 
dispute  at  Uantz ;  and,  after  consuhation,  it  was 
moved  and  agreed  to, '^  That  it  shall  be  free  to  all 
persons  of  both  sexes,  and  of  whatever  condition  or 
rank,  within  the  territories  of  the  Grison  confedera- 
tion, to  choose,  embrace,  and  profess  either  the  Roman 
catholic  or  the  Evangelical  religion ;  and  that  no  one 
shall,  publicly  or  privately,  harass  another  with  re- 
proaches or  odious  speeches  on  account  of  his  reli- 
gion, under  an  arbitrary  penalty."  To  this  was  added 
the  renovation  of  a  former  law,  "that  the  ministers 
of  religion  shall  teach  nothing  to  the  people  but  what 
is  contained  in  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament,  and  what  they  can  prove  by  them;  and 
that  parish  priests  shall  be  enjoined  to  give  themselves 
assiduously  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  as  the  only 
rule  of  faith  and  manners."* 

This  remarkable  statute,  which,  whatever  infrac- 
tions it  may  have  suffered,  and  whatever  attempts 
may  have  been  made  to  overthrow  it,  remains  to  this 
day  the  charter  of  religious  liberty  in  the  Grisons, 
was  formally  sealed  and  solemnly  confirmed,  by  the 
oaths  of  all  the  deputies  at  Ilantz,  on  the  26th  of 
June  1526,  along  with  a  number  of  other  regulations 
of  great  importance.  The  power  of  appointing  ma- 
gistrates and  judges  was  taken  from  the  bishop  of 
Coire  and  his  ecclesiastics,  and  given  to  the  people  in 
their  several  communities.  Where  persons  had  be- 
queathed sums  of  money  to  churches  and  convents 
for  offering  anniversary  masses  and  prayers  for  their 
souls,  both  they  and  their  heirs  were  declared  free 
from  any  obligation  to  make  such  payments  for  the 
future,  "  because  no  good  ground  could  be  shown  for 
believing  that  this  was  of  any  benefit  to  the  deceased." 
It  was  decreed  that  no  new  members,  male  or  female, 
should  henceforth  be  admitted  into  monasteries;  that 
the  existing  monks  should  be  restrained  from  beg- 
ging; and  that  after  appropriating  a  certain  sum  for 

*  Ruchat,  torn.  i.  p.  416.  De  Porta,  torn.  i.  p.  146.  Anabaptists 
and  those  of  other  sects,  if  they  retained  and  propagated  their  errors 
after  due  information  and  admonition,  were  subjected  to  banishment. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  301 

their  support  during  life,  the  remainder  of  the  funds 
should  be  returned  to  the  heirs  of  those  who  originally- 
bestowed  them,  and,  failing  them,  be  disposed  of  as 
each  league  thought  best.  The  power  of  choosing 
and  dismissing  their  respective  ministers  was  given 
to  parishes.*  All  appeals  from  secular  courts  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  were  strictly  prohibted; 
annats  and  small  tithes  were  abolished,  and  the  great 
tithes  reduced  to  a  fifth  part.t 

It  thus  appears  that  a  great  deal  more  was  done  on 
this  occasion  by  the  authorities  of  the  Grisons  than 
merely  recognizing  and  sanctioning  religious  liberty. 
A  national  reformation  was  introduced,  which,  so  far 
as  it  went,  must  have  been  attended  with  the  most 
beneficial  consequences  to  the  state,  and  to  indivi- 
duals, whether  popish  or  Protestant.  The  grand  prin- 
ciple of  the  Protestant  reformation  was,  in  fact  recog- 
nized by  the  legislature,  when  it  declared  the  sacred 
Scriptures  to  be  the  only  rule  of  religion.  Some  of 
the  grossest  abuses  of  popery,  and  those  which  draw 
many  others  after  them,  were  abolished.  And  the 
liberties  of  the  Roman  catholics  were  secured,  not 
only  against  attacks  from  the  Protestants,  but  also 
against  the  more  dangerous  encroachments  and  de- 
mands of  their  own  clergy,  and  of  a  foreign  priest 
who  claimed  dominion  over  both.  It  is  impossible  to 
read  the  document  on  which  we  are  commenting 
without  being  convinced  that  the  Grisons  possessed 
at  this  period  statesmen  of  enlightened  minds  and 
liberal  principles.  The  historians  of  that  country 
have  gratefully  preserved  the  names  of  the  men  by 
whom  the  deed  was  drawn  up,  and  through  whose 
influence  chiefly  it  was  adopted  by  the  supreme 
council  of  the  republic.  Two  of  them  were  distin- 
guished above  their  brethren — Jolm  Guler,  whose 
name  often  occurs  in  the  history  of  his  country,  and 

*  The  words  of  this  article  arc—"  Ad  hinc  etiam  penes  singulas 
parochias  esto  suos  pastorcs  omni  tempore  cligeudi,  conducendi  atque 
rursus  quando  lubituin  fucrit,  dimittendi."  (De  Porta,  toni.  i.  p.  150.) 
Formerly  the  bishop  of  Coire  had  the  power  of  apiiaintinj;  and  re- 
moving the  parish  priests  throughout  the  wliole  of  his  diocese. 

t  De  Porta,  torn.  i.  p.  148—151.     Ruchat,  torn.  i.  p.  416,  417. 


302  HISTORY    OF    THE 

John  Travers,  neither  of  whom  had  at  that  time  joined 
the  reformers.  The  latter,  who  belonged  to  a  noble 
and  ancient  family  of  Zuts  in  Upper  Engadina,  had 
received  his  education  at  Munich,  and  improved  his 
mind  by  travelling  in  different  parts  of  Europe.  His 
abilities  and  learning,  adorned  by  the  most  unim- 
peachable integrity,  secured  the  confidence  of  his 
countrymen,  who  intrusted  him  with  the  highest 
offices  of  the  state  and  the  management  of  their  most 
delicate  affairs.  He  was  equally  distinguished  as  a 
soldier  and  a  scholar,  a  politician  and  a  divine,  ^'he 
first  book  ever  written  in  the  Grison  language  came 
from  his  pen,*  being  a  poem  on  the  Avar  against  the 
marquis  of  Muss,  in  which  he  had  himself  commanded 
the  forces  of  his  country.  The  late  period  at  which 
he  renounced  the  communion  of  the  church  of  Rome 
was  beneficial  to  the  evangelical  cause,  as  his  col- 
leagues in  the  senate  and  his  countrymen  at  large 
entertained  on  that  account  the  less  jealousy  of  the 
measures  which  he  proposed  in  favour  of  religious 
liberty.  After  joining  himself  to  the  reformed  church, 
he  promoted  its  interests  with  the  utmost  zeal.  The 
Protestant  minister  settled  in  his  native  city  being  a 
young  man  and  meeting  with  great  opposition  from 
the  principal  families  of  the  place,  Travers  asked  and 
readily  obtained  from  the  ministers  permission  to  act 
as  his  assistant.  The  whole  country  was  struck  with 
astonishment  to  see  a  man  of  rank,  and  renowned  for 
his  services  in  the  senate,  the  field,  and  foreign  courts, 
mount  the  pulpit.  The  Roman  catholics  tried  to  con- 
ceal the  chagrin  and  alarm  which  they  felt,  by  circu- 
lating the  report  that  he  was  mad  or  in  dotage;  but 
his  performances  soon  put  to  silence  their  invidious 
and  artful  allegations. t 

*  It  does  not  appear  that  this  work  was  printed. 

t  De  Porta,  i.  229,  233—241.  Coxa's  Travels  in  Switzerland,  iii. 
295 — 298.  A  fine  letter  which  Gallitz  addressed  to  Travers,  on  his 
application  for  liberty  to  preach,  iias  been  preserved.  "  O  felicem 
terram  quae  tales  nanciscitur  doctores  et  raagistros ! — Sed  quvs  mo- 
destia  est  ista  explodenda,  imo  quod  facinus  hoc,  quod  permittis  tibi 
petere  a  nobis  auctoritatem,  quum  fecerit  opus  concionandi?  Tu, 
inquam,  qui  RhfEtice  nostrae  primoribus  auctor  fuisti,  veniain  nobis 
concedendi  ut  prsedicemus  evangelium,"  &c. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  303 

The  publication  of  the  edict  in  favour  of  rehgious 
liberty  was  followed  by  the  rapid  spread  of  the  new 
opinions;  but  the  formation  of  churches  was  much 
slower.  This  proceeded  partly  from  the  plan  pursued 
by  the  first  reformers,  who,  to  use  their  own  expres- 
sion, "  sought  to  remove  idols  from  the  hearts  of  the 
people  before  they  removed  them  from  the  churches;" 
and  partly  from  the  democratical  nature  of  the  gov- 
ernment, which  required  the  unanimous  or  at  least 
general  concurrence  of  each  community  previously 
to  any  change  on  the  public  worship.  In  the  year 
1527,  the  mass  was  abolished,  images  removed,  and 
the  sacrament  of  the  supper  celebrated  after  the  re- 
formed mode,  in  St.  Martin's  church  at  Coire,  under 
the  direction  of  Comander.  The  same  thing  was 
done  at  Lavin  in  Lower  Engadina,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Gallitz;  at  Davos  in  the  Ten  Jurisdictions, 
under  the  direction  of  Fabritz ;  and  at  Ilantz,  in  the 
Grey  league,  under  the  direction  of  Christian  Hart- 
man.  The  example  set  by  these  places  was  soon  imi- 
tated by  others.  The  reformed  religion  was  embraced 
earliest  in  the  league  of  the  Ten  Jurisdictions,  where 
it  soon  became  almost  universal.  Within  the  league 
of  God's  House  it  prevailed  generally  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Coire,  but  made  little  progress  in  Enga- 
dina and  other  places  to  the  south  until  1542,  when 
the  Italian  exiles  arrived.  In  the  High  or  Grey  league 
the  number  of  its  adherents  was  still  smaller.* 

Had  the  Reformation  continued  to  move  forward 
with  the  same  rapidity  which  marked  its  progress 
during  the  six  years  which  succeeded  the  declaration 
of  religious  liberty,  the  ancient  religion  must  soon 
have  disappeared  before  it.  Various  causes,  how- 
ever, contributed  to  arrest  its  progress.  One  of  these 
is  to  be  found  in  the  languages  of  the  country.  The 
Rhetian,  Italian,  and  German  tongues  were  all  spoken 
in  the  Grisons,  so  that  the  inhabitants  of  two  adjacent 
valleys  were  often  incapable  of  understanding  one 
another.    This  of  itself  must  have  proved  a  great  liin- 

*  De  Porta,  torn.  i.  cap.  8.  Ruchat.  i.  274.  117.  418.  Coxe,  iii. 
250—253. 


304  HISTORY    OF    THE 

derance  to  the  communication  of  knowledge,  espe- 
cially as  the  number  of  teachers  was  small.  But  this 
was  not  all.  The  Rhetian  or  Grison  tongue  is  divided 
into  two  dialects,  the  Romansh  and  the  Ladin,  and 
there  was  not  a  single  book  in  either  of  them  at  the 
time  of  the  Reformation.  Nobody  had  ever  seen  a 
word  written  in  that  tongue,  and  it  was  the  common 
opinion  that  it  could  not  be  committed  to  writing.* 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  rapid  and  extensive 
spread  of  the  reformed  doctrine  among  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Ten  Jurisdictions  was  owing,  in  a  great  degree, 
to  their  speaking  the  German  tongue,  and  consequently 
having  access  to  the  Scriptures  and  other  books  in 
their  native  language.  The  same  remark  applies  to 
the  citizens  of  Coire  and  of  some  other  places.  But 
the  inhabitants  of  those  districts  where  nothing  was 
spoken  but  the  original  language  of  the  country,  were 
long  confined  to  oral  instruction.  The  reformed  min- 
isters laboured  assiduously  in  supplying  this  defect, 
and  they  at  last  practically  demonstrated  the  fallacy 
of  the  ignorant  prejudice  which  the  priests  had  fos- 
tered in  the  minds  of  the  people.  In  this  respect, 
their  country  is  under  unspeakable  obligations  to  them. 
Other  nations  owe  their  literature  to  the  Reformation: 
the  Grisons  are  indebted  to  it  for  their  alphabet.  But 
a  number  of  years  elapsed  before  the  preachers,  occu- 
pied with  other  labours  and  straitened  in  their  finances, 
could  bring  their  writings  from  the  press;  and,  by  that 
time,  the  desire  for  knowledge  which  the  first  promul- 
gation of  the  reformed  doctrines  had  excited  must 
have  been  in  some  degree  worn  off  from  the  minds  of 
the  people.  A  translation  of  Comander's  German 
catechism  into  the  Ladin,  by  James  Tutchet  or  Bive- 

*  De  Porta,  i.  19 ;  ii.  403.  Coxe,  iii.  294.  In  addition  to  a  collec- 
tion of  words  and  phrases  in  Romansh,  Ebel  has  inserted  a  disserta- 
tion on  the  history  of  that  language,  (which  he  calls  "  la  langue 
Hetrusco-Rhetienne,")  by  Placidus  a  Specha,  capitular  of  Disentis. 
From  this  it  would  appear  that  a  number  of  old  MSS.,  written  in  that 
language  during  the  middle  ages,  were  preserved,  the  greater  part  of 
which,  however,  were  destroyed  when  the  French  burnt  the  monas- 
tery of  Disentis  in  1799.  (Manuel  du  Voyageur  en  Suisse,  torn.  i.  p. 
318—337.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  305 

roni,  printed  at  Puschiavo  in  the  year  1552,  was  the 
first  work  which  had  appeared  in  the  Rhetian  lan- 
guage. "  At  the  sight  of  this  work/^  says  a  historian 
then  ahve,  "the  Orisons  stood  amazed,  hke  the  Israel- 
ites of  old  at  the  sight  of  the  manna."  Biveroni 
printed,  in  1560,  his  translation  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment into  the  same  language,  which  was  followed  in 
1562  by  a  metrical  version  of  the  Psalms,  and  a  col- 
lection of  hymns,  composed  by  Ulrich  Campel.* 

Another  cause  was  the  poverty  of  the  pastors,  which 
inflicted  a  lasting  injury  on  the  Reformed  church. t 
While  the  popish  priests  possessed  the  tithes,  in  ad- 
dition to  what  they  gained  by  private  masses  and  con- 
fessions, the  Protestant  ministers  received  a  small 
stipend  from  their  congregations,  and,  in  many  cases, 
were  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  supporting  them- 
selves by  manual  labour.  Gallitz,  a  man  of  liberal 
education,  states,  in  one  of  his  familiar  letters,  that 
he  and  his  family  had  been  for  two  years  in  great 
straits,  were  obliged  to  sleep  during  the  night  in  the 
clothes  which  they  wore  through  the  day,  seldom 
tasted  flesh,  were  often  without  bread,  and,  for  weeks 
together,  lived  solely  on  vegetables  seasoned  with  salt. 
Yet  he  trained  his  son  for  the  church;  and  when  the 
young  man  had  an  advantageous  ofl^er  made  him 
during  his  attendance  at  the  academy  of  Basle,  his 
father  declared  it  would  be  impiety  in  him  to  accept 
it,  when  there  were  so  few  persons  capable  of  preach- 
ing to  his  countrymen  in  their  native  language.  J 
But  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  first  Reformers 
would  be  succeeded  by  men  of  the  same  nobleness  of 
mind.     The  consequence  was,   that  the   people,   in 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  404 — 407.  The  Bible  was  published  in  the  Ladin 
of  Lower  Engadina,  for  the  first  time,  in  1679;  and  in  the  Romansli 
of  the  Grey  league  so  late  as  1718.     (Coxe,  iii.  301 — 304.) 

f  In  Travellers  Guides  through  theGrisons  it  is  to  this  day  a  com- 
mon direction,  "If  the  town  to  which  you  come  be  catholic,  call  for 
the  cure  of  the  parish,  who  will  entertain  you  hospitably:  if  it  be 
Protestant,  you  may  ask  for  the  pastor,  who  will  direct  you  to  the 
best  inn  ;  for  the  salaries  of  the  pastors  are  so  sorry,  and  their  houses 
so  bad,  that,  however  willing,  they  cannot  show  hospitality." 

t  De  Porta,  i.  181,186,  187. 


306  HISTORY    OF    THE 

many  parts  of  the  country,  remained  destitute  of  pas- 
tors, or  were  induced  to  receive  illiterate  persons  of 
low  character,  who  disgraced  the  office  by  their  mean- 
ness or  their  vices.  "  Assuredly,"  says  the  excellent 
man  last  mentioned,  "  covetous  persons  are  most  cruel 
to  themselves,  while  they  choose  rather  to  be  without 
good  pastors  than  to  be  at  the  expense  of  maintaining 
them.  Oh !  the  ingratitude  of  men,  who,  a  little  ago, 
cheerfully  gave  a  hundred  crowns  for  teaching  lies, 
and  now  grudge  to  give  twenty  for  preaching  the 
truth!"*  Another  radical  defect  of  the  Grison  refor- 
mation consisted  in  neglecting  entirely  to  provide  the 
means  of  education  for  youth.  This  the  Reformed 
ministers  exerted  themselves  to  remedy,  and  they  suc- 
ceeded at  last  in  providing  parochial  teachers  for  the 
chief  towns,  and  in  persuading  the  legislature  to  ap- 
propriate the  residuary  funds  of  such  monasteries  as 
were  suppressed  to  the  establishment  of  a  national 
seminary  at  Coire.t  These  evils  were  aggravated  by 
the  political  state  of  the  country.  Proud  of  their 
liberty,  the  natives  of  the  Grisons  were  weakly  jea- 
lous of  those  common  measures  Avhich  were  in  fact 
necessary  to  preserve  it;  while  they  roamed  about 
their  valleys  without  control,  they  forgot  that  savages 
are  free ;  and,  pleased  to  hear  their  mountains  re-echo 
the  votes  which  they  gave  at  the  election  of  a  muni- 
cipal landamman  or  of  a  deputy  to  the  diet,  they  did 
not  perceive  that  their  voices  were  in  reality  at  the 
command  of  a  few  men  of  superior  intelligence,  many 
of  whom  had  sold  themselves,  and  were  prepared  to 
sell  them,  to  the  highest  bidder.  Foreign  princes  had 
their  pensioners  resident  in  the  Grisons;  the  chief 
statesmen  were  secretly  in  the  interest  either  of  the 
emperor  or  of  the  king  of  France ;  and,  between  the 
two  factions,  the  country  was  at  once  distracted,  cor- 

*  Gallicius  ad  Henr.  Bullingerum,  6  Mart.  1553  :  De  Porta,  i. 
180. 

t  This  academy  was  opened  in  tlie  year  1542 ;  and  the  individual 
first  placed  at  the  head  of  it  was  John  Pontisella,  a  native  of  Prega- 
lia,  for  whom  Bulhnger,  at  the  request  of  the  Grison  Reformers,  had 
obtained  a  gratuitous  education  at  Zurich.  (Ibid.  i.  187,  192 — 197.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  307 

riipted,  and  betrayed.  Next  to  his  labours  in  reform- 
ing religion,  Zuingle  is  entitled  to  immortal  praise  for 
denouncing,  at  the  expense  of  incurring  the  odium  of 
his  countrymen,  the  practice  of  hiring  themselves  out 
as  mercenaries  to  fight  the  battles  of  foreign  princes. 
The  Grison  Reformers  imitated  his  example,  and  they 
met  his  reward;  their  countrymen,  imagining  that 
they  were  hirelings  like  themselves,  punished  them 
by  reducing  their  stipends!* 

The  churches  in  the  Grisons  were  organized  in  the 
same  manner  as  those  in  the  Protestant  cantons  of 
Switzerland,  as  to  government  as  well  as  doctrine  and 
worship.  From  the  beginning,  congregations  had 
their  consistories.  To  these  were  added,  probably  at 
a  later  period,  colloquies  or  presbyteries,  of  which 
there  were  two  in  each  league.  The  pastors  were 
accustomed  to  meet  together  occasionally  for  consul- 
tation about  the  common  interests  of  the  reformed 
body,  for  examining  and  ordaining  candidates  for  the 
ministry,  and  for  rectifying  the  disorders  which 
occurred.  But  these  meetings  were  voluntary,  and 
their  determinations  were  given  out  in  the  form  of 
advices.  The  report  having  gone  abroad  that  a  great 
scarcity  of  preaching  was  felt  in  the  Grisons,  num- 
bers flocked  into  the  country  from  Switzerland  and 
Germany,  pretending  to  be  preachers,  although  they 
were  both  illiterate  and  disreputable  in  character. 
Repairing  to  the  valleys,  they  insinuated  themselves 
into  the  affections  of  the  country  people ;  and  having 
clandestinely  concluded  a  bargain  Avith  them  to  serve 
their  churches  for  a  small  sum  of  money,  they  be- 
haved in  such  a  manner  as  to  open  the  mouths  of  the 
Roman  Catholics,  and  bring  great  discredit  on  the 

*  In  answer  to  a  letter  from  Bullinger,  (Feb.  18,  1544,)  dissuading 
him  from  leaving  his  station  at  Coire,  Comandcr  writes — "  Another 
reason  is,  that,  six  years  ago,  when- 1  opposed  myself  to  the  worthless 
pensioners  in  a  sermon,  as  I  was  in  duty  bound  to  do,  I  excited  their 
rage  against  me,  and  they  took  away  thirty-three  florins  from  my 
stipend,  which  was  before  sufficiently  small.  Hitherto  I  have  digest- 
ed this  injury,  and  have  supplied  the  deficiency  from  my  own  and 
my  wife's  fortune ;  but  if  I  continue  to  do  this  much  longer,  my 
children  must  be  reduced  to  beggary  after  my  death."  (Uc  Porta,  i. 
183;  conf.  p.  256.) 


308  HISTORY    OF    THE 

evangelical  cause.  To  remedy  this  evil,  the  ministers 
applied  to  the  diet  of  the  republic  for  their  sanction 
to  the  holding  of  a  national  synod,  which  should  have 
power  to  call  to  account  those  who  had  come  from 
foreign  parts,  inquire  into  their  qualifications,  and 
exact  from  them  certificates  of  character;  to  examine 
all  who  should  afterwards  be  admitted  to  the  minis- 
try, watch  over  their  conduct,  censure  the  disorderly, 
and,  in  general,  preserve  the  order  and  promote  the 
edification  of  the  whole  reformed  body.  This  peti- 
tion was  granted  by  the  diet  on  the  14th  of  January, 
1537,  and  from  that  time  the  synod  was  held  regu- 
larly every  year  in  the  month  of  June,  when  the 
passage  across  the  mountains  was  easiest.* 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  reformed  churches  in  the 
Grisons,  when  the  exiles  from  Italy  first  made  their 
appearance  in  that  country.  The  encouragement  pre- 
sented to  them,  in  a  Avorldly  point  of  view,  was  cer- 
tainly far  from  flattering;  but  they  had  come  seeking 
a  refuge,  not  a  fortune.  They  had  left  a  land  flowing 
with  milk  and  honey :  what  they  wanted  was  a  land 
of  religious  liberty,  and  in  which  there  was  not  a 
famine  of  hearing  the  word  of  God.  Accordingly, 
they  were  received  in  a  very  different  manner  from 
the  vagrants  formerly  mentioned:  the  tale  of  their 
distress  had  arrived  before  them,  and  their  sufferings 
were  held  to  be  sufficient  testimonials. 

Their  first  arrival  in  the  country  produced  an  im- 
pression highly  favourable  to  the  interests  of  the 
Reformation.  The  very  sight  of  so  many  persons, 
some  of  them  illustrious  for  birth,  learning,  and  rank, 
civil  and  ecclesiastical,  who  had  voluntarily  renounced 
their  honours  and  estates,  left  their  dearest  friends,t 

*  De  Porta,  i.  188—192. 

t  Julio  de  Milano,  writing  to  Bullinger,  from  Tirano,  in  the  Val- 
teline,  23d  June,  1552,  says — "  The  circumstances  of  the  person  who 
will  deliver  you  this  letter  are  as  follows: — God  has  permitted  his 
two  sons  to  be  thrown  into  prison  for  confessing  Christ,  and  they 
will  soon  either  suffer  martyrdom  or  be  condemned  to  the  galleys  for 
life.  They  have  wives  and  thirteen  children,  the  eldest  of  whom, 
who  may  be  about  thirteen  years  of  age,  accompanies  the  unfortunate 
old  man.  Do  something  to  prevent  this  family  from  perishing  by 
want."     (De  Porta,  ii.  145.) 


REFORMATION   IN    ITALY.  309 

and  encountered  poverty,  with  all  the  other  hardships 
attendant  on  exile,  rather  than  do  violence  to  their 
consciences,  while  it  established  the  Protestants  in 
the  doctrine  which  they  had  embraced,  struck  the 
minds  of  their  adversaries  with  astonishment,  and 
forced  on  the  most  reluctant  the  suspicion  that  such 
sacrifices  could  not  have  been  made  on  slight  grounds. 
No  sooner  did  the  exiles  find  themselves  safe  than 
they  detailed  the  cruelties  of  the  inquisition,  and  laid 
open  the  arts  of  the  court  of  Rome,  with  the  ignorance, 
superstition,  and  vice  which  reigned  m  it.  They  dwelt 
with  enthusiasm  on  the  liberty  of  conscience  and  the 
pure  preaching  of  the  gospel  enjoyed  in  the  Grisons. 
They  grudged  no  labour  in  communicating  instruc- 
tion, privately  and  publicly,  wherever  an  opportunity 
oifered,  by  which  means  they  gained  many  souls  to 
Christ,  especially  among  those  who  spoke  Italian. 
Some  of  them  made  themselves  masters  of  the  lan- 
guage of  the  country,  so  as  to  be  able,  within  a  short 
time,  to  preach  to  the  inhabitants.  They  made  at- 
tempts, and  often  successfully,  to  preach  in  parts  of 
the  country  from  which  the  native  ministers  deemed 
it  prudent  to  abstain;  and  in  every  place  in  which 
they  remained  for  any  time,  new  churches  were  sure 
to  spring  up.* 

Bartolommeo  Maturo  arrived  in  the  Grisons  at  a 
much  earlier  period  than  any  of  his  countrymen.  He 
had  been  prior  of  a  Dominican  convent  at  Cremona, 
and  being  disgusted  at  the  lives  of  the  monks  and  the 
fictitious  miracles  by  -which  they  deluded  the  people, 
he  threw  oif  the  cowl  and  left  Italy.  Having  preached 
the  reformed  doctrines  in  the  Valtehne,  he  was  ac- 
cused to  the  diet  which  met  at  Ilantz  in  1529,  and 
had  sentence  of  banishment  passed  against  him.  But 
he  was  taken  under  the  protection  of  one  of  the  depu- 
ties, and  conducted  to  Pregalia,  where  he  commenced 
preaching  with  success.  From  that  place  he  went  into 
the  neighbouring  district  of  Engadina,  where  Gallitz 
had  hitherto  gained  very  little  ground,  on  account  of 
the  determined  hostility  of  the  most  powerful  inhabi- 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  36,  37. 


310  HISTORY    OF    THE 

tants.  The  first  appearance  of  Mature  threatened  a 
tumult,  but  he  persevered,  and  the  matter  being  re- 
ferred to  the  suffrages  of  the  community,  he  obtained 
a  majority  in  his  favour,  and  preached  openly  before 
the  eyes  of  those  who  in  the  late  diet  had  voted  for 
his  banishment.*  Returning  to  Pregalia,  he  under- 
took the  pastoral  charge  of  Vico  Soprano  and  Stampa, 
where  he  continued  until  1547,  and  died  a  pastor  in 
the  valley  of  Toraliasco.t 

Soon  after  Maturo's  removal,  Vico  Soprano  ob- 
tained for  its  pastor  the  celebrated  Vergerio.  It  is 
true  the  bishop  did  not  distinguish  himself  by  observ- 
ing the  law  of  residence,  having  frequently  visited 
the  Valteline,  beside  the  journeys  which  he  undertook 
into  Switzerland  and  Germany,  during  the  period  in 
which  he  held  this  cure.J  Some  allowance  must, 
however,  be  made  for  the  habits  of  a  man  who  had 
been  accustomed  all  his  life  to  a  change  of  scene  and 
employment.  Besides,  he  was  never  idle ;  and,  con- 
sidering the  state  of  the  country  at  that  time,  he  per- 
haps did  more  good  by  his  itinerant  labours  than  he 
could  have  done  by  confining  himself  to  a  parish. 
The  stateliness  of  his  figure,  his  eloquence,  and  the 
rank  which  he  had  lately  held  in  the  papal  church, 
conspired  in  fixing  the  eyes  of  the  public  upon  him; 
and  persons  of  all  classes  were  anxious  to  see  and 
hear  a  man  who  had  repeatedly  sustained  the  office 
of  ambassador  from  the  court  of  Rome,  was  supposed 
to  be  acquainted  with  all  its  secrets,  and  was  not  scru- 
pulous about  divulging  what  he  knew.  In  returning 
from  one  of  his  visits  to  the  Valteline,  he  passed  a  night 
at  Pontresina,  a  town  situate  on  the  northern  base  of 
mount  Bernino.  It  happened  that  the  parish  priest 
had  died  that  day,  and  the  inhabitants  were  assembled 
in  the  evening  at  the  inn  to  converse  with  the  landlord, 
who  was  judge  of  the  village,  about  choosing  a  suc- 

*  Ruchat,  ii.  458,  459. 

t  De  Porta,  i.  158 ;  ii.  14,  27-30. 

t  De  Porta  says  that,  at  this  time,  Vergerio  drew  the  yearly  sti- 
pend of  one  liundred  and  fifty  crowns,  as  ordinary  pastor  of  Vico  So- 
prano; (ii.  46.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  311 

cesser.  After  engaging  their  attention  by  conversing 
on  the  subject  which  had  called  them  together,  Ver- 
gerio  asked  them  if  they  would  not  hear  a  sermon 
from  him.  The  greater  part  objecting  to  this,  "  Come," 
said  the  judge,  "let  us  hear  what  this  new-come 
Italian  will  say."  So  highly  were  the  people  gratified 
with  his  sermon,  that  they  insisted  on  his  preaching 
to  them  again  before  his  departure.  Accordingly  he 
preached  next  day  to  a  crowded  audience  on  the  me- 
rits of  Christ's  death  and  on  justification,  with  such 
effect  that  the  inhabitants  soon  after  agreed  harmo- 
niously in  abolishing  the  mass  and  giving  a  call  to  a 
Protestant  minister.  Having  preached,  during  one  of 
his  short  excursions,  in  the  town  of  Casauccia,  at  the 
foot  of  mount  Maloggia,  all  the  images  in  the  church 
of  St.  Gaudentius  were  thrown  down  during  the  fol- 
lowing niglit ;  and  the  same  thing  happened  after  a 
visit  which  he  paid  to  Samada.  An  accusation  was 
brought  against  him  for  instigating  these  disorderly 
practices,  but  he  was  acquitted.*  His  countrymen 
were  no  less  diligent  in  planting  and  watering  churches 
in  that  part  of  the  country.  In  general,  it  appears 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  important  districts  of  Up- 
per and  Lower  Engadina,  and  the  whole  of  Pregalia, 
a  district  lying  on  the  southern  declivity  of  the  Alps, 
were  reformed  by  means  of  Italian  refugees.  This 
took  place  between  1542  and  1552;  and,  from  that 
time,  the  Protestants  became  decidedly  the  majority, 
comprehending  the  greater  part  of  the  population  as 
well  as  the  wealth  of  the  republic,  t 

But  the  principal  scene  of  the  labours  of  the  refu- 

*  De  Porta,  i.  231,  232 ;  ii.  46,  47. 

t  Castanet  was  reformed  by  Jeronimo  Ferlino,  a  Sicilian,  who  was 
succeeded  as  pastor  by  Agostino,  a  Venetian,  Giovanni  Batista,  a  na- 
tive of  Vicenza,  &,c.  Jeronimo  Turriano  of  Cremona  was  the  first 
minister  of  Bondo,  which  enjoyed  a  succession  of  Italian  ministers. 
Bevers  was  reformed  by  Pietro  Parisotti  of  Bergamo,  and  Siglio  by 
Giovanni  Francesco,  who  had  for  his  successor  Antonio  Cortcsio  of 
Brescia.  Bartolommeo  Sylvio  of  Cremona  was  pastor  at  Pontresina; 
and  Leonardo  Eremita  and  several  of  his  countrymen  were  succes- 
sively pastors  in  Casauccia.  Vettan  was  reformed  by  an  Italian 
named  Evandro,  who  was  succeeded  by  Francesco  Calabro.  (Uc 
Porta,  i.  226,  232,  233 ;  ii.  46—48.) 


312  HISTORY    OF    THE 

gees  was  in  the  provinces  subject  to  the  republic,  and 
situate  between  the  Alps  and  Italy.  These  consisted 
of  the  Yalteline;  a  rich,  beautiful,  and  populous  valley? 
fifty  miles  long,  and  from  twelve  to  fifteen  broad;  the 
county  of  Chiavenna  which  forms  the  point  of  com- 
munication for  the  trade  between  Italy  and  Germany; 
and  the  county  of  Bormio.  To  these  may  be  added 
the  valley  of  Puschiavo,  a  jurisdiction  or  community 
within  the  republic,  and  lying  to  the  north  of  the 
Valteline.  In  all  these  districts  the  language  spoken 
by  the  inhabitants  was  Italian.  From  the  time  that 
the  new  opinions  began  to  prevail  in  the  Grisons,  the 
attention  of  the  court  of  Rome  was  directed  to  this 
quarter,  and  precautionary  measures  were  adopted  to 
prevent  them  from  spreading  into  Italy.  As  early  as 
1523,  the  bishop  of  Como  sent  a  friar  named  Modesta 
into  the  Valteline  to  make  inquisition  after  heretics; 
but  the  inhabitants  were  so  incensed  at  the  extortion 
of  which  he  was  guilty,  that  they  forced  him  to  de- 
part, and  a  decree  was  passed  that  no  inquisitor 
should  afterwards  be  allowed  to  enter  that  territory. 
The  reformed  opinions  were  brought  across  the  Alps 
by  inhabitants  of  the  Grisons  who  came  to  reside  in 
the  Valteline  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  or  on  account 
of  the  mildness  of  the  climate;  and  subsequently  to 
the  declaration  of  religious  liberty  by  the  diet,  it  was 
natural  for  them  to  think  that  they  had  a  right  to 
profess  in  the  subject-states  that  religion  which  had 
been  authorized  within  the  bounds  of  the  governing 
country.*  The  increase  of  their  numbers,  particularly 
at  Chiavenna,  where  they  were  joined  by  some  of  the 
principal  families,  alarmed  the  priests.  They  durst 
not  attack  the  persons  or  property  of  the  objects  of 
their  hatred,  for  fear  of  being  called  to  account  by  the 
public  authorities,  but  every  thing  short  of  force  was 
employed  to  intimidate  and  distress  them.  The  minds 
of  the  people  were  inflamed  by  the  most  violent  in- 
vectives from  the  pulpit  against  the  Lutheran  here- 
sies; and  recourse  was  had  to  arts  of  a  still  worse 
description.     A  simple  maid  was  decoyed  into  the 

*  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  4. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  313 

belief  that  the  Virgin  Mary  had  appeared  to  her,  and 
given  her  a  charge  to  acquaint  the  inhabitants  of 
Chiavenna,  that  heaven,  provoked  by  the  encourage- 
ment given  to  heresy,  was  about  to  visit  the  place  with 
an  aAvful  calamity,  unless  the  heretics  were  speedily 
exterminated.  Processions,  accompanied  with  fast- 
ing and  prayers,  were  immediately  proclaimed  and 
observed  with  great  solemnity  in  the  town  and  sur- 
rounding villages,  and  every  thing  portended  some 
violent  explosion  of  popular  hatred  against  the  Pro- 
testants; but,  in  consequence  of  a  judicial  investiga- 
tion, it  was  found  that  the  whole  affair  had  originated 
in  the  wicked  device  of  a  parish  priest  to  gratify  his 
lust,  under  the  hypocritical  covert  of  zeal  for  the 
Catholic  faith.*  The  detection  of  this  imposture, 
under  a  governor  who  was  unsuspected  of  any  lean- 
ing to  the  new  opinions,  together  with  the  subsequent 
conviction  of  some  other  priests  of  notorious  crimes, 
silenced  the  clergy,  and  contributed  to  open  the  eyes 
of  the  people  to  the  fanatical  delusion  under  which 
they  had  fallen,  t 

A  great  part  of  the  learned  Italians  who  fled  to  the 
Valteline  between  1540  and  1543,  after  refreshing 
themselves  from  the  fatigues  of  their  journey,  crossed 
the  Alps.  But  a  considerable  number  of  them  were 
induced  to  remain,  by  the  pleasantness  of  the  coun- 
try, the  importunity  of  some  of  the  principal  inhabi- 
tants, who  were  anxious  to  have  the  benefit  of  their 
private  instructions,  and  the  prospect  which  they  had 
of  being  useful  among  a  people  who  were  entirely 
destitute  of  the  means  of  religious  knowledge.  Among 
these  was  Agostino  Mainardi,  a  Piedmontese,  and  an 
Augustinian  monk.  Having  been  thrown  into  prison 
in  the  town  of  Asti  for  maintaining  certain  proposi- 
tions contrary  to  the  received  faith,  he  was  liberated 
upon  the  explications  which  he  gave,  and  went  to 
Italy.  At  Pavia  and  other  places^ he  acquired  great 
reputation  by  preaching  and  disputing  in  behalf  of 
the  truth;  and  after  escaping  repeatedly  the  snares 

*  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  15—20.  t  Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  20,  21. 

21 


3X4  HISTORY    OF    THE 

laid  for  his  life,  was  obliged  at  last  to  betake  himself 
to  flight.  His  learning,  mildness,  and  prudence,  quali- 
fied him  for  the  difficult  situation  in  which  he  was 
now  placed.*  Julio  da  Milano,  a  secular  priest  and 
doctor  of  theology,  who  had  escaped  from  the  impri- 
sonment into  which  he  had  been  thrown  at  Venice,! 
proved  a  zealous  and  able  coadjutor  to  Mainardi. 
They  were  joined  by  Camillo,  a  native  of  Sicily, 
who,  on  embracing  the  Protestant  doctrine,  took  the 
name  of  Renato;  and  by  Francesco  Negri  of  Bas- 
sano,  who  is  known  as  the  author  of  several  books 
against  the  church  of  Rome,  which  had  an  extensive 
circulation  at  the  time  of  their  publication.  J  The 
two  last  were  not  preachers,  as  has  been  erroneously 

*  Raynaldi  Annales,  ad  an.  1535.  Gelio  Secundo  Curio,  De  ampli- 
tudine  regni  Dei,  p.  15.  Museum  Helveticum:  Gerdesii  Ital,  Reform. 
p.  300.     t5chelhorn,  Ergoetz.  torn.  ii.  p.  16. 

t  Gerdes  (Italia  Ref.  p.  279,  280)  has  confounded  this  person  with 
Julio  Terenziano.  They  were  different  individuals.  Fucslin  has 
published  a  letter  from  Julius  Terentianiis,  and  another  from  Julius 
Mediolanensis.  (Epistolos  Ref.  p.  304.  353.)  The  former,  according- 
to  Simler,  continued  with  Martyr  from  the  time  he  left  Italy  till  his 
death.  (Vita  Martyris,  sig.  b.  iiij.)  He  was  with  him  in  England 
in  1548  and  1553,  retired  with  him  to  ^^trasburg  in  the  end  of  that 
year,  and  was  still  with  him  in  1558  at  Zurich.  (Serin.  Antiq.  iv. 
664.  667.  674.  Fueslin,  p.  313.  318.)  In  1565,  bishop  Jewel  sent 
to  Zurich  twenty  crowns,  "  being  an  annual  pension  to  Julius,  who 
was  his  dear  friend,  Peter  Martyr's  constant  servant  and  assistant." 
(Strype's  Annals,  i.  505.)  But  Julius  Mediolanensis  was  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Chiavenna  during  all  that  period.  (Fueslin,  p.  359. 
De  Porta,  ii.  30.  40.)  Argelati,  in  his  Bibl.  Script.  Mediol.  as  quoted 
by  Tiraboschi,  (Storia,  vii.  383;  says,  that  some  sermons  by  "  Giulio 
Terenziano  da  Milano"  were  printed  at  Venice;  but  I  suspect  that 
these  learned  writers  have  mistaken  the  real  author,  and  that  the  ser- 
mons, as  well  as  the  work  which  appeared  under  the  concealed  name 
of  Girolamo  Savouese,  were  the  production,  not  of  Giulio  Terenziano, 
but  of  Giulio  da  Milano. 

I  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrin.  ii.  482.  Beside  the  work  formerly  men- 
tioned, (p.  318,)  Negri  was  the  author  of  Tragedia  de  Libera  Arbi- 
trio,  which  Fontanini  characterises  as  "  empia  e  diabolica,"  and  from 
which  Schelhorn  has  given  extracts.  (Ergoetzlichkeiten,  torn.  ii.  p. 
29 — 31.)  Verci  has  given  an  account  of  his  writings;  and  the  docu- 
ments which  he  has  produced  refute  the  opinion  of  Quadrio  and 
others,  that  Negri  was  a  native  of  Lovero,  in  the  Valteline.  (Scrit- 
tori  Bassan.  i.  60  :  Tiraboschi,  vii.  383.)  "  Antonius  Nigrus,  medi- 
cus,"  is  mentioned  by  Melanchthon  as  having  come  from  Italy ; 
(Epist.  col.  749;)  and  "  Theobaldus  Nigrus"  is  spoken  of  by  Martyr 
as  at  Strasburg  in  1551.     (Loc.  Commun.  p.  763.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  315 

Stated  by  some  writers,*  but  confined  themselves  to 
the  teaching  of  youth.  Camillo  had  under  his  charge 
the  sons  of  several  of  the  principal  gentry,  and  took 
up  his  residence  at  Caspan,  in  the  Valteline,  while 
Negri  fixed  his  abode  at  Chiavenna.t  To  them  may 
be  added  Francesco  Stancari,  a  native  of  Mantua, 
who  remained  some  time  in  the  Valteline,  and  com- 
menced teaching  the  Hebrew  language,  of  which, 
before  he  left  his  native  country,  he  had  been  pro- 
fessor at  Terra  di  Spilimbergo,  in  the  province  of 
Friuli.t 

Among  the  distinguished  citizens  of  the  Grisons 
who  resided  in  Chiavenna,  was  Hercules  de  Salice  or 
Salis,  the  descendant  of  a  noble  family,  who  had 
already  gained  great  reputation  as  a  soldier,  and 
afterwards  rose  to  the  first  employments  in  the  repub- 
lic. He  entertained  Mainardi,  who  pleased  him  and 
the  friends  who  frequented  his  house  so  highly,  that 
they  determined  to  have  the  obstacles  which  stood  in 
the  way  of  his  remaining  with  them  removed.  T]ie 
zealous  Roman  Catholics  insisted  that  it  was  a  funda- 
mental law  of  the  democracy,  that  no  religious  ser- 
vice could  be  set  up  in  any  community,  town,  or  vil- 
lage, without  the  formal  permission  of  the  majority  of 
the  inhabitants.  The  Protestants,  on  the  other  hand, 
pleaded  the  liberty  which  had  been  granted  to  use 
the  reformed  worship  within  the  republic.  De  Salis 
brought  the  affair  before  the  national  diet  held  at 
Davos  in  the  year  1544,  which  determined  that  it 
should  be  lawful  to  such  as  embraced  the  evangelical 
rehgion  in  the  Valteline,  Chiavenna,  and  other  places 
within  the  dominions  of  the  Grisons,  to  entertain  and 
keep  privately  teachers  and  schoolmasters  for  the 
spiritual  instruction  of  their  families;  and  that  those 
who  had  fled  from  their  native  country  on  account  of 
that  religion  should  be  permitted  to  settle  in  any  part 
of  the  Grison  territory,  upon  subscribing  the  received 
Protestant  confession,  and  giving  such  other  securities 

*  Fueslin,  Epist.  Ref.  p.  254.     Gerdcsii  Italia  Ref.  p.  307. 

t  Dc  Porta,  i.  197;  ii.  45. 

t  Ibid.  p.  127.    Tiraboschi,  vii.  1087. 


316  HISTORY    OF    THE 

as  the  laws  required.*  In  consequence  of  this  law, 
Mainardi  was  established  as  pastor  of  the  flock  which 
had  already  been  gathered  by  his  private  instructions 
at  Chiavenna ;  and  to  this  congregation  De  Sails  gave 
Ills  chapel,  called  Santa  Maria  del  Paterino,  together 
with  a  house,  garden,  and  salary,  to  the  minister.  It 
increased  rapidly,  and  great  care  was  afterwards 
taken  to  provide  Chiavenna  with  able  pastors.t 

About  the  same  time,  Julio  da  Milano,  after  preach- 
ing with  great  success  in  Lower  Engadina,  founded 
a  congregation  at  Puschiavo,  which  enjoyed  his  min- 
istry for  nearly  thirty  years,  and  continued  long  to  be 
one  of  the  most  flourishing  churches  in  the  republic. 
He  also  laid  the  foundation  of  a  number  of  churches 
in  his  neighbourhood.  J  About  the  time  of  his  death, 
which  happened  soon  after  1571,  an  able  successor 
was  provided  for  him  by  the  opportune  arrival  of 
Cesare  Gafl'ori,  a  native  of  Piacenza,  who  had  been 
guardian  of  the  Franciscans. §  The  first  printing- 
press  in  the  Grisons  was  erected  in  the  town  of  Pus- 
chiavo by  Rodolfino  Landolfo,  the  descendant  of  a 
noble  family  in  that  place,  who  expended  a  large  sum 
on  the  undertaking.  It  contributed  greatly  to  the 
illumination  of  the  country,  but  was  very  annoying 
to  the  Roman  Catholics;  and,  in  1561,  the  pope  and 
king  of  Spain  made  a  formal  demand  for  its  suppres- 
sion as  a  nuisance,  with  which  however  the  diet  did 
not  comply.  II 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  37,  38. 

t  Mainardi  was  succeeded  by  the  celebrated  Jeronimo  Zanchi,  who 
had  Simone  Florillo,  a  Neapolitan,  for  his  colleague;  after  whom 
Scipione  Lentulo  of  Naples,  and  Ottaviano  Meio  of  Lucca,  succes- 
sively occupied  this  important  post.  (Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  376. 
De  Porta,  ii.  49—54.) 

I  Brusio,  Ponteilla,  Prada,  Meschin,  and  Piuri  or  Plurs,  were  all 
in  a  short  time  provided  with  pastors  from  amor)g  the  Italian  refu- 
gees. (Schelhorn,  Dissert,  de  Mino  Celso  Senensi,  p.  34.  46.  De 
Porta,  tom.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  179.)  The  village  of  Plurs  was  over- 
whelmed, in  the  year  1618,  by  the  falling  of  Mount  Conto;  on  which 
occasion,  all  the  inhabitants,  to  the  nurnber  of  more  than  two  thou- 
sand, were  buried  in  the  ruins,  with  the  exception  of  three  individuals 
who  happened  at,  the  time  to  be  in  the  fields.  (Ebel,  Manuel  du 
Voyageur  en  Suisse,  tom.  ii.  p.  390,  391.) 

§  De  Porta,  ii.  40,  41.  |1  Ebel,  tom.  iv.  p.  53. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  317 

The  Church  of  Caspan  was  the  first  fruits  of  the 
Valtehne,  having  as  early  as  the  year  1546,  met  for 
worship  in  a  house  provided  by  the  Paravicini,  one  of 
the  most  ancient  families  in  that  country.  It  was, 
however,  nearly  ruined  by  the  imprudence  of  an  indi- 
vidual belonging  to  the  family  to  which  it  owed  its 
erection.  A  crucifix  having  been  found  broken  in  one 
of  the  churches,  the  clergy  directed  the  suspicions  of 
the  inflamed  populace  against  the  Protestant  minister, 
who,  on  being  arrainged  and  put  to  the  rack,  was 
made  to  confess  that  he  had  committed  the  sacrilegi- 
ous deed.  On  being  liberated  from  confinement  he 
repaired  to  Coire,  and  protesting  that  the  extremity  of 
the  torture  had  wrung  from  him  the  confession  of 
a  crime  in  which  he  had  no  participation,  demanded 
a  fair  trial.  On  examination  it  was  found  that  the 
outrage  on  the  crucifix  had  been  committed  by  Bar- 
tolommeo  Paravicino,  a  boy  of  thirteen,  on  the  night 
before  he  set  out  for  the  university  of  Zurich.  But 
though  the  innocence  of  the  minister  was  cleared,  so 
strong  were  the  prejudices  of  the  Roman  catholics, 
that  it  was  not  judged  prudent  to  permit  him  to  return 
to  Caspan,  and  the  congregation  was  directed  to  choose 
another  pastor  in  his  room.*  Teglio,  the  chief  town 
of  the  most  populous  district  in  the  Valteline,  obtain- 
ed for  its  pastor  the  pious  and  learned  Paolo  Gaddio, 
a  native  of  the  Cremonese,  who,  after  visiting  Geneva, 
had  acted  as  a  temporary  assistant  to  the  venerable 
pastor  of  Puschiavo.t  Sondrio,  which  was  the  seat 
of  the  government,  enjoyed  for  some  time  the  labours 
of  Scipione  Lentulo,  a  learned  Neapolitan,  who  had 
devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  the  Waldensian 
churches  in  the  valleys  of  Lucerna  and  Angrogna, 
and  been  exposed  to  the  severe  persecution  which 
they  suffered,  in  1560  and  1561,  from  Emanuel  Phili- 
bert,  duke  of  Savoy.  J     His  talents  and  learning  were 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  41—44. 

t  Fueslin,  p.  359.     Zanchii  Opera,  torn.  vii.  p.  4, 

\  Lcger  has  inserted  an  account  of  the  deliverance  of  the  Walden- 

ses,  in   a   letter   from   Lentulus  to  an  illustrious  person  at  Geneva. 

(Hist,  des  Eglises  Vaudoises,  torn.  ii.  p.  34  —  36.) 


318  HISTORY    or    THE 

of  the  greatest  utility  to  the  reformed  cause  during  his 
residence  at  Sondrio,  and  afterwards  at  Chiavenna.* 
Churches  were  also  erected  in  a  number  of  other 
places  in  the  Valteline;t  and  they  spread  subsequent- 
ly into  the  county  of  Bormio.."}:  Upon  the  whole,  the 
number  of  Protestant  churches  to  the  south  of  the 
Alps  appears  to  have  exceeded  twenty,  v/hich  were 
all  served,  and  continued  till  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century  to  be  for  the  most  part  served,  by  exiles  from 
Italy. 

I  have  brought  into  one  view  what  concerns  the 
formation  of  Italian  churches  in  this  part  of  the  coun- 
try; but  it  was  after  considerable  intervals,  and  amidst 
the  most  violent  opposition,  that  permission  was  ob- 
tained to  erect  the  greater  part  of  them.  No  sooner 
did  the  priests  perceive  the  success  of  the  reformed 
doctrine  at  Chiavenna  and  Caspan,  than  they  began 
to  exclaim  against  the  edict  of  1544.  Not  being  able, 
with  any  decency,  to  object  to  the  first  part  of  it,  they 
directed  their  invectives  against  the  liberty  which  it 
gi;anted  to  the  Italian  exiles  to  settle  among  them, 
exclaiming  that  it  was  disgraceful  to  the  republic  of 
the  Orisons  to  give  entertainment  to  banditti  (as  they 
called  them)  whom  other  Christian  princes  and  states 
had  expelled  from  their  dominions.  The  popular 
mind  was  still  further  inflamed  by  a  crowd  of  monks 
who  came  from  the  Milanese,  and  especially  by  Ca- 
puchins sent  by  the  bishop  of  Como,  who,  in  the 
fanatical  harangues  which  they  delivered  during  the 
time  of  Lent,  did  all  but  exhort  the  people  to  rebel 
against  their  rulers.  Failing  in  their  applications  to 
the  diet  for  a  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  edict,  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  Reformation  had  recourse  to  the  local 
government,  to  which,  in  the  year  1551,  they  pre- 
sented a  petition,  demanding  that  it  should  be  declared, 
agreeably  to  the  spirit  of  an  ancient  law,  that  no  exile 
should  be  permitted  to  remain  above  three  days  in 

*  Gerdesii  Ital.  Ref.  p.  281—284.     De  Porta,  ii.  335.  495—500. 
t  Those  of  Tirano,  Rovoledo,  Mellio,  Morbegno,  and  Dubino,  are 
particularly  mentioned. 

X  Coxe,  iii.  102.     De  Porta,  ii.  286,  287. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  319 

the  Valteline.  Anthony  de  Planta,  the  governor,  was 
a  Protestant;  but  dreading,  from  the  irritated  feeUngs 
of  the  populace,  a  massacre  of  the  refugees,  he  gave 
his  consent  to  the  measure.  In  consequence  of  this, 
the  preachers  were  obliged  to  conceal  themselves  for 
a  time;  and  several  distinguished  individuals,  both 
male  and  female,  among  whom  were  count  Celso 
Martinengho  and  Isabella  Manricha,  prepared  to 
remove  into  Switzerland.*  The  diet  was  highly- 
offended  at  these  illegal  and  disorderly  proceedings, 
but  contented  itself  with  renewing,  in  1552,  its  former 
edict,  and  charging  the  governor  and  vicar  of  the 
Valteline  to  see  it  strictly  observed. 

The  firmness  of  the  government  repressed,  without 
allaying,  the  hostility  of  those  who  had  gained  the 
command  over  the  passions  of  the  Roman  catholics, 
which  burst  forth,  on  the  slightest  occasions,  in  acts  of 
violence  against  the  Protestant  preachers.  They  felt 
a  strong  hatred  and  dread  of  Vergerio,  and  during  a 
visit  which  he  paid  to  the  Valteline  in  1553,  a  depu- 
tation waited  on  the  governor  and  insisted  on  the 
instant  banishment  of  the  bishop;  adding,  that  if  their 
demand  was  not  complied  with,  "  they  would  not  be 
answerable  for  the  scandals  which  might  ensue."  Un- 
derstanding the  meaning  of  this  threat,  Vergerio  agreed 
voluntarily  to  retire;  " for,"  says  he,  "they  meant  to 
oppose  me  with  the  dagger,  and  pistol,  and  poison." 
One  of  the  basest  methods  adopted  by  the  monkish 
trumpeters  of  sedition,  was  to  impress  on  the  minds 
of  their  hearers  that  it  was  unlawful  for  true  catholics 
to  hold  civil  intercourse  with  heretics,  or  to  live  with 
them  as  masters  and  servants,  husbands  and  Avives; 
by  which  means  they  disturbed  the  peace  and  broke 

*De  Porta,  ii.  50.  Frederic  de  Salis  writes,  June  20,  1559,  that 
Isabella  Manricha  (see  before,  p.  157)  was  still  at  Chiavcnna,  waiting 
for  her  household,  and  uncertain  whether  to  remain  in  that  place  or 
to  remove  elsewhere.  (Ibid.  p.  343;  conf.  p.  170.)  Annibalc  Caro  ad- 
dressed  a  letter  from  Rome,  April  27,  1548,  to  this  lady,  who  was 
then  at  Naples.  There  are  four  letters  by  the  same  learned  man  to 
her  son,  George  Manrichn,  from  the  last  of  which  it  appears  that 
this  young  man  was  at  Milan  on  the  18th  of  June  15G2.  (Lcttcrc 
Fam'il.  del  Commendatore  Annibal  Caro,  tomo  i.  p.  2GU,  270.  293; 
ii.  16.  279,  edit.  1572.) 


320  HISTORY    OF    THE 

np  the  harmony  of  some  of  the  principal  famiUes  in 
the  country.  A  Dominican  monk  of  Cremona,  named 
Fra  Angelo,  declaiming  from  the  pulpit  at  Teglio 
during  the  festival  of  Easter  1556,  accused  the  rulers 
of  the  Grisons  of  listening  to  heretical  teachers,  and 
gave  a  formal  challenge  to  any  of  the  evangelical 
party,  offering  to  prove  from  the  Scriptures  that  those 
who  refused  the  mass  were  diabolical  heretics,  and 
that  their  spouses  were  not  legitimate  wives,  but 
worse  than  strumpets.  On  leaving  the  church  the 
infuriated  audience  rushed  to  the  Protestant  place  of 
worship,  attacked  Gaddio  the  pastor,  and  wounded 
several  of  his  hearers  who  attempted  to  defend  him. 
Instead  of  calling  Angelo  to  account  for  instigating 
this  tumult,  the  Grison  government  invited  him  to 
Coire  to  maintain  the  dispute  Avhich  he  had  provoked; 
but  although  offered  a  safe  conduct,  he  refused  to 
make  his  appearance,  and  orders  being  afterwards 
issued  to  apprehend  him,  he  made  his  escape  into 
Italy.  The  procurator  who  appeared  for  those  who 
had  been  active  in  the  riot,  did  not  deny  that  it  was 
caused  by  the  monks,  and  had  the  effrontery  to 
declare,  before  the  judges  appointed  to  examine  the 
affair,  "that  there  would  never  be  quietness  in  the 
republic  until  that  religion  of  the  devil  (the  Protes- 
tant) was  exterminated.''  Yet  so  forbearing  was 
the  government,  that  it  not  only  passed  over  the 
tumult  with  impunity,  but  sacrificing  private  interests, 
and  in  some  degree  the  character  of  the  innocent  suf- 
ferers, to  public  peace,  agreed  that  Gaddio  should 
remove  to  another  place,  although  his  congregation 
earnestly  petitioned  for  his  being  allowed  to  continue 
with  them.* 

This  lenity  was  entirely  thrown  away  on  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Protestants,  both  within  and  without  the 
republic.  At  the  very  time  that  the  government  was 
labouring  to  allay  animosities,  two  brothers,  Frances- 
co and  Allessandro  Bellinchetti,  were  seized  in  Italy. 
They  were  natives  of  Bergamo,  who,  on  embracing 
the  reformed  religion,  had  retired  into  the  Grisons  and 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  147—149,  264-272. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  321 

settled  in  the  village  of  Bergun,  at  the  foot  of  mount 
Albula,  where  they  wrought  an  iron  mine.  Having 
paid  a  visit  to  their  native  place,  they  were  thrown 
into  the  inquisition,  and  proceeded  against  on  a  charge 
of  heresy.  On  hearing  of  this,  the  authorities  of  the 
Grisons  immediately  sent  an  ambassador  to  demand 
their  liberation  as  citizens  of  the  republic;  and  being 
referred,  by  the  magistrates  of  Bergamo  and  the  senate 
of  Venice,  to  the  inquisitors,  they  wrote  to  the  prior 
of  the  Dominican  monastery  at  Morbegno,  in  the 
Valteline,  to  use  his  influence  with  his  brethren  to 
obtain  the  release  of  the  prisoners;  but  he  paid  no  re- 
gard to  the  application.  Upon  this  the  diet  met  and 
came  to  a  peremptory  resolution,  that  if  the  two 
brothers  were  not  released  within  the  space  of  a 
month,  all  the  Dominicans  within  the  territories  of  the 
Three  leagues  should  be  banished,  and  the  property  of 
the  monastery  of  Morbegno,  movable  and  immovable, 
forfeited  and  applied  to  the  relief  of  the  poor  and 
other  pious  uses.  An  extract  of  this  deed  haviug 
been  sent  to  the  prior,  the  prisoners  were  immediate- 
ly set  at  liberty.* 

In  the  meantime,  the  foreign  monks  who  had  in- 
vaded the  Valteline,  confiding  in  the  support  of  their 
governments,  became  every  day  bolder  in  their  in- 
vectives and  in  plotting  against  the  public  peace. 
Through  their  influence,  persons  of  the  first  respect- 
ability for  birth,  probity,  and  talents,  were  not  only 
excluded  from  civil  oflices,  but  denied  the  rites  of  se- 
pulture, prevented  from  building  places  of  worship, 
and  exposed  to  every  species  of  insult.  Seeing  no 
end  to  this  illegal  and  degrading  oppression,  they  at 
last  resolved  on  laying  their  grievances  formally  be- 
fore the  government.  Aware  of  the  justice  of  their 
complaints,  impressed  with  the  equity  of  extending 
to  the  subject-states  that  religious  liberty  which  had 
been  found  so  advantageous  to  the  governing  country, 
perceiving  that  the  threats  of  strangers  were  heard 
above  the  voice  of  the  law  in  their  southern  domin- 
ions, and  convinced  that  it  Avas  high  time  to  adopt 
*  De  Porta,  ii.  272,  273. 


322  HISTORY  or  the 

decisive  measures  unless  they  chose  to  allow  their 
authority  to  sink  into  absolute  contempt,  the  diet, 
which  met  at  Ilantz  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1557,  unanimously  adopted  the  following  decree, 
which,  being  ratified  by  the  several  communities,  was 
enrolled  among  the  fundamental  and  standing  laws 
of  the  republic.  It  was  declared,  that  it  should  be 
lawful  to  preach  the  sacred  word  of  God  and  the  gos- 
pel of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  all  places  belonging  to 
the  Valteline,  and  to  the  counties  of  Chiavenna,  Bor- 
mio,  and  Teglio :  that  in  those  villages  in  which  there 
were  a  plurality  of  churches,  the  Roman  catholics 
should  have  their  choice  of  one,  and  the  other  should 
be  given  to  the  Protestants :  that  in  any  village  in 
which  there  was  only  one  church,  the  Roman  catho- 
lics should  have  the  privilege  of  using  it  in  the  former 
part  of  the  day,  and  the  Protestants  in  the  latter :  that 
each  party  should  be  allowed  to  perform  all  the  parts 
of  their  worship,  and  to  bury  their  dead,  without  op- 
positon  from  the  other:  that  the  professors  of  the  Pro- 
testant faith  should  enjoy  all  honours  and  be  admis- 
sible to  all  offices  equally  with  their  fellow-subjects: 
that  no  foreign  monk  or  presbyter,  of  whatever  religi- 
ous persuasion,  should  be  admitted  to  reside  within 
these  territories,  unless  he  had  been  previously  ex- 
amined and  approved  by  the  ordinary  authorities  in 
the  church  to  which  he  belonged — the  ministers  by  the 
Protestant  synod  in  the  Three  leagues,  and  the  priests 
by  the  bishop  and  chapter  of  Coire;  and  that  none 
should  be  admitted  unless  he  declared  his  intention  to 
reside  at  least  for  a  year,  and  gave  security  for  his 
good  behaviour.  In  the  course  of  the  same  year  an 
act  was  passed,  freeing  the  Protestants  from  penalties 
for  not  observing  the  popish  holidays;  and,  in  the 
following  year  two  statutes  were  enacted,  one  for  ex- 
tending to  the  subject-provinces  the  law  which  pre- 
vented the  admission  of  new  members  into  monaste- 
ries, and  the  other  making  stated  provision  for  the 
pastors  of  the  Protestant  churches.  The  former  was 
not  executed.  In  piu'suance  of  the  latter,  a  third  part 
of  the  ecclesiastic  rents  of  Chiavenna  was  allotted  to 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  323 

the  minister  of  the  reformed  church  in  that  village, 
which,  by  this  time,  included  the  half  of  the  popula- 
tion. To  the  pastors  in  other  places  forty  crowns  a 
year  were  assigned,  to  be  taken,  in  the  first  instance, 
from  the  benefices  of  absentees  and  pluralists;  and, 
failing  these,  from  the  revenues  which  the  bishop  of 
Coire  drew  from  the  Valteline,  from  the  funds  of  the 
abbacy  of  Abundio;  or,  as  the  last  resource,  from  the 
common  funds  of  each  parish.* 

This  was  the  only  legislative  enactment  by  which 
positive  encouragement  was  given  to  the  Reformed 
religion  in  the  Valteline;  but  the  Protestant  ministers 
derived  little  from  it  except  envy,  the  clergy  contriv- 
ing, by  concealment,  litigation,  and  violence,  to  retain 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  funds.  It  was  granted,  in 
consequence  of  a  representation  from  the  Protestants, 
who  pleaded  that,  though  the  minority  in  point  of 
numbers,  they  contributed  the  largest  proportion  to 
the  funds  of  the  clergy,  many  of  whom  performed  no 
duty,  and  the  rest  confined  themselves  chiefly  to  the 
saying  of  mass.  As  is  usual  on  such  occasions,  those 
of  the  laity  who  contributed  next  to  nothing  were 
loudest  in  exclaiming,  "  that  they  were  taxed  for  up- 
holding an  heretical  religion;"  while  the  clergy  called 
upon  "the  Italian  deserters  of  monasteries"  to  imitate 
the  example  of  the  apostle  Paul,  who  laboured  with 
his  hands  that  he  might  not  be  burdensome  to  the 
churches,  and  of  the  Egyptian  anchorites,  with  Pe- 
ter the  hermit  at  their  head;  and  insisted  that  they 
could  not  be  the  followers  of  Christ  and  his  apos- 
tles, inasmuch  as  they  did  not  work  miracles  nor  live 
on  alms.t  It  may  be  proper  to  mention  here  another 
act,  though  passed  at  a  later  period,  which  gave  great 
ofl"ence  to  the  Roman  catholics.  The  diet  of  the  Gri- 
son  republic  agreed  to  erect  a  college  at  Sondrio,  in 
the  Vakeline.;  It  did  not  partake  of  the  nature  of  a 
theological  seminary,  but  was  confined  to  the  teaching 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  273—276,  283—287. 
t  De  Porta,  ii.  287,  289,  560,  561. 

t  Though  not  erected  till  1584,  this  college  was  planned  so  early 
as  1563.     (Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  376.) 


324  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  languages  and  philosophy.  The  children  of  papists 
and  Protestants  were  equally  admissible  to  it,  and 
provision  was  made  for  teachers  of  both  persuasions. 
But  notwithstanding  the  liberal  principles  on  which 
it  was  founded,  the  clergy  cried  out  against  it  as  a 
Lutheran  seminary ;  formal  representations  were  made 
against  it  by  the  popish  cantons  of  Switzerland  and 
by  the  court  of  Milan;  and  the  republic  was  obliged 
to  send  back  the  principal,  a  learned  and  moderate 
man,  whom  they  had  brought  from  Zurich,  and  to 
remove  the  institution,  after  it  had  subsisted  for  only 
one  year,  to  the  city  of  Coire.* 

The  Italian  exiles  were  elated  by  the  laws  passed 
in  their  favour,  and  looked  forward  with  sanguine 
hopes  to  the  speedy  triumph  of  the  Reformed  cause 
in  the  Valteline ;  but  their  ultramontane  brethren,  who 
were  better  acquainted  with  the  genius  of  the  inha- 
bitants, and  more  indifferent  judges  of  the  opposition 
Avhich  might  be  expected  from  foreign  powers,  re- 
pressed their  fervour,  and  wisely  urged  upon  them  the 
propriety  of  trusting  for  success  to  the  gradual  illu- 
mination of  the  people,  rather  than  to  legislative  de- 
crees, which  required  external  force  to  carry  them 
into  execution,  t  The  court  of  Rome  had  been,  from 
the  beginning,  highly  displeased  at  the  reception  given 
to  the  Italian  exiles  in  the  Grisons ;  but  its  displeasure 
was  converted  into  a  mingled  feeling  of  indignation 
and  alarm,  when  it  saw  the  standard  of  evangelical 
truth  planted  in  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Italy,  from 
which,  if  not  speedily  dislodged,  it  might  be  carried 
into  the  interior,  and,  in  process  of  time,  might  insult 
the  head  of  the  church  in  his  capital.  The  extirpa- 
tion of  the  colony  was  resolved  on;  and,  to  accom- 
plish it,  the  popes  exerted  themselves  in  securing  the 
co-operation  of  the  neighbouring  catholic  powers, 
especially  the  Spanish  monarch,  who  had  lately  ob- 

*  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  part  ii.  32,  37,  48,  53,  57,  58,  332.  The  erec 
tion  of  a  similar  seminary  in  1614,  but  on  a  smaller  scale,  and  with- 
out  deriving  any  support  from  the  funds  of  the  Valteline,  excited 
equal  hostility,  and  was  made  one  pretext  for  the  rebellion  which  fol- 
lowed soon  after.     (Ibid.  p.  252—254,  322.) 

t  De  Porta,  ii.  280,  281. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  325 

tained  the  sovereignty  of  Milan.  It  is  difficult  to  say 
whether  ambition  or  bigotry  had  the  ascendant  in  the 
character  of  Phihp  II.,  but  both  principles  led  him  to 
embark  in  this  scheme  with  the  utmost  cordiality. 
The  Valteline  bordered  on  the  Milanese,  and  had 
formerly  belonged  to  that  duchy.  Philip,  as  well  as 
the  dukes  who  preceded  him,  had  ratified  the  cession 
of  it  to  the  republic  of  the  Grisons,  but  that  did  not 
prevent  him  from  cherishing  the  idea  of  recovering  a 
territory  which  was  the  key  to  the  communication 
between  Milan  and  Germany,  and  the  command  of 
Avhich  would  enable  him  at  all  times  with  safety  to 
convey  troops  from  Austria  to  his  dominions  in  the 
north  of  Italy.  For  interfering  widi  the  affairs  of  the 
Valteline,  he  found  a  pretext  in  the  plea,  that  it  was 
necessary  to  prevent  heresy  from  spreading  in  the 
Milanese,  which  had  already  been  to  no  inconsider- 
able extent  tainted  by  that  pestilential  malady. 

In  the  year  1559  the  government  of  Milan  erected 
forts  on  the  confines  of  the  Valteline.  Under  the 
cover  of  these  the  inquisitors  entered  the  country, 
and  as  they  durst  not  seize  the  persons  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, collected  a  large  quantity  of  heretical  books, 
which  they  burnt  with  great  solemnity.  They  were 
followed  by  a  swarm  of  foreign  monks,  who,  trusting 
to  the  garrisons  as  places  of  retreat,  despised  the  edict 
which  prohibited  them  from  entering  the  country, 
and  went  about  inflaming  the  minds  of  the  people 
against  the  Protestant  preachers,  and  even  the  local 
rulers  by  whom  they  were  protected.*  A  college  of 
Jesuits  was  established  at  Ponte,  and  maintained  itself 
in  spite  of  repeated  orders  issued  by  the  diet  for  its 
removal.!  These  strangers  kept  up  a  regular  corres- 
pondence with  the  heads  of  their  respective  orders  at 
Como,  Milan,  Rome,  and  other  places  in  Italy,  the 
effects  of  which  soon  became  apparent.  It  has  been 
already  mentioned  that  Pius  IV.,  who  filled  the  papal 
throne  between  1559  and  1566,  had  been  a  priest  in 
the  Valteline ;  a  circumstance  which  at  once  disposed 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  p.  297—299. 
t  Ibid,  p.  302—304. 


326  HISTORY    OF    THE 

him  to  take  a  deep  interest  in  the  affairs  of  that  coun- 
try, and  made  his  interposition  the  more  effective.  In 
1561  his  legate  Bianchi,  provost  of  Santa  Maria  della 
Scala  at  Milan,  appeared  at  Coire.  Supported  by  the 
presence  and  influence  of  Ritzio,  the  Milanese  ambas- 
sador, the  les^ate  made  a  formal  demand  on  the  diet, 
in  the  name  of  his  holiness,  that  they  should  banish 
the  Italian  exiles  from  the  Valteline  and  Chiavenna, 
allov/  free  ingress  and  egress  to  foreign  monks,  make 
no  opposition  to  the  Jesuit  college  at  Ponte,  prevent 
the  issuing  of  books  derogatory  to  the  church  of  Rome 
from  the  press  at  Puschiavo,  and,  in  general,  overturn 
all  that  they  had  done  in  relation  to  religion  in  that 
part  of  their  dominions.*  But  the  influence  of  Pius, 
who  had  not  left  behind  him  the  odour  of  sanctity  in 
the  Grisons,  was  small  compared  with  that  of  his 
nephew,  the  celebrated  cardinal  Borromeo,  arch- 
bishop of  Milan.  Though  this  prelate  owed  his  can- 
onization more  to  his  zeal  for  Catholicism  than  to  his 
piety,  yet  his  talents  and  the  decorum  of  his  private 
character  rendered  him  by  far  the  most  formidable 
adversary  who  had  yet  appeared  against  the  Protest- 
ant interest.  It  was  the  great  object  of  his  ambition, 
from  an  early  period  of  life,  to  oppose  an  effectual 
barrier  to  the  progress  of  heresy,  and  to  repair  and 
prop  the  fabric  of  Popery  which  he  saw  tottering  on 
its  base.  With  this  view  he  applied  himself  to  the 
removal  of  abuses  in  Italy ;  introduced  reforms  into 
the  morals  of  the  clergy,  particularly  of  the  monastic 
orders;  and  erected  seminaries  in  which  young  per- 
sons might  obtain  such  an  education  as  should  qualify 
them  for  entering  the  lists  with  the  Protestants,  and 
fighting  them  with  their  own  Aveapons.  Hitherto 
those  who  had  appeared  as  the  champions  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  though  often  not  destitute  in  talents, 
were  almost  always  deficient  in  learning,  and  could 
do  little  more  than  ring  changes,  and  that  for  the 
most  part  rudely,  on  the  popular  prejudices  against 
innovation  and  in  favour  of  the  Catholic  Church.  But 
men  of  learning  now  came  forward  who  could  "  make 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  364—371. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  327 

the  worse  appear  tlie  better  reason" — who,  if  they 
did  not  convince  by  the  sohdity  of  their  arguments, 
entangled  the  minds  of  their  readers  by  their  subtlety 
or  dazzled  them  by  the  splendour  of  their  eloquence, 
and  contrived  artfully  to  withdraw  attention  from  the 
real  image  of  the  Church  as  she  existed,  to  one  which 
was  the  pure  creation  of  their  own  fancy.  All  the 
celebrated  champions  of  the  Catholic  faith,  from  Bcl- 
larmine  to  Bossuet,  proceeded  from  the  school  of  Bor- 
romeo.  It  would  have  been  well  if  the  cardinal  had 
confined  himself  to  methods  of  this  kind;  but,  be- 
sides abetting  the  most  violent  measures  for  sup- 
pressing the  reformed  opinions  within  his  own  dio- 
cese, he  industriously  fomented  dissensions  in  foreign 
countries,  leagued  Avith  men  who  were  capable  of  the 
most  desperate  attempts,  and  busied  himself  in  pro- 
viding arms  for  subjects  who  were  ready  to  rebel 
against  their  lawful  rulers,  and  to  shed  the  blood,  of 
their  peaceable  fellow-citizens.* 

It  is  only  a  general  account  which  I  can  here  give 
of  the  course  pursued  for  disturbing  the  peace  of  the 
Grisons,  and  expelling  the  refugees  from  the  settle- 
ment which  they  had  obtained  in  the  Valteline.  The 
goods  belonging  to  citizens  of  the  republic  who  traded 
with  the  Milanese  were  seized  by  the  inquisitors,  and 
applications  for  restitution  and  redress  were  almost  in 
every  instance  refused  or  evaded.  Merchants  who 
visited  that  country  were  apprehended  on  a  charge  of 
heresy,  detained  in  prison,  forced  to  purchase  their 
hberty  with  large  sums  of  money,  or  condemned  to 
different  kinds  of  punishment.  Borromeo  was  not 
afraid  to  incarcerate  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  juris- 
diction of  Mayenfeld.t  At  last  a  new  species  of  out- 
rage, unheard  of  among  civilized  nations,  was  resorted 
to.  Bands  of  armed  men  haunted  the  roads  of  the 
Valteline,  seized  the  Protestants  unawares,  and  car- 

*  The  most  serious  of  these  charges  is  supported  by  tlic  cardinal's 
letter  of  the  24th  May,  1584,  to  the  nuncio  Spezzani,  pubhshcd  by 
Quadrio,  the  Catholic  historian  of  the  Valteline,  and  reprinted  by  De 
Porta.     (Tom.  ii.  part.  ii.  p.  33— 3o  ;  conf.  part.  i.  p.  454,  4S;2.) 

t  De  Porta,  ii.  455.  461.  482. 


328  HISTORY    OF    THE 

ried  them  into  Italy.  Francesco  Cellario,  the  Protes- 
tant mmister  at  Morbegno,  was  returnmg  in  1568 
from  a  meeting  of  the  synod  held  at  Zutz  in  Upper 
Engadina.  He  had  scarcely  left  the  town  of  Chia- 
venna,  when  some  villains  rushed  from  a  thicket  on 
the  margin  of  the  lake  Lario,  forced  him  into  a  boat 
which  they  had  ready,  and  carrying  him  first  to  Como 
and  afterwards  to  Milan,  delivered  him  to  the  Inqui- 
sition. Ambassadors  were  sent  to  demand  the  pris- 
oner, but  they  found  that  he  had  been  conveyed  to 
Rome,  and  were  told  by  the  duke  de  Terranova,  the 
governor,  that  his  abduction  was  the  work  of  the 
inquisitors,  over  whom  he  had  no  control.*  After 
being  detained  nearly  a  year  in  prison,  Cellario  was 
tried  by  the  Inquisition  at  Rome,  and  committed  to 
the  flames  on  the  20th  of  May,  1 569 A  The  practice 
of  man-stealing  now  became  a  constant  traffic  in  the 
Valteline;  and  at  every  meeting  of  the  diet,  for  a 
course  of  years,  complaints  were  made  that  some  per- 
sons had  been  carried  off,  including  not  only  exiles 
from  Italy,  but  native  citizens  of  the  Grison  republic.^ 
The  investigations  into  these  acts  of  violence  impli- 
cated, in  most  instances,  the  monks  of  Morbegno,  who 
were  in  the  habit  of  regularly  giving  such  information 
to  the  inquisitors  as  enabled  them  to  seize  their  prey.§ 
Nor  did  they  confine  themselves  to  this  service.  After 
the  abduction  of  Cellario,  Ulixio  Martinengho,  count 

*  Gabutius,  in  his  Life  of  Pius  IV.,  gives  the  duke's  answer  in 
these  words: — "  That  the  pope  has  an  absolute  and  lawful  power  over 
all  parts  of  the  world  to  seize,  as  often  as  he  pleases,  and  inflict  mer- 
ited punishment  on  heretics."    (Laderchii  Annal.  tom.  xxxiii.  6, 198.) 

t  Laderchius,  ut  supra.  De  Porta,  ii.  464 — 476.  The  first  of 
these  writers  gives,  from  the  records  of  the  Inquisition,  the  sentence 
condemning  Cellario  to  be  burnt  alive.  Gabutius  says  he  recanted 
when  he  came  in  sight  of  the  fire.  De  Porta,  on  the  contrary,  states 
that  a  native  of  the  Grisons,  who  was  in  Rome  and  witnessed  the 
execution,  deposed  that  the  martyr,  on  being  taken  from  the  fiery 
stake,  refused  to  confess,  and  was  again  thrown  into  the  flames. 
Cellario  had  been  a  Minorite  monk  of  the  order  De  Ohservantia,  and 
was  twice  imprisoned  at  Pavia.  The  first  time,  he  was  released  on 
making  some  acknowledgments ;  the  second  time,  he  broke  his  chains 
and  made  his  escape  to  the  Grisons  in  the  year  1558. 

I  De  Porta,  ii.  477,  478.  480.  482;  part.  ii.  7—9.  50.  88.  95. 

§  Ibid.  ii.  455.  457.  465.  483. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  329 

de  Barcho,  a  learned  and  pious  nobleman  who  had 
resided  for  a  number  of  years  in  the  Valteline,  offi- 
ciated in  his  room  until  the  admission  of  Scipione 
Calandrino,  a  native  of  Lucca,  whom  the  congrega- 
tion had  chosen  for  their  pastor.  The  monks,  who 
had  looked  forward  to  the  dispersion  of  that  flock, 
were  greatly  irritated  at  their  disappointment;  and 
two  of  them  entering  one  day  the  church  at  Mellio, 
fired  a  pistol  at  Calandrino,  while  he  was  in  the  act 
of  preaching.  An  old  man  observed  them  levelling 
the  piece,  and  gave  warning  to  Calandrino,  who 
evaded  the  shot;  upon  which  the  ruffians  stabbed  the 
old  man  mortally,  rushed  forward  to  the  pulpit,  and 
having  wounded  the  preacher,  made  their  escape, 
amidst  the  confusion  into  which  the  congregation  was 
thrown  by  this  unexpected  and  disgraceful  assault.* 
The  most  humiliating  circumstance  in  the  whole  of 
this  affair  is  the  timidity  and  irresolution  with  which 
the  Grison  government  acted.  They  sent  ambassadors, 
they  craved  redress,  they  ordered  investigations,  and, 
on  making  discoveries,  they  passed  threatening  votes; 
but  they  took  no  step  becoming  the  character  of  a 
free  people  in  defence  of  their  violated  independence 
and  insulted  honour.  Their  neighbours  showed  them 
an  example  worthy  of  their  imitation.  Cardinal  Bor- 
romeo,  in  one  of  his  archiepiscopal  visitations,  entered 
the  territories  of  Switzerland.  The  Swiss  govern- 
ment, not  relishing  the  visit,  despatched  an  envoy  to 
request  the  governor  of  the  Milanese  to  recall  him. 
No  sooner  had  the  envoy  arrived  at  Milan,  than  he 
was  seized  by  the  inquisitor  and  thrown  into  prison; 
but  the  governor,  as  soon  as  he  learnt  the  fact, 
ordered  his  release,  and  treated  him  with  marks  of 
great  respect.  On  being  informed  of  what  had  hap- 
pened, the  Swiss  authorities  sent  a  message  to  the 
governor,  signifying  that  if  the  same  post  which 
brought  the  news  of  the  imprisonment  of  their  envoy 
had  not  acquainted  them  with  his  enlargement,  they 
would  instantly  have  seized  the  cardinal  and  detained 
him  as  a  hostage;  upon  hearing  which,  his  eminence 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  483,  484. 
22 


330  HISTORY    OF    THE 

retired  from  the  Swiss  territories  with  less  ceremony 
than  he  had  entered  them.*  If  the  authorities  of  the 
Orisons  had  acted  in  this  manner — if  they  had,  as 
they  were  advised,  confiscated  the  property  belonging 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Milan  and  Como,  and  retained 
it  until  their  own  merchants  were  indemnified  for  the 
losses  which  they  had  sustained — and,  above  all,  if 
they  had  issued  peremptory  orders  to  level  the  monas- 
tery of  Morbegno  with  the  ground,  as  a  watch-tower 
of  spies  and  a  den  of  thieves — tiie  boldness  of  the 
measure,  supported  by  its  justice,  while  it  gave  cour- 
age to  the  loyal  and  checked  the  disaffected  among 
their  own  subjects,  would  have  secured  the  respect 
and  forbearance  of  foreign  powers.  But  the  counsels 
of  the  republic  were  distracted  by  dissensions,  and 
its  arm  palsied  by  corruption.  The  Grey  league, 
which  was  composed  chiefly  of  Roman  Catholics, 
refused  its  consent  to  any  vigorous  measure.  Spanish 
gold  had  found  its  way  into  the  other  leagues;  and  a 
Protestant  ambassador  returned  from  Milan,  bearing 
the  insignia  of  an  order  of  knighthood  conferred  on 
him  by  a  papal  brief,  instead  of  bringing  the  prisoner 
whose  liberty  he  was  sent  to  demand.  France,  on 
whose  aid  the  party  opposed  to  Spain  placed  its 
chief  dependence,  had  fallen  under  the  rule  of  the 
house  of  Guise,  which  was  secretly  engaged  in  the 
league  for  the  extirpation  of  Protestantism;  and  the 
report  of  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  while  it 
blew  up  the  hopes  entertained  from  the  north,  gave 
dreadful  note  of  a  similar  explosion  from  the  south, 
which  was  soon  to  shake  the  Grisons  to  its  centre. 
The  proper  season  of  applying  the  remedy  being 
neglected,  the  evil  became  inveterate,  and  all  attempts 
to  cure  it  served  only  to  inflame  and  exasperate. 
Provoked  by  persevering  injuries,  alarmed  by  re- 
peated conspiracies,  and  betrayed  without  being  able 
to  discover  or  convict  the  traitors,  the  authorities  had 
recourse  to  violent  measures;  and  courts  of  justice, 
composed  chiefly  of  Protestants,  were  erected,  by 
which  arbitrary  and  heavy  punishments  were  inflicted, 

*  Fra  Paolo,  Discorso  dell'  Inquisitione  di  Venetia,  p.  47. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  331 

and  individuals  were  condemned  on  slight  or  suspi- 
cious evidence.  These  severities  were  artfully  height- 
ened hy  the  representations  of  foreign  agents,  and 
ministered  fresh  fuel  to  the  existing  disaffection.  The 
joint  influence  of  these  causes  led  to  the  catastrophe 
of  1620,  of  which  no  person   acquainted  with  the 
general  history  of  Europe  is  ignorant — the  indiscri- 
minate and  barbarous  massacre  of  the  Protestants  in 
the  Valteline,  the  revolt  of  all  the  southern  depen- 
dencies of  the  republic,  and  the  temporary  subjuga- 
tion of  the  Grisons  by  the  combined  arms  of  Austria 
and  Spain.     Writers  professing  to  have  formed  an 
impartial  judgment,*  impute  these  disastrous  events, 
in  a  great  measure,  to  the  impolitic  zeal  with  which 
the  government  attempted  to  introduce  the  Reforma- 
tion into  the  Valteline.     There  can  be  no  question, 
that  if  the  Reformation  had  not  been  admitted  into 
the  Grisons,  the  republic  would  not  have  been  ex- 
posed to  that  hostility  which  they  actually  encountered 
from  neighbouring  powers.     But  ought  they  on  that 
ground  to  have  prevented  its  reception?   And  having 
allowed  it  in  the  governing  country,  would  they  have 
been  warranted  in  prohibiting  it  within  the  subject 
states  ?     Or,  are  they  greatly  to  be  blamed  for  having 
given  encouragement  to  those  who  were  their  best 
subjects,  and  on  whom  they  could  rely  for  an  entire 
and  undivided  allegiance?     If  the  subject  be  impar- 
tially considered,  it  will  be  found,  I  apprehend,  that 
the  radical  and  main  cause  of  the  disturbances  Avas 
the  retaining  of  the  southern  provinces  in  a  state  of 
vassalage,  together  with  the  oppression  and  pecula- 
tion to  which  this  led  on  the  part  of  those  to  whom 
the  administration  of  their  affairs  was  committed — 
evils  which  are  almost  inseparable  from  the  govern- 
ment of  colonies  and  dependent  provinces,  whether 
they  belong  to  monarchies  or  republics.     Had  the 
Valteline  and  the  adjoining  districts  been  received  at 
first  into  the  confederation  as  a  fourth  league,  and 
admitted  to  all  its  privileges,  the  inhabitants  would 

*  Coxe's  Travels  in  Switzerland,  vol.  iii.  p.  96. 


332  HISTORY    OF    THE 

have  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  msidious  proposals 
made  to  them  from  Milan  and  Inspruck,  and  the 
obstacles  to  the  Reformation  would  not  have  been 
greater  in  the  Cisalpine  than  they  were  in  the  Trans- 
alpine departments  of  the  republic. 

Before  leaving  the  Grisons,  it  will  be  proper  to  give 
some  account  of  the  internal  dissensions  which  pre- 
vailed among  the  Italian  exiles.  Though  the  greater 
part  of  them  were  distinguished  for  their  learning, 
zeal,  and  piety,  and,  by  their  services,  amply  repaid 
the  kindness  of  the  country  which  afforded  them  an 
asylum,  it  was  soon  found  that  others  cherished  in 
their  breasts  a  variety  of  subtle  and  dangerous  opin- 
ions, which  they  at  first  insinuated  in  private,  and 
afterwards  taught  and  maintained  with  such  factious 
pertinacity  as  to  bring  scandal  on  the  whole  body  of 
the  exiles,  and  to  give  great  offence  and  uneasiness  to 
those  who  had  been  most  active  in  procuring  them  a 
hospitable  reception.  It  is  impossible  to  give  such 
an  account  of  the  opinions  of  this  party  as  will  apply 
to  all  the  individuals  who  composed  it.  While  they 
agreed  in  refusing  their  assent  to  the  received  creed, 
some  of  them  cavilled  at  one  of  its  articles  and  others 
at  another.  The  leaders  cautiously  abstained  from 
disclosing  their  system,  and  contented  themselves  with 
imparting  privately  to  the  initiated  such  of  their  views 
as  they  knew  to  be  most  offensive  and  startling  to  the 
minds  of  serious  Christians.  The  more  forward,  who 
were  usually  the  most  unlearned,  advanced  crude  and 
contradictory  notions;  and,  their  minds  being  un- 
hinged and  tossed  to  and  fro  with  every  wind  of 
doctrine,  they  veered  suddenly  to  opposite  extremes, 
so  that  it  was  not  uncommon  to  find  individuals  main- 
taining one  day  that  God  was  the  author  of  sinful 
actions,  and  that  holiness  had  no  connection  with 
salvation,  and  the  next  day  inveighing  against  the 
doctrine  of  predestination  as  leading  to  these  odious 
consequences.  In  general,  however,  they  were  dis- 
ciples of  Servetus,  whose  creed  was  a  compound  of 
anabaptism  and  antitrinitarianism,  and  had,  as  we 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  333 

have  seen,  been  embraced  by  a  number  of  the  Pro- 
testants in  Italy.* 

Francesco,  a  Calabrian,  and  Jeronimo,  a  Mantuan, 
were  the  first  who  excited  a  noise  by  venting  these 
opinions.  They  had  not  been  long  settled  as  pastors 
in  the  district  of  Engadina,  when  the  report  arose  that 
they  were  inculcating  that  infants  ought  not  to  be 
baptized;  that  God  is  the  author  of  sinful  actions; 
that  the  body,  flesh,  or  death  of  Christ,  can  be  of  no 
avail  for  the  salvation  of  men;  and  that  the  souls  of 
the  just  sleep  till  the  resurrection.  The  church  of 
Lavin  dismissed  Jeronimo  as  soon  as  they  ascertained 
his  sentiments;  but  the  Calabrian,  by  his  address  and 
eloquence,  had  so  fascinated  his  flock  at  Vettan,  that 
they  clung  to  him  and  regarded  all  his  sayings  as 
oracular.  This  encouraged  him  to  persevere  in  the 
course  which  he  had  begun,  and  to  despise  the  admo- 
nitions of  his  brethren.  Loud  complaints  being  made 
that  his  doctrine  was  corrupting  the  morals  of  the 
people,  a  public  disputation,  according  to  the  mode  of 
those  times,  was  held,  in  the  year  1544,  at  Zutz, 
which  was  attended  by  Roman  catholic  priests  as  well 
as  Protestant  ministers.  Francesco,  having  appeared 
before  this  assembly,  was  convicted  of  the  chief  errors 
imputed  to  him,  and  was  afterwards  expelled  the 
country.t 

But  it  was  in  the  Italian  churches  erected  on  the 
south  of  the  Alps  that  these  opinions  were  most  indus- 
triously propagated  and  excited  the  greatest  disturb- 
ances. The  author  and  chief  fomenter  of  these  was 
Camillo  Renato,  a  man  of  considerable  acutencss  and 
learning,  but  addicted  to  novelties,  captious  yet  cool, 
opinionative  yet  artful  and  insinuating.  As  long  as 
he  remained  at  Caspan  he  had  little  opportunity  of 
making  disciples,  though  he  tainted  the  mind  of  Para- 
vicino,  in  whose  house  he  lived  as  tutor.  But  on  his 
coming  to  Chiavenna,  where  the  Protestants  were 
numerous,  he  found  a  more  extensive  field  for  propa- 
gating his  peculiar  notions.     Mainardi,  the  minister 

*  See  before,  p.  149—156. 

t  Bock,  Hist.  Antitrin.  toin.  ii.  p.  410.  Dc  Porta,  n.  67— 7o. 


334  HISTORY  or  the 

of  the  Protestant  church  in  that  town,  perceivmg  that 
the  mmds  of  some  of  his  flock  were  corrupted  and 
others  scandahzed  by  the  opinions  which  were  secretly- 
sown  among  them,  remonstrated  with  Camillo  on  his 
conduct,  and  endeavoured,  by  friendly  conferences,  to 
effect  a  change  on  his  views,  or,  at  least  to  prevail  on 
him  to  retain  them  within  his  own  breast.  Failing 
to  accomplish  this,  he  first  gave  warning  to  his  people 
from  the  pulpit  of  the  danger  to  which  they  were 
exposed,  and  afterwards  drew  up,  in  the  name  of  his 
congregation,  a  confession  of  faith,  in  which,  without 
mentioning  the  name  of  Camillo,  he  explicitly  con- 
demned his  errors.  Upon  this  Camillo  and  his  fol- 
lowers withdrew  from  the  ministry  of  Mainardi,  and 
began  to  meet  by  themselves. 

The  following  are  the  opinions  which  are  said  to 
have  been  held  by  Camillo: — That  the  soul  dies  with 
the  body,  or  sleeps  until  the  resurrection;  that  the 
same  body  substantially  shall  not  be  raised  at  the  last 
day;  that  there  shall  be  no  resurrection  of  the  wicked; 
that  man  was  created  mortal,  and  would  have  died 
though  he  had  not  sinned;  that  there  is  no  natural 
law  by  which  men  can  know  what  to  do  or  avoid; 
that  unregenerate  men  are  irrational  creatures  like  the 
brutes;  that  the  decalogue  is  useless  to  believers,  who 
have  no  law  but  the  Spirit;  that  the  Scripture  says 
nothing  of  the  merit  of  Christ;  that  the  Saviour  had 
concupiscence  residing  in  him,  was  capable  of  sinning 
though  he  did  not  actually  sin,  and  is  said  to  have 
been  made  a  curse  because  he  was  conceived  in  origi- 
nal sin,  and  not  because  he  offered  a  sacrifice  for  sin 
or  suffered  the  death  of  the  cross  for  sinners;  that 
justifying  faith  has  no  need  of  being  confirmed  by 
sacraments;  that  there  is  no  resemblance  betv/een 
baptism  and  circumcision ;  and  that  baptism  and  the 
Lord's  supper  are  merely  signs  of  what  is  past,  do  not 
seal  any  blessing,  and  have  no  promise  annexed  to 
them.'*     It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  in  these  propo- 

*  Mainardi's  Confession,  which  contained  these  articles,  is  lost; 
but  Pietro  Leonis,  a  disciple  of  Camillo,  inserted  them  in  a  book 
which  he  published  at  Milan,  from  which  they  were  extracted  by  De 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  335 

sitions  the  elements  which  were  afterwards  formed 
into  a  system  by  Faiistus  Socmus.  It  is  true,  Camillo 
did  not  profess  his  disbeUef  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
trinity,  but  some  of  his  disciples  who  enjoyed  a  large 
share  of  his  confidence  made  no  scruple  of  openly 
disavowing  it.  He  was  also  wary  as  to  what  he  ad- 
vanced on  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and,  when 
pushed  on  that  point  by  his  opponents,  was  wont  to 
reply — "  Camillo  is  ignorant  whether  the  soul  be  im- 
mortal or  not ;  he  does  not  affirm  that  the  soul  dies 
with  the  body,  he  only  says  so  for  the  sake  of  dis- 
pute." 

Irritated  at  the  detection  of  his  scheme  before  he 
had  time  to  mature  and  propagate  it,  Camillo  com- 
plained loudly  of  the  conduct  of  Mainardi.  He  drew 
up  several  writings,  in  which,  confining  himself  to  the 
subject  of  the  sacraments,  he  endeavoured  to  hold  up 
his  opponent  as  at  once  ignorant  and  intolerant,  and 
the  true  cause  of  all  the  discord  which  had  arisen. 
In  this  he  was  encouraged  by  Stancari  and  Negri. 
The  former,  who,  at  a  subsequent  period,  excited 
great  contentions  in  Poland  and  in  Germany,  foment- 
ed the  schism  in  the  congregation  of  Chiavenna, 
although  in  his  sentiments  respecting  the  sacraments 
he  went  to  the  opposite  extreme  from  Camillo.  Negri, 
a  good  but  weak  man,  vacillated  between  the  views  of 
Camillo  and  Stancari,  and  lent  his  aid  to  the  faction.* 
The  consequence  of  all  this  was,  that  Mainardi  incur- 
red the  censures  of  some  of  his  countrymen  who 
occasionally  visited  the  place,  such  as  Vergerio  and 
Altieri;  and  received  letters  from  the  Orisons  and 
Switzerland  admonishing  him  to  conduct  himself  with 
greater  moderation.  Knowing  that  he  had  good 
grounds  for  all  which  he  had  done,  and  that  the  prcr 
judices  raised  against  him  would  give  way  as  soon  as 

Porta,  (ii.  83—86.)  That  Camillo  carried  his  scepticism  into  philo- 
sophy as  well  as  divinity,  appears  from  the  following  article  :—• - 
"  Quod  memoria  rei  alicujus  non  fiat,  ut  is  qui  illam  facit,  rci  vel  facti 
certior  fiat." 

*  Museum  Helveticum,  torn.  xix.  p.  481—487  ;  where  extracts  are 
given  from  the  letters  of  Altieri  and  other  distinguished  persons  at 
Venice,  describing  the  turbulent  temper  of  Stancari. 


336 


HISTORY    OF    THE 


the  cause  came  to  be  investigated,  Mainardi  did  not 
relax  in  his  vigilance.  "  The  favourers  of  Camillo," 
says  he  in  a  letter  to  Bullinger,  "  tear  my  sermons  in 
pieces.  If  I  hold  my  peace,  the  truth  is  exposed  to 
imminent  danger;  if  I  speak,  I  am  a  morose  old  man, 
and  intolerant.  Write  to  Blasio  and  Comander  not 
to  listen  to  the  statements  of  one  party,  but  to  come 
and  examine  the  matter  before  the  whole  congrega- 
tion. I  purposed  to  retire  into  England,  but  provi- 
dence has  kept  me  from  deserting  this  little  flock. 
Yet  I  wish  they  could  obtain  a  better  pastor  and  one 
of  greater  fortitude  than  I."  From  the  time  that  he 
came  to  the  Valteline,  Camillo  had  kept  up  a  cor- 
respondence with  Bullinger  by  letters,  in  which  he 
endeavoured  to  ingratiate  himself  with  him  by  pro- 
fessing his  agreement  with  the  church  of  Zurich ;  but 
when  his  opponent  offered  to  submit  the  controversy 
between  them  to  the  judgment  of  that  venerable 
divine,  he  declined  the  proposal.  The  Grison  synod, 
which  met  in  1547,  called  the  parties  before  them, 
but  Camillo  neither  attended  nor  sent  a  letter  of  ex- 
cuse, upon  which  they  enjoined  him  to  desist  from 
opposing  his  minister  and  disturbing  the  peace  of  the 
church.  As  he  disregarded  this  injunction,  and  con- 
tinued his  former  practices,  a  deputation,  consisting 
of  four  of  the  principal  ministers  in  the  Grisons,  was 
sent  to  Chiavenna  in  the  close  of  the  year  1549,  to 
inquire  into  the  afiair,  and  put  an  end  to  a  dissension 
which  now  began  to  make  a  great  noise,  and  caused 
no  small  scandal  both  among  Roman  Catholics  and 
Protestants.*  The  deputation  found  all  the  charges 
brought  against  Camillo  proved,  and  declared  that 
Mainardi  had  acted  the  part  of  a  faithful  and  vigilant 

*  On  this  occasion,  a  correspondence  of  a  rather  singular  kind 
took  place.  The  Protestant  deputies,  on  their  arrival,  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Roman  Catholic  chapter  of  Cliiavenna,  intimating  the 
design  on  which  they  had  come,  and  inviting  them  to  meet  with  them, 
and  "  confer  on  those  common  articles  of  Christianity  about  which 
they  were  both  agreed."  The  chapter  returned  a  polite  answer,  but 
declined  the  meeting,  "  because  there  was  a  great  gulf  between  them  ;" 
adding  a  number  of  exhortations  to  unity  and  against  divisions,  the 
drift  of  which  it  was  not  difficult  to  perceive. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  337 

minister;  but,  without  censuring  the  former,  they, 
with  the  view  of  restoring  harmony,  drew  up  certain 
articles  upon  the  subjects  which  had  been  contro- 
verted, to  which  they  required  both  parties  to  agree. 
But  ahhough  Camillo  subscribed  this  agreement,  the 
deputies  had  scarcely  left  the  place  when  he  resumed 
his  former  practices;  in  consequence  of  which,  the 
consistory  of  Chiavenna,  agreeably  to  the  advice 
which  had  been  given  them,  suspended  him  from 
church  privileges,  and,  on  his  proving  contumacious, 
publicly  pronounced  the  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion against  him.*  After  this  we  hear  little  of  Ca- 
millo.t  I  have  been  the  more  particular  in  my  account 
of  him,  because  there  is  every  reason  to  think  he  had 
great  influence  in  forming  the  opinions  of  Lelius 
Socinus.  By  their  contemporaries,  the  former  is 
usually  spoken  of  as  the  master  and  the  latter  as  the 
disciple.  It  is  certain  that  Socinus  had  interviews 
with  Camillo  at  Chiavenna;  and  the  resemblance 
between  their  opinions  and  the  cautious  and  artful 
manner  in  which  they  uttered  them,  is  very  striking.^ 
Finding  themselves  baffled  in  their  attempts  to  pro- 
pagate their  peculiar  tenets,  the  innovators  had  re- 
course to  a  device  which  had  nearly  proved  success- 
ful. They  got  Celso  Martinengho,  Vcrgerio,  and 
some  other  respectable  persons,  to  subscribe  a  peti- 
tion for  liberty  to  the  Italian  ministers  to  hold  a  synod 
of  their  own,  distinct  from  that  which  met  in  the 
Orisons.  In  support  of  this  proposal,  they  pleaded 
the  difficulty  of  the  journey  across  the  Alps,  the  dif- 
ference of  languages,  and  certain  rites  practised  in  the 
Orisons  which  the  Italians  disliked,  and  which  other 
reformed  churches  had  laid  aside. §    But  the  measure 

*  Hottinger,  Helvetische  Kirchengeschichte,  torn.  iii.  762,  791 : 
De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  cap.  4. 

t  That  he  was  alive  and  in  Chiavenna  or  the  neiglibourhood  of  it 
in  1555,  appears  from  a  letter  of  JuHo  da  Milano  to  Bullingcr,  in 
which  he  spealcs  of  him  as  requiring  still  to  be  narrowly  watched. 
(Fueslin,  p.  357.) 

t  Illgen,  Vita  Ljplii  Socini,  p.  17,  44.  Bock,  ii.  581,  582.  Hottin- 
ger, iii.  791.     Fueslin,  p.  356. 

§  These  rites  were  the  use  of  unleavened  bread  in  the  cucharist, 
the  pronouncing  of  the  angelical  salutation  (commonly  called  Salve 


338  HISTORY    OF    THE 

was  quashed  by  the  wiser  part,  who  saw  that  the 
preservation  of  the  ItaUan  churches,  both  from  the 
arts  of  internal  agitators  and  from  the  attacks  of  their 
popish  adversaries,  depended  on  their  maintaining 
their  union  with  the  ciiurches  of  the  Grisons  invio- 
late.* "  Our  churches  in  the  Valteline,"  says  Julio 
da  Milano,  "which  are  planted  at  Puschiavo, Tirano, 
Teglio,  and  Sondrio,  continue  harmonious  in  their 
adherence  to  the  ancient  and  simple  doctrine  trans- 
mitted from  the  times  of  the  apostles,  and  at  this  day 
taught  without  controversy  in  your  churches  of  Swit- 
zerland and  ours  of  the  Grisons."t 

The  noted  antitrinitarians,  Alciati  and  Blandrata, 
stirred  the  ashes  of  the  late  controversy,  during  a  visit 
which  they  paid  to  the  Grisons  in  1553,  on  their  way 
from  Italy  to  Switzerland.  After  this,  Michael  Angelo 
Florio,  minister  of  Soglio,  and  Jeronimo  Turriano  of 
Plurs,  began  to  undermine  the  faith  of  their  hearers  in 
the  doctrine  of  the  atonement,  by  ascribing  salvation 
solely  to  the  grace  of  God;  while  the  divinity  of  Christ 
was  directly  attacked  by  others,  particularly  by  Ludo- 
vico  Fieri,  a  Bolognese  and  a  member  of  the  church  of 
Chiavenna.  In  1561,  the  synod  summoned  these  per- 
sons before  them,  and  drew  up  certain  articles  con- 
demnatory of  their  opinions,  which  Florio  and  Turri- 
ano subscribed;  but  Fieri,  avowing  his  sentiments, 
was  excommunicated,  and  retired  to  Moravia.  J  There 
were,  however,  still  individuals  secretly  attached  to 
antitrinitarianism,  who  continued  to  correspond  with 

Regina)  after  the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  admitting  of  godfathers  in 
baptism.  In  this  last  character  Roman  Catholics  were  sometimes 
admitted ;  and  Paul  Iter,  the  popish  bishop  of  Coire,  occasionally 
presented  the  child  for  baptism  to  Comander.  The  ministers  of  the 
Grisons  were  not  rigidly  attached  to  any  of  these  rites,  and  they  dis- 
approved of  the  last  mentioned  practice,  though  they  scrupled  to  pro- 
hibit it,  (especially  after  the  violence  manifested  by  the  priests  of  the 
Valteline,)  lest  it  should  interrupt  the  friendly  intercourse  which  sub- 
sisted between  popish  and  Protestant  families.  The  Italians  exclaimed 
against  every  thing  of  this  kind  as  symbolizing  with  antichrist.  (De 
Porta,  ii.  66,  226.) 

*  Bock,  ii.  466. 

t  Epistola  ad  Bullingerum,  a.  1555 :    Fueslin,  Epist.  Helvet.  n.  81. 

t  De  Porta,  ii.  397.  497. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  339 

their  friends  in  other  countries;  and,  in  1570,  tlie  con- 
troversy was  revived  in  consequence  of  the  arrival  of 
some  distinguished  persons  belonging  to  the  sect,  who 
found  it  dangerous  to  remain  any  longer  in  Switzer- 
land. Among  these  were  Camillo  Soccini,  the  brother 
of  Lelius  Socinus,  Marcello  Squarcialupo,  a  physician 
of  Piombino,  and  Niccolo  Camulio,  an  opulent  mer- 
chant, who  liberally  patronized  persons  of  this  persua- 
sion.* Their  presence  encouraged  Turriano  to  resume 
his  former  course,  in  which  he  was  joined  by  Sylvio,t 
the  minister  of  Trahona,  and  some  other  individuals. 
But  the  proceedings  of  the  synod  which  met  at  Coire  in 
the  year  1571  induced  the  visitors  to  withdraw  from  the 
Grisons.  Turriano  and  the  other  ministers  were  de- 
posed, but  subsequently  restored  to  their  churches  on 
making  acknowledgments  for  their  offensive  beha- 
viour. ±  Alciati  and  Blandrata  visited  the  Grisons  a 
second  time  in  the  beginning  of  1579,  but  were  order- 
ed by  the  magistrates  instantly  to  depart,  after  which 
the  country  does  not  appear  to  have  been  disturbed 
with  these  controversies. §  When  we  consider  that 
the  Italians  were  strangers,  that  they  had  obtained  an 
asylum  on  condition  of  their  joining  themselves  to 
the  Protestant  church  already  settled  in  the  country 
and  submitting  to  its  discipline,  and  that  the  republic 
was  subjected  to  great  odium  on  account  of  the  har- 
bour and  protection  which  it  afforded  them,  we  will 
be  cautious  in  condemning  the  magistrates  for  expel- 
hng  individuals  who  fomented  discord  and  endangered 
the  existence  of  the  whole  colony,  by  propagating 
sentiments  equally  shocking  to  the  ears  of  papists  and 
Protestants.  Expulsion  was  the  highest  punishment 
which  they  inflicted ;  and  in  one  instance  in  which 
they  threatened  to  proceed  further  against  an  indi- 
vidual, named  Titiano,  who  had  provoked  them,  the 
ministers  interposed  and  prevailed  on  them  to  desist 

»  Schelhorn,  Diss,  de  Mino  Celso,  p.  35.  Bock,  ii.  483,  554,  576; 
conf.  i.  907—910.     De  Porta,  ii.  508,  543,  544. 

t  Bartoloinmco  Sylvio  was  the  author  of  a  tract  on  the  Eucharist, 
printed  in  1551. 

X  De  Mino  Celso,  p.  35—37,     Do  Porta,  ii.  497—502,  543,  555. 

§  Ibid.  ii.  632. 


340  HISTORY    OF    THE 

from  their  intention.*  I  cannot,  however,  speak  so 
favourably  of  the  sentiments  entertained  by  many  of 
the  ministers  respecting  the  punishment  of  heretics. 
This  question  was  keenly  agitated  after  the  execution 
of  Servetus  at  Geneva.  Gantner,  one  of  the  ministers 
of  Coire,  maintained  that  heresy  ought  not  to  be 
punished  by  the  civil  magistrate,  and  was  warmly 
opposed  by  Eglin,  his  colleague.  The  question  was 
brought  under  the  consideration  of  the  Synod  in  1571, 
which  decided  in  favour  of  Eglin.  It  is  true,  the 
proposition  adopted  by  the  synod  refers  to  seditious 
heretics;  but  several  of  the  arguments  on  which  it 
appears  to  have  been  grounded,  and  by  which  it 
was  afterwards  defended,  would  (if  they  have  any 
force)  justify  the  punishment,  and  even  the  capital 
punishment,  of  persons  who  are  chargeable  with  sim- 
ple heresy,  and  consequently  must  have  tended  to 
betray  those  who  held  them  into  measures  of  perse- 
cution.! 

Though  it  appears,  from  what  has  been  stated,  that 
a  number  of  the  Italian  exiles  were  tainted  with 
Arianism,  yet  several  individuals  among  them  have 
been  suspected  of  this  witliout  the  slightest  reason. 
Even  Zanchi,  who  succeeded  Mainardi,J  has  not 
escaped  the  suspicion  with  some  writers,§  although 
he  was  the  person  selected  by  his  brethren  as  most 
fit  for  opposing  this  heresy,  a  task  which  he  performed 

*  De  Porta,  ii.  p.  76. 

t  Ibid.  ii.  533—540.  Diss,  de  Mino  Cclso,  p.  37—44.  J.  Jac.  Sim- 
ler,  Samlung  alter  und  neuer  Urkunden  zur  Beleuchtung  der  KircJien- 
geschichte,  torn.  ii.  p.  805. 

t  Mainardi  died  in  the  end  of  July  1563,  in  the  eighty-first  year 
of  his  age.  (Zanchii  Opera,  tom.vii.  p.  35.)  He  was  the  author  of 
the  following  works: — (1.)  Trattato  dell'  unica  et  perfetta  sattisfat- 
tione  di  Christo,  a.  1551.  (2.)  Uno  pio  et  utile  Sermonc  della  Gratia 
di  Dio  contra  Ii  meriti  humani,  a.  1552.  (3.)  L'Anatomia  della 
Messa.  The  question  concerning  the  real  author  of  this  last  work, 
which  Bayle  has  discussed  at  great  length,  but  unsatisfactorily,  (Diet, 
art.  Vergerio,)  had  been  previously  settled  by  Zanchi.  (Ut  supra.) — 
I  may  add  here,  that  Alessandro  Trissino,  a  native  of  Vicenza, 
wrote  a  long  letter  to  count  Leonardo  Tiene,  exhorting  him  and  his 
fellow-citizens  to  embrace  the  reformed  opinions.  It  was  dated  from 
Chiavenna,  July  20,  1570,  and  printed  two  years  after.  (Tiraboschi, 
vii.  383.) 

§  Bock,  ii.  426,  563. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  341 

with  distinguished  ability.  His  assertion  that  he  was 
"  neither  Lutheran,  Zuinghan,  nor  Calvinian,  but  a 
Christian/'  is  what  every  person  may  adopt  whose 
faith  is  founded  on  the  word  of  God,  and  not  on  the 
wisdom  and  authority  of  men.  The  suspicions  against 
Celso  Martinengho  and  Vergerio*  appear  to  have 
originated  entirely  in  their  having  at  first  taken  part 
with  Camillo  against  Mainardi,  before  they  discovered 
the  real  sentiments  of  the  former.  Martinengho  after- 
wards enjoyed  the  confidence  of  Calvin  during  all 
the  time  that  he  was  pastor  of  the  Italian  church  at 
Geneva.  Vergerio  declared  himself  openly  against 
the  anabaptists,  and  gave  early  warning  of  the  defec- 
tion of  his  countrymen,  Socinus  and  Gribaldi,  to  the 
opinions  of  Servetus.t  The  fate  of  this  distinguished 
man  was  in  some  respects  hard.  He  forfeited  the 
high  character  which  he  had  held  in  the  church  of 
Rome,:j:  without  gaining  the  confidence  of  the  Protes- 
tants. By  wavering  between  the  sentiments  of  the 
Lutherans  and  Zuinglians,  he  incurred  the  displeasure 
of  both.  He  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  ministers  in 
the  Grisons  by  affecting  a  species  of  episcopal  autho- 
rity as  superintendent  or  visitor  of  the  Italian  churches; 
and  they  complained  that  he  had  not  laid  aside  the 
mitre,  nor  forgotten  the  arts  which  he  had  learned  in 
courts. §  It  is  not  improbable  that,  in  addition  to  the 
finesse  which  lias  been  supposed  to  enter  into  the 
Italian  character,  Vergerio  had  acquired,  from  his  em- 
ployments, the  habit  of  using  policy  to  accomplish  his 
ends,  and  that  he  felt  some  difficulty  in  reconciling 
himself  to  the  simple  life  of  a  Protestant  pastor  after 
the  splendour  and  opulence  to  which  he  had  been  ac- 
customed. But  if  he  had  not  been  sincerely  attached 
to  the  Reformation,  he  would  have  listened  to  the 
proposals  made  to  him  by  the  court  of  Rome,  which, 
though  it  would  have  preferred  seizing  his  person, 
Avas  not  unwilling  to  purchase  his  faith.    Though  his 

*  Bock.  ii.  410,  551—553.     De  Porta,  ii.  63,  151—156. 

t  De  Porta,  ii.  158,  159. 

I  Bembo,  Letterc,  tomo  iii.  p.  389. 

§  De  Porta,  ii.  154,  160— 1G6. 


342  HISTORY    OF    THE 

writings  were  not  profound  and  his  conduct  was 
marked  with  versatiUty,  Protestants  might  have  treat- 
ed with  a  httle  more  tenderness  the  memory  of  a  man 
whose  name  lent  at  least  a  temporary  credit  to  their 
cause,  and  who  gave  the  rare  example  of  sacrificing 
worldly  honours  and  affluence  to  religious  principle. 
He  died  on  the  4th  of  October  1565,  at  Tubingen,  in 
the  duchy  of  Wirtemburg,  where  he  had  resided 
since  the  year  1553,  although  he  repeatedly  visited 
the  Grisons  during  that  interval.^ 

Ludovico  Castelvetro,  of  whom  we  have  already 
spoken,  was  among  the  learned  men  who  found  a 
refuge  from  persecution  in  the  Grisons.  After  his 
flight  from  Rome,t  he  concealed  himself  in  Ferrara ; 
but,  hearing  that  the  officers  of  the  inquisition  were 
in  eager  search  for  him,  left  his  native  country,  and 
retired  to  Chiavenna,  where  he  found  his  old  friend 
Franciscus  Portus.  The  removal  of  Portus,  who  was 
called  to  Geneva,  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  being 
useful  in  teaching  the  Greek  language,  which  served 
to  relieve  the  languor  of  his  exile.  Application  was 
made  in  his  behalf  to  the  council  of  Trent,  but  the 
fathers  would  not  interfere  in  a  cause  which  was 
already  before  the  tribunal  of  the  inquisition.  Through 
the  interest  of  his  friend  Foscarari,  bishop  of  Modena, 
hopes  were  given  him  of  a  favourable  issue  to  his 
process,  provided  he  would  return  to  Italy;  but  he 
declined  this,  as  well  as  the  proposal  made  by  the 
nuncio  Delfino,  who  was  sent  into  Switzerland  to  treat 
with  him,  Vergerio,  and  Zanchi.  It  was  most  proba- 
bly the  fears  which  he  entertained  for  his  safety,  at  a 
time  when  many  of  his  countrymen  were  surprised 
and  carried  otf  into  Italy,  that  induced  him  to  leave 
Chiavenna  and  repair  to  Lyons.  But  finding  himself 
exposed  to  new  dangers,  from  the  civil  war  which 

*  Salig,  Hist.  Auspurg.  Confes.  torn.  ii.  p.  1180.  Bayle,  Diet.  art. 
Vergerio.  De  Porta,  lib.  ii.  cap.  v.  Gerdesii  Ital.  Ref.  p.  346 — 350. 
The  first  volume  of  a  collection  of  his  works  was  printed  in  1563. 
The  Apologia  pro  Vergerio  adversus  Casam,  by  Schelhorn,  I  have 
not  seen. 

t  See  before,  p.  203. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  343 

then  raged  in  France  between  the  catholics  and  Hii- 
gonots,  he  retired  to  Geneva,  and  soon  after  returned 
to  Chiavenna,  where  he  opened  a  private  school,  at 
the  desire  of  some  young  men,  to  whom  he  read  daily 
two  lectures,  one  on  Homer  and  another  on  the  Rhe- 
torica  ad  Herennium.  Encouraged  by  the  reception 
which  his  brother  had  met  with  at  the  court  of  Vien- 
na, he  went  there  in  1567,  and  put  to  press  his  cele- 
brated commentary  on  Aristotle's  Art  of  Poetry,  which 
he  dedicated  to  the  emperor  Maximilian  II.  But  the 
plague  breaking  out  in  that  place,  he  returned  again 
to  Cliiavenna,  where  he  continued  till  his  death,  on 
the  21st  of  February  1571,  in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of 
his  age.  Previous  to  his  last  illness,  some  of  his 
countrymen,  who  had  settled  at  Basle,  requested  him 
to  take  up  his  residence  with  them ;  an  invitation  with 
which  he  seemed  willing  to  comply.  Castelvetro  was 
one  of  the  great  literary  ornaments  of  his  country; 
an  acute  and  ingenious  critic,  and  extensively  ac- 
quainted with  Italian  and  Provengal  poetry  as  well 
as  with  the  classics  of  Greece  and  Rome,  to  which  he 
added  the  knowledge  of  Hebrew.* 

It  is  now  time  that  we  should  quit  the  Alps,  and 
take  a  rapid  survey  of  the  Italian  churches  formed  in 
Switzerland  and  other  countries  to  the  north. 

At  Zurich  the  exiles  form  Locarno  obtained  from 
the  senate  the  use  of  a  church,  with  liberty  to  cele- 
brate public  worship  in  their  own  language.  They 
enjoyed  at  first  the  instructions  of  their  townsman 
Beccaria;  but  as  he  had  come  merely  to  supply  their 

*  Muratori,  Vita  del  Castelvetro:  Opere  Critiche,  p.  33—49.  Ti- 
raboschi,  Delia  Letter.  Ital.  vii.  1170—1173.  Bibl.  Modencse,  toin.  i. 
p.  456 — 467.  Freytag,  Analect.  Libr.  Rar.  p.  219.  Jacopo,  the  son 
of  Gianmaria  Castelvetro,  who  accompanied  his  father  and  uncle  in 
their  exile,  took  up  his  abode  finally  in  London,  where,  in  1591,  he 
published  an  edition  of  the  Pastorfido  of  Guarino,  and  the  Aminte 
of  Tasso.  Having  been  induced  to  go  to  Venice,  probably^  by  the 
dissension  which  arose  between  that  republic  and  tlie  court  of  Rome, 
an  accusation  was  brought  against  him  as  a  heretic,  and  he  was 
thrown  into  prison,  from  which  he  escaped  by  the  assistance  of  Sir 
Henry  VVotton,  the  English  ambassador.  (Bibl.  Modencse,  torn.  i. 
p.  430_43.i.)  He  was  in  Edinburgh  in  the  year  1592.  (IVIS.  in 
Bibl.  Jurid.  Edin.  A.  4.  18.) 


344  HISTORY    OF    THE 

present  necessities,  after  labouring  among  them  for  a 
few  months,  he  resigned  his  place  to  a  person  of  su- 
perior talents.*  Returning  to  the  Grisons,  he  took  up 
his  residence  in  the  valley  of  Misocco,  a  part  of  the 
country  which  remained  in  a  state  of  gross  ignorance, 
and  in  which  he  was  extremely  useful,  in  the  double 
capacity  of  schoolmaster  and  preacher,  until  1561, 
when  he  was  expelled  through  the  agency  of  cardi- 
nal Borromeo  ;  after  which  he  retired  to  Chiavenna.t 
Ochino  was  the  person  chosen  to  succeed  Beccaria 
at  Zurich.  After  leaving  his  native  country,:}:  he  had 
remained  for  some  time  at  Geneva,  where  he  acquir- 
ed the  esteem  of  Calvin :§  but  finding  himself  shut 
out  from  employment  there,  as  the  only  language  of 
which  he  was  master  was  the  Italian,  and  none  of  his 
countrymen  had  as  yet  come  to  that  place,  he  repair- 
ed to  Basle,  for  the  purpose  of  printing  some  of  his 
Avorks,  and  from  that  went  to  Augsburg.  The  magis- 
trates of  this  city  appointed  him  Italian  preacher,  with 
an  annual  salary  of  two  hundred  florins,  partly  to  pro- 
vide for  his  support  and  partly  to  gratify  the  mer- 
chants and  other  inhabitants  who  knew  his  native  lan- 
guage. ||  He  accordingly  commenced  preaching  on 
the  epistles  of  Paul,  in  the  church  of  St  Anne,  to  num- 
bers, attracted  by  curiosity  and  by  the  report  of  his 
eloquence.  For  the  sake  of  those  who  could  not  un- 
derstand him,  his  discourses  were  translated  into  Ger- 
man and  printed.  But  the  emperor,  Charles  V.,  hav- 
ing come  to  Augsburg  with  his  army  in  July  1547, 

*  Schelhorn,  Ergoetzlichkeiten,  torn.  iii.  p.  1162. 

t  Beccaria,  who  also  went  by  the  name  of  Canesa,  continued  to 
visit  his  flock  in  Misocco  down  to  the  year  1571.  (Tempe  Helvetica, 
torn.  iv.  p.  200—202.     De  Porta,  ii.  p.  344—350  ;  conf.  p.  169.) 

t  See  before,  p.  183, 

§  Burmanni  Sylloge  Epist.  torn.  ii.  p.  230.  Lettres  de  Calvin  a 
Jaque  do  Bourgogne,  p.  36,  108. 

II  Schelhorn,  in  his  interesting  collections  relating  to  the  life  and 
writings  of  Ochino,  has  published  two  decrees  of  the  senate  of  Augs- 
burg, in  one  of  which,  dated  October  20,  1545,  they  give  permission 
to  "  Frater  Bernhardin  Ochinus,"  along  with  his  brother-in-law  and 
sister,  to  reside  in  the  city  ;  and  in  the  other,  dated  December  3, 
1545,  they  assign  him  the  salary  mentioned  in  the  text  as  "  Welscher 
Predicant."     (Ergoetzlichkeiten,  torn.  iii.  p.  1141,  1142.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  345 

demanded  that  Ochino  should  be  dehvered  up  to  him, 
upon  which  he  fled,  along  with  his  countryman  Stan- 
cari,  to  Constance,  whence  he  went  by  Basle  to  Stras- 
burg."^  Here  he  found  several  Italian  refugees,  and 
particularly  his  intimate  friend  Martyr,  with  whom 
he  repaired,  in  the  end  of  that  year,  to  England,  upon 
the  invitation  of  archbishop  Cranmer.  Martyr  ob- 
tained a  professor's  chair  in  the  university  of  Oxford,t 
while  Ochino  exercised  his  talent  of  preaching  in  the 
metropolis.  But,  in  consequence  of  the  change  of  re- 
ligion produced  by  the  death  of  Edward  VI.,  both  of 
them  retired  in  1554,  the  former  to  Strasburg  and  the 
latter  to  Basle. f  From  this  place  Ochino  was  called 
to  be  minister  of  the  Locarnese  congregation  at  Zu- 
rich, to  the  charge  of  which  he  was  solemnly  admit- 
ted on  the  13th  of  June  1555,  after  making  an  ortho- 
dox confession  of  his  faith,  and  swearing  to  observe 
the  rites  of  the  Helvetic  church  and  the  ordinances  of 
its  synods.  § 

Soon  after  the  settlement  of  Ochino,  his  country- 
man Martyr  came  to  Zurich,  to  fill  the  chair  of  theo- 
logy and  Hebrew,  which  had  become  vacant  in  the 
university  by  the  death  of  the  learned  Conrad  Pelli- 
can.||  This  was  of  great  advantage  to  the  Locarnese 
congregation.  His  interest  with  the  magistrates  and 
pastors  of  the  city  was  exerted  in  its  behalf;  it  had 

*  Schelhorn,  p.  994—998,  1142,  1143.  Salig,  torn.  ii.  p.  419. 
Seckendorf,  lib.  iii.  p,  613;  et  Supplem.  num.  Ivi. 

t  "  Peter  Martyr,  doctor  of  divinity  of  the  university  of  Padua," 
was  incorporated  into  the  university  of  Oxford  in  February  1547. 
(Wood's  Fasti  Oxon.  p.  126.) 

t  Strype's  Memorials,  vol.  ii.  p.  189.  Burnet's  Hist,  of  the  Rcf. 
vol.  ii.  p.  53,  250.  Sanders,  De  Schism.  Anglic,  p.  349.  During  his 
residence  in  England,  Martyr  lost  his  wife.  On  the  restoration  of 
popery,  her  body  was,  by  the  orders  of  cardinal  Pole,  (once  the  inti- 
mate friend  of  Martyr,)  disinterred  and  thrown  into  a  dunghill ;  but, 
after  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  it  was  removed,  under  the  direction 
of  archbishop  Parker,  and  again  honourably  buried,  (Historia  Vera, 
De  Vita,  &c.  Martini  Buceri  et  Pauli  Fagii ;  item  Historia  Catha- 
rinse  Vermilioe,  D.  Petri  Martyris  conjugis,  f.  196— 2U2.  Argent. 
1562.) 

§  Schelhorn,  Ergoetz.  tom,  iii.  p.  1162. 

II  He  came  to  Zurich  in  July,  1556.  (Mclch.  Adam,  Vitte  Exter. 
Tiieolog.  p.  49.    De  Porta,  ii.  228.) 

23 


346  HISTORY    OF    THE 

the  benefit  of  his  sound  advice  in  the  management  of 
its  internal  affairs;  and  he  preached  to  it  as  often  as 
Ochino  was  unwell  or  absent.*  It  must,  therefore, 
have  sustained  a  severe  loss  by  his  death,  which 
happened  on  the  12th  of  November,  1562,  after  an 
illness  of  a  few  days.  Of  all  the  Itahan  exiles,  none 
left  behind  him  a  fairer  and  better  earned  fame  than 
Peter  Martyr.  He  possessed  eminently  the  good 
qualities  of  his  countrymen,  without  the  vices  which 
have  been  ascribed  to  them;  acuteness  without  sub- 
tlety, dexterity  without  cunning,  and  ardour  without 
enthusiasm.  In  Italy  he  gave  great  offence  by  desert- 
ing the  religion  of  his  ancestors  and  violating  the 
monastic  vow;  in  England  he  was  opposed  to  the 
champions  of  the  Catholic  faith,  after  the  government 
had  declared  itself  decidedly  in  their  favour;  at  the 
conference  of  Poissi  he  appeared  in  support  of  the 
Protestant  doctrine,  at  a  crisis  when  its  adversaries 
trembled  at  the  prospect  of  its  success  within  the 
kingdom  of  France ;  and  at  Strasburg  he  was  involved 
in  a  dispute  with  those  who  maintained  the  peculiar 
sentiments  of  Luther  on  the  eucharist  with  more  vio- 
lence than  their  master  had  ever  shown.  But  in  none 
of  these  places  did  prejudice,  strong  as  it  then  was, 
and  loud  as  it  often  lifted  its  voice,  whisper  anything 
unfavourable  to  the  personal  character  of  Martyr.t 
His  piety  and  learning  were  recommended  by  mod- 
esty, candour,  and  gentleness  of  manners.  As  an 
author,  his  talents  were  allowed  by  his  adversaries; 
and  in  the  reformed  church,  his  writings  were,  by 
general  agreement,  placed  next  to  those  of  Calvin,  for 
judiciousness  and  perspicuity.  His  last  years  were 
spent  happily  in  the  most  uninterrupted  harmony  and 
cordial  friendship  with  his  colleagues  in  Zurich.  Bul- 
linger,  who  loved  him  as  a  brother,  closed  his  eyes, 
and  Conrad  Gesner  spread  the  cloth  over  his  face, 

*  Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  284. 

t  Speaking  of  Bucer  and  Martyr,  Walter  Haddon  exclaims — "O 
aureum  par  senum  felicissimaB  memoriae,  quorum  doctrinae  testes 
libri  sunt  ab  illis  confecti,  morum  tot  habuerunt  approbatores  quot 
unquam  convictores  inveuire  potuerunti"  (Haddoni  Lucubrationes, 
p.  224.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  347 

while  the  pastor  and  elders  of  the  Locarnian  church 
wept  around  his  bed.* 

The  year  in  which  Martyr  died  was  remarkable 
for  the  death  of  one  of  his  countrymen,  whose  name 
obtained  still  greater  notoriety  than  his,  though  on 
different  grounds.  This  was  Lelius  Socinus,  who  had, 
for  a  number  of  years,  been  a  member  of  the  Locar- 
nese  congregation.!  He  was  born  at  Sienna  in  1525, 
and  educated  under  the  eye  of  his  father,  Mariano 
Soccini,  the  younger,  a  celebrated  professor  of  law. 
Having  testified  a  decided  partiality  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, he  left  Italy  in  1548,:]:  partly  from  regard  to  his 
safety  and  partly  from  a  desire  to  see  and  confer  with 
the  leading  divines  of  the  Protestant  church,  whose 
writings  he  had  read  with  delight.  He  came  to 
Zurich  at  an  early  period,  and  lodged  with  Pellican, 
under  whom  he  commenced  the  study  of  the  Hebrew 
language.  Between  1549  and  1551  he  resided  at 
Wittenberg,  after  Avhich  he  returned  to  Zurich,  where 
he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life,  with  the  exception 
of  what  was  devoted  to  short  excursions  into  France, 
Poland,  and  Italy.  I  have  already  given  my  reasons 
for  thinking  that,  before  leaving  his  native  country, 
he  had  not  adopted  the  creed  which  has  obtained  from 
him  and  his  nephew  the  name  of  Socinian,  and  that 
his  interviews  with  Camillo  Renato  at  Chiavenna  had 
great  influence  in  leading  his  mind  into  that  train  of 
thinking. §     Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Switzerland  he 

*  Josias  Simler,  who  had  been  appointed  his  colleague  in  the  theo- 
logical  chair,  drew  up  his  life  in  the  Oratio  de  Vita  et  ObituD.  Petri 
Martyris  Vermilii,  to  which  we  have  repeatedly  referred.  There  is 
a  beautiful  letter  in  commendation  of  him,  written  soon  after  his 
death,  by  Wolfgang  Haller  to  Zanchi.  (Zanchii  Epist.  ut  supra.) 
Besides  the  collection  of  epistles  appended  to  his  Loci  Communes. 
a  number  of  Martyr's  letters  were  published  by  Gerdes,  in  his  Serin- 
turn  Antiquarium,  tom.  iv. 

t  Illgen,  Vita  Lajlii  Socini,  p.  48.     Fueslin,  p.  356.  358. 

tCornelio,  Camillo,  and  Celso,  three  of  the  brothers  of  Lelms, 
embraced  the  same  sentiments,  and  followed  him,  at  a  later  period, 
into  Switzerland,  as  did  also  his  nephew  Faustus.  (Schclhorn,  Do 
Mino  Celso,  p.  35.     Bock,  ii.  576,  577.  624.) 

§  The  reader  may  compare  the  opinions  of  Camillo,  as  already 
stated,  with  the  doubts  started  by  Socinus  in  his  correspondence  with 
Calvin.     The  letters  of  Socinus,  indeed,  arc  not  extant,  but  the  sub- 


348  HISTORY    OP    THE 

began,  in  his  conversations  and  epistolary  correspon- 
dence with  learned  men,  to  start  doubts  as  to  the 
commonly  received  opinions  concerning  the  sacra- 
ments and  the  resurrection,  and  afterwards  concern- 
ing redemption  and  the  trinity;  but  he  uniformly 
proposed  these  in  the  character  of  a  learner,  not  of  a 
teacher  or  disputant,  as  difficulties  which  he  was 
anxious  to  have  solved,  and  not  as  sentiments  which 
he  held  or  wished  to  support.  The  modesty  with 
which  he  propounded  his  doubts,  together  with  the 
eager  desire  he  showed  for  knowledge,  his  courteous- 
ness,  and  the  correctness  of  his  morals,  gained  him 
the  esteem  not  only  of  Melanchthon  and  BuUinger, 
but  also  of  Calvin  and  Beza.  If,  at  any  time,  he 
gave  offence  or  alarm  by  the  boldness  with  which  he 
pushed  his  speculations  into  high  and  inscrutable 
mysteries,  or  by  pertinaciousness  in  urging  his  objec- 
tions, he  knew  how  to  allay  these  feelings  by  prudent 
concession  and  ample  apologies;  and  Calvin,  after 
declining  farther  correspondence  with  him,  was  in- 
duced to  renew  it  and  to  return  a  friendly  answer  to 
his  doubts  respecting  the  doctrine  of  the  trinity.*  In 
adopting  this  method  toward  the  more  learned  re- 
formers, it  was  probably  the  object  of  Socinus  to 
ascertain  what  they  could  say  against  his  opinions ; 
but,  in  other  instances,  he  exerted  himself  in  secretly 
making  proselytes,  and  not  without  success.!  He 
carefully  concealed  his  sentiments  respecting  the 
trinity  from  the  divines  of  Zurich. J  On  receiving 
warning  of  them  from  the  Orisons,  BuUinger,  whose 
affections  he  had  gained,  laid  the  matter  before  him, 
and,  in  a  very  friendly  manner,  advised  him  to  remove 
the  suspicions  which  had  arisen  as  to  his  orthodoxy. 
Socinus  protested  that  he  agreed  in  all  points  with 
the  church  of  Zurich,  and  complained  of  the  reports 

stance  of  them  is  preserved  in  Calvin's  replies.  (Calvini.  Epist.  p. 
52.  57;  Opera,  torn,  ix.) 

*  Coloniesii  Opera,  p.  502.  Conf.  Calvini  Epist.  p.  57  ;  Opera, 
torn,  ix. 

t  Zanchii  Praef.  in  Libr.  de  Tribus  Elohini;  Opera,  torn.  i. 

t  Simla,  Assertio  Orthod.  Doctrinae  de  duabus  naturis  Christi, 
preef.  p.  4. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  349 

circulated  to  his  prejudice;  but,  on  being  dealt  with 
more  closely,  he  owned  that  he  had  indulged  too 
much  in  abstruse  and  vain  speculations,  promised 
that  he  would  guard  against  this  for  the  future,  and 
subscribed  a  declaration  of  his  faith,  which  was  satis- 
factory to  BuUinger.*  Julio  da  Milano,  who  was 
one  of  those  from  whom  the  information  had  come, 
and  knew  the  correspondence  which  Socinus  held 
with  the  antitrinitarians  in  the  Valteline,  was  sus- 
picious of  the  sincerity  of  his  professions;  and  though 
he  promised  to  use  his  influence  to  induce  his  breth- 
ren to  accept  of  the  pledge  which  had  been  given, 
implored  Bullinger  to  watch  over  the  purity  of  the 
Locarnese  congregation.!  After  this,  Socinus  was 
more  circumspect:  we  find  no  more  noise  made 
about  his  opinions  during  his  lifetime;  and  there  is 
every  reason  to  think  that  he  continued  to  communi- 
cate, as  he  had  formerly  done,  with  the  Italian  church 
in  Zurich.  But  after  his  death,  the  antitrinitarians 
who  had  enjoyed  his  confidence,  thinking  themselves 
no  longer  bound  to  secrecy,  proclaimed  that  he  was 
of  their  sentiments;  and  as  a  proof  of  this,  circulated 
such  of  his  writings  as  were  in  their  possession. :[:    On 

*  Illgen,  p.  46—55.     Bock,  ii.  597—602. 

t  Fueslin,  p.  353 — 359. 

t  Bock  has  given  an  account  of  his  writings.  (Hist.  Antitrin.  torn, 
ii.  p,  635 — 654.)  But  Illgen  has  shown  greater  discrimination  in 
distinguishing  his  genuine  works  from  those  which  are  supposititious 
or  were  written  by  others.  (Vita  La>lii  ?^ocini,  p.  74 — 85.)  His 
work  composed  on  occasion  of  the  punishment  of  Servetus,  and 
entitled,  "  Martini  Belhi  Farrago  de  haereticis,  an  sint  prosequcndi, 
ct  omnino  quomodo  sit  cum  eis  agendum,"  was  first  printed  at  Basic 
in  1553.  The  edition  which  1  have  examined  wants  the  words 
"  Martini  Bellii  Farrago"  in  the  title,  and  was  printed  "  Magde- 
burgi  1554."  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  the  style  of  reasoning 
in  that  work: — "Suppose  one  accused  of  disloyalty  at  Tubingen, 
who  makes  this  defence  for  himself—'  I  believe  that  Christopher  is 
my  prince,  and  I  desire  to  obey  him  in  all  things  ;  but  as  to  what 
you  say  about  his  coming  in  a  chariot,  this  I  do  not  believe,  but  be- 
lieve that  he  will  come  on  horseback;  and  whereas  you  say  that  he 
is  clothed  in  scarlet,  I  believe  that  he  is  clothed  in  white;  and  as  to 
his  ordering  us  to  wash  in  this  river,  I  believe  that  tliis  ought  to  be 
done  in  the  afternoon,  and  you  believe  it  ought  to  be  done  in  the 
forenoon.'  I  ask  of  you,  prince,  if  you  would  wish  your  sul)ject  to 
be  condemned  for  this  ?  I  think  not :  and  if  you  were  present,  you 
would  rather  praise  the  candour   and   obedience   of  the   maji  than 


350  HISTORY    OF    THE 

hearing  of  his  death,  his  nephew,  Faustus  Socinus, 
came  from  Lyons  to  Zurich,  and  took  possession  of 
his  papers,  wiiich  he  afterwards  made  use  of  in  com- 
posing his  own  works.  To  this,  however,  he  appUed 
himself  at  a  period  much  later;  for  he  went  imme- 
diately to  Florence,  where  he  spent  twelve  years  in 
the  service  of  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  not  in  pre- 
paring his  mind  for  the  task  of  illuminating  the  world, 
(as  the  Polish  knight  who  wrote  his  life  has  asserted,) 
but  in  the  idleness  and  amusements  of  a  court,  as  he 
himself  has  acknowledged.* 

The  Locarnese  exiles  were  surprised  and  distressed 
at  learning  that  so  respectable  a  member  of  their 
church  as  Socinus  had  made  defection  from  the  evan- 
gelical faith ;  but  their  painful  feelings  were  heightened 
by  the  report,  which  soon  after  became  current,  that 
their  pastor  had  followed  his  example.  Socinus  had 
failed  in  his  attempts  to  warp  the  judgment  of  his 
countryman  Zanchi;t  but  his  subtlety  and  address 
were  too  powerful  for  one  who  was  now  ad\^anced  in 
years,  and  who,  though  possessed  of  good  talents,  had 
read  but  little  on  theology,  in  consequence  of  his 
imperfect  knowledge  of  ancient  and  foreign  languages. 
Without  supposing  him  to  have  been  the  slave  of 
popularity,  Ochino  could  scarcely  have  failed  to  be 
flattered  with  the  crowds  which  flocked  to  his  preach- 
ing in  Italy ;  and  he  must  have  felt  the  change,  when, 
on  coming  to  a  foreign  country,  his  hearers  were 
necessarily  few,  fron:i  the  circumstance  of  their  being 
confined  to  those  who  understood  his  native  tongue. 
He  had,  besides,  taken  up  the  idea  that  the  divines  of 

blame  his  ignorance;  and  if  any  should  put  him  to  death  on  this 
ground,  you  would  punish  them.  So  is  it  in  the  question  under  con- 
sideration. A  certain  citizen  of  Christ  says,  I  believe  in  God  the 
Father  and  Jesus  Christ  his  Son,"  &,c.  (De  Ha^reticis,  &c.  p.  8.) 
No  copy  has,  for  a  long  time,  been  seen  of  his  "  Paraphrasis  in 
Initium  Evangelii  S.  Johannis,  scripta  an.  1561,"  which  contained 
the  famed  interpretation  of  the  first  verse  of  that  gospel,  "  In  Evan- 
gelii principio  erat  Dei  sermo,"  «fec.  This  paraphrase  must  not  be 
confounded  with  the  "  Explicatio  Initii  Evangelii  Johannis,"  which 
was  the  work  of  his  nephew  Faustus. 

*  Bock,  torn.  ii.  p.  663,  664. 

t  Zanchii  Opera,  torn.  i.  praef.  ad  finem. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  351 

Zurich  despised  him  for  his  want  of  learning ;  and 
though  this  suspicion  appears  to  have  been  ground- 
less, we  have  his  own  authority  for  saying  that  it 
soured  his  mind.*  In  this  state  of  his  feelings,  he 
was  more  ready  to  listen  to  the  objections  of  his  artful 
townsman,  though  they  struck  at  the  root  of  senti- 
ments which  had  been  the  favourite  topics  of  his 
sermons,  and  in  which  he  had  gloried  most  when  he 
left  the  church  of  Rome. 

It  appears  that  surmises  unfavourable  to  the  ortho- 
doxy of  Ochino  had  arisen  soon  after  his  arrival  in 
Switzerland.  We  learn  this  fact  from  a  letter  of  Calvin, 
which  reflects  honour  on  the  heart  of  that  great  refor- 
mer, and  shows  that  he  was  far  from  being  of  that 
suspicious  and  intolerant  disposition  which  many, 
through  ignorance  or  prejudice,  have  ascribed  to  him. 
"  There  is  another  thing  of  which  I  must  write  you, 
at  the  request  of  our  friend  Bernardin.  I  understand 
that  it  has  been  reported,  through  the  foolishness  of  a 
certain  brother,  who  was  one  of  his  companions,  that 
he  was  somewhat  suspected  here  as  not  altogether 
sound  on  the  doctrine  of  the  trinity  and  person  of 
Christ.  I  shall  say  nothing  in  his  exculpation,  except 
simply  to  state  the  truth  of  what  happened.  As  I 
have  not  great  confidence  in  the  genius  of  many  of 
the  Italians,  when  he  first  imparted  to  me  his  design 
of  taking  up  his  residence  here,  I  conferred  with  him 
freely  on  the  several  articles  of  faith,  in  such  a  man- 
ner that  if  he  had  differed  on  any  thing  from  us  he 
could  scarcely  have  concealed  it.  It  appeared  to  me 
that  I  discovered,  and,  if  I  have  any  judgment,  I  can 
safely  attest,  that  he  agreed  with  us  entirely  on  the 
article  referred  to,  as  well  as  on  all  other  points.  The 
only  thing  I  perceived  was,  that  he  felt  displeased 
with  the  over-curious  discussion  of  these  questions 
which  is  common  among  the  schoolmen;  and,  really, 
when  it  is  considered  how  much  the  airy  speculations 
of  these  sophists  differ  from  the  sober  and  modest 
doctrine  of  the  ancients,  I  cannot  be  of  a  dilierent 
opinion.     I  think  it  proper  to  bear  this  testimony  to 

t  Ochino,  Dialogo,  in  Schelhorn,  Ergoetz.,  toni.  iii.  \u  2030. 


352  HISTORY    OF    THE 

a  pious  and  holy  man,  lest  the  slightest  suspicion 
should  unjustly  be  attached  to  his  character  among 
us;  for  he  is  unquestionably  a  person  distinguished 
for  genius,  learning,  and  sanctity."*  Calvin  retained 
the  same  favourable  opinion  of  him  at  a  subsequent 
period,!  and  there  is  no  reason  to  think  that  the  divines 
of  Zurich  were  of  a  different  mind.  But,  in  1558, 
Martyr  received  a  letter  from  Chiavenna,  stating  that 
Ochino  and  the  brothers  of  Lelius  Socinus  were 
secretly  undermining  the  doctrine  of  the  merit  and 
satisfaction  of  Christ.  Even  according  to  his  own 
explanation,  Ochino  had  forsaken  his  former  views  on 
that  point ;  but  the  matter  was  accommodated  by  the 
friendship  and  prudence  of  Martyr.:j:  About  the  same 
time  he  gave  oifence  to  some  of  the  divines  of  Switzer- 
land by  one  of  his  books;  and  on  this  occasion  also, 
though  the  work  was  printed  without  their  knowledge 
and  was  far  from  pleasing  them,  the  ministers  of 
Zurich  interposed  in  his  favour.  §  But  he  forfeited 
their  protection  and  exhausted  their  forbearance,  by  a 
work  which  he  published  in  the  course  of  the  year 
after  his  countryman.  Martyr,  died.  It  was  printed 
privately,  not  at  Zurich  but  at  Basle,  and  consisted  of 
thirty  dialogues,  divided  into  two  parts.  ||  In  the  first 
part  he  proves,  in  opposition  to  a  Jew,  that  Jesus  is 
the  true  Messiah,  and,  on  the  general  argument,  his 
proofs  are  strong;  but  when  he  comes  to  defend  the 

*  Calvinus  ad  Pellicanum,  Genevae,  14  Calend.  Maias  1543  :  Cal- 
vini  Epistolse  MSS.  vol.  i.  no.  60,  in  Bibl.  Genev. 

t  Calvin,  ad  Viretum,  6  April.  1547  :  MS.  in  Bibl.  Genev. 

X  A  Jetter  which  Ochino  wrote  on  this  occasion  has  been  preserv- 
ed by  De  Porta,  torn.  ii.  p.  392.  393. 

§  Schelhorn,  Ergoetzlichkeiten,  torn.  iii.  p.  2164.  The  book  refer- 
red to  was  his  Labyrinthi,  in  which  he  discusses  the  questions  respect- 
ing- free  will  and  predestination. 

II  Bernardini  Ochini  Senensis  Dialogi  XXX.  Basileas  1563.  The 
work  was  printed  from  a  translation  into  the  Latin  made  by  Castalio. 
It  was  afterwards  disputed  whether  the  work  had  undergone  the 
examination  which  the  laws  prescribed  before  its  being  printed.  It 
appeared,  on  investigation,  that  the  Italian  original,  in  manuscript, 
had  been  put  into  the  hands  of  Amerbachius,  the  rector  of  the  uni- 
versity, by  whom,  as  he  did  not  understand  the  language,  it  was 
committed  to  Celio  Secundo  Curio,  who  denied  that  he  liad  ever 
given  it  his  approbation.  (Schelhorn,  Ergoetz.  torn.  iii.  p.  1185 — 
1188.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  353 

sacrifice  and  satisfaction  of  Christ,  he  argues  feebly  and 
inconclusively.  It  was,  however,  the  second  part  of 
the  work,  in  which  he  treats  of  polygamy  and  the 
trinity,  which  chiefly  gave  offence.  The  first  of  these 
questions  is  discussed  in  dialogue  between  Tclipo- 
ligamus,  an  advocate  of  polygamy,  and  Ochinus. 
Every  argument  which  had  been  urged  in  favour  of 
the  practice,  or  which  the  ingenuity  of  the  author 
could  devise,  is  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  former,  who 
reasons  at  great  length  and  with  much  eloquence; 
while  Ochinus  replies  at  once  with  brevity  and  feeble- 
ness, and  in  the  end  materially,  though  not  in  so  many 
words,  yields  the  point  in  dispute  to  his  supposed 
antagonist.  The  dialogues  on  the  trinity  are  con- 
ducted in  the  same  manner.  Some  writers  insist  tliat 
Ochino  cannot  be  charged  with  maintaining  polygamy 
and  antitrinitarianism;  but  it  will  be  difficult  for  any 
person  to  read  the  dialogues  impartially  without  con- 
ceiving strong  suspicions  of  the  author's  heterodoxy.* 
Certain  citizens  of  Zurich,  on  a  visit  to  Basle,  were 
told  in  a  public  company  that  their  town  would  soon 
become  a  sink  of  vile  heresies,  as  their  ministers  had 
already  begun  to  write  in  favour  of  polygamy;  and  on 
their  resenting  this  as  a  calumny,  they  were  silenced 
by  the  production  of  the  work  of  Ochino,  which  had 
been  lately  published.  Returning  home,  they  gave 
information  to  the  ministers  of  the  city,  and  implored 
them  to  wipe  oif  a  disgrace  which  had  fallen  upon 
their  order  and  upon  the  whole  city.t  The  divines 
of  Zurich  had,  at  a  former  period,  been  greatly  dis- 
pleased at  the  conduct  of  such  of  the  German  reform- 
ers as  had  countenanced  the  bigamy  of  the  landgrave 
of  Hesse,:{:  which  brought  so  much  scandal  on  the 
whole  evangelical  body;  and  they  now  felt  both 
grieved  and  indignant  at  the  conduct  of  their  col- 
league. Plaving  communicated  the  fact  to  the  chief 
magistrate,  they,  at  his  desire,  translated  the  dialogue 

*  The  dialogue  on  polygamy  has  been  republished  and  translated 
into  our  own  language  (among  others)  by  the  friends  of  that  practice. 
t  Sehelhorn,  Ergoetzlichkeiten,  iii.  p.  21GU,  :21G1. 
X  Fueslin,  Epist.  Ref.  p.  198—200,  205. 


354  HISTORY    OF    THE 

on  polygamy  into  German,  and  laid  it,  with  remarks 
on  the  other  dialognes,  before  the  senate,  which  came 
to  the  resolution  of  banishing  him  from  the  territories 
of  the  canton.  Being  unable  to  prevent  this  sentence, 
he  petitioned  for  liberty  to  remain  during  the  winter; 
but  this  was  refused,  and  he  was  ordered  to  depart 
within  three  weeks.* 

The  banishment  of  an  old  man  of  seventy-six,  with 
four  young  children,  in  the  depth  of  winter,  was  a 
severe  measure,  calculated  to  excite  compassion  for 
the  sufferer ;  and  had  Ochino  left  this  feeling  to  its 
own  operation,  it  is  probable  that  the  magistrates  and 
ministers  of  Zurich  would  have  incurred  public  odium. 
But  he  published  an  apology  for  himself,  which  was 
answered  by  the  ministers,  and  injured  instead  of 
helping  his  cause.t  Besides  the  charges  brought 
against  the  senate  and  pastors  in  general,  he  made  a 
personal  attack  on  BuUinger,  whom  he  represented 
as  one  who  disliked  all  foreigners,  especially  Italians, 
wished  to  ruin  the  Locarnese  congregation,  had  op- 
posed his  election  to  be  their  pastor,  and  persecuted  him 
because  he  would  not  worship  him  as  a  pope  and  a 
god-X  Now  all  this  was  so  contrary  to  the  character  of 
that  divine;  and  his  kindness  to  exiles, his  care  about 
the  Italian  church,§  the  tenderness  with  which  he  had 
treated  Socinus,and  the  respect  which  he  had  shown  for 
Ochino  himself,  were  all  so  well  known,  that  the  minis- 
ters scarcely  needed  to  use  their  "sponge"  to  wipe  off 
aspersions  which  served  only  to  throw  suspicion  on 
the  pen  which  had  discharged  them.  Nor  was  the 
author  happier  in  the  defence  of  his  book.     His  chief 

*  Schelhorn,  Ergoctz.  iii.  2022,  2161,  2166,  2174—2179.  Bock,  ii. 
501—504. 

t  His  apology,  entitled  "  Dialogo,  Favellatori — Prudenza  humana 
e  Ochino,"  and  the  reply  to  it,  entitled  "Spongia  adversus  asper- 
gines  Bernardini  Ochini,"  are  both  published  by  Schelhorn  in  the 
third  volume  of  his  Ergoetzlichkeiten.  It  would  appear,  from  the 
reply,  that  Ochino's  apology  was  printed  at  that  time,  though  Schel- 
horn thinks  it  was  only  circulated  in  manuscript. 

X  Dialogo,  ut  supra,  p.  2021,  2029,  2030. 

§  There  is  an  excellent  letter  by  him  to  the  Protestants  suffering 
persecution  in  Italy,  dated  6th  January  1561,  and  published  by 
Fueslin.     (Epist.  Ref.  p.  445—456.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  355 

apology  for  the  manner  in  which  he  had  conducted 
the  argument  was,  that  "truth  does  not  stand  in  need 
of  many  words  hke  falsehood,  for  it  can  defend  it- 
self* As  if  we  were  warranted  to  strip  truth,  and 
then  place  her  on  the  pillory,  to  be  insulted  and  pelt- 
ed by  the  mob,  while  we  stood  by  and  contented  our- 
selves with  crying  out,  "Great  is  the  truth,  and  will 
prevail!"  Ochino  alleges,  that  one  chief  reason  of  the 
keenness  with  which  the  ministers  of  Zurich  had  per- 
secuted him  was,  that,  in  the  obnoxious  dialogues, 
he  had  exposed  their  errors  and  pointed  out  the  de- 
fects of  their  boasted  reformation.  But,  as  anything  of 
this  kind  was  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  interlocutor 
whom  he  opposed,  he,  by  this  allegation,  virtually 
acknowledged  the  deception  which  he  had  practised, 
and  deprived  himself  of  his  principal  defence.! 

On  coming  to  Basle,  Ochino  was  given  to  under- 
stand by  the  magistrates,  that  his  continuing  there 
would  be  offensive.  After  residing  for  some  time  at 
Mulhausen,  he  set  out  to  join  his  countrymen  of  the 
antitrinitarian  persuasion  who  had  gone  to  Poland. 
But  cardinal  Borromeo,  by  express  orders  from  the 
pope,  wrote  to  cardinal  Hosius  to  keep  his  eye  upon 
him  and  prevent  his  settlement  in  that  country,  a  ser- 
vice which  was  also  given  in  charge  to  the  nuncio 
Commendone.  In  consequence  of  this,  he  was  obliged 
to  retire  into  Moravia,  and  died  at  Slacovia  in  the  end 
of  the  year  1564,  after  having  lost  two  sons  and  a 
daughter  by  the  plague,  which  then  raged  in  that 
country.:}:     Whatever  the  faults  of  Ochhio  Avere,  it  is 

*  "  La  verita  non  ha  bisogno  di  molte  parole,  sicome  il  mendacio ; 
imperoche  la  verity  per  se  stessa  si  difendi,  resiste,  supcra  e  trionfa ; 
ma  il  contrario  e  del  mendacio."     (Dialogo,  ut  supra,  p.  2018.) 

t  Dialog-o,  ut  supra,  p.  2030—2034,  Schelhorn  is  of  opinion  that 
Ochino's  Dialogue  on  Polygamy  is  not  original,  and  that  the  greater 
part  of  it  was  borrowed  from  a  dialogue  on  the  same  subject,  \yrit- 
ten  in  defence  of  Philip,  landgrave  of  Hesse,  and  published  in  1541, 
under  the  fictitious  name  of  Hulderichus  Neobuliis.  (Ergoetzlich- 
keiten,  torn.  i.  p.  631  —  636;  iii,  2136—2150.)  There  is  certainly 
a  striking  coincidence  between  the  extracts  he  has  produced  Ironi 
this  dialogue  and  that  of  Ochino,  The  charge  of  plagiarism  is,  how- 
ever,  weakened  by  the  fact  that  Ochino  was  ignorant  of  German. 

X  Bock,  torn.  ii.  p.  504—508. 


356  HISTORY    OF    THE 

impossible'to  contemplate  this  termination  of  the  ca- 
reer of  a  man  who  had  been  held  in  such  high  estima- 
tion and  enjoyed  so  large  a  share  of  popular  applause, 
without  feelings  of  the  deepest  regret  and  humiliation. 
The  narrative  affords  a  useful  lesson  both  to  preach- 
ers and  hearers:  it  admonishes  the  latter  not  to  allow 
their  admiration  to  usurp  the  place  of  their  judgment, 
if  it  were  from  no  other  motive  than  pity  to  the  gods 
whom  their  breath  creates ;  and  it  warns  the  former 
not  to  trust  themselves  to  the  intoxicating  gale  of 
popularity,  which,  after  deceiving  them,  leaves  in  their 
breasts  a  painful  restlessness,  prompting  them  to  make 
undefined  and  perilous  efforts  to  regain  what  they 
have  lost.  The  Roman  catholics  had  felt  great  mor- 
tification when  Ochino  deserted  their  communion; 
their  triumph  was  now  proportionately  great,  and  his 
versatility  and  melancholy  fate  furnished  them  with 
a  popular  argument  against  all  change  in  religion  and 
every  attempt  at  Reform. 

The  Locarnese  congregation,  however,  continued 
to  flourish  and  enjoyed  a  succession  of  pastors  until 
the  emigration  ceased,  and  it  was  no  longer  necessary 
to  have  the  public  service  performed  in  the  language 
of  Italy.*  Some  of  the  most  distinguished  families 
at  this  day  in  Zurich  are  descended  from  Italian  ex- 
iles, who  first  introduced  into  it  the  art  of  manufac- 
turing silk,  set  up  mills  and  dye-houses,  and  so  en- 
riched the  city,  by  their  industry  and  ingenuity,  that, 
within  a  short  time,  it  became  celebrated  beyond  the 
limits  of  Switzerland.! 

Basle  had  long  been  distinguished  as  a  resort  of 
learned  men,  which  induced  many  of  the  Italian  Pro- 
testants to  select  it  as  the  place  of  their  residence.  I 
can  only  name  a  few  of  them.  Paolo  di  Colli,  the 
father  of  Hippolytus  a  Collibus,  a  celebrated  lawyer 
and  counsellor  of  the  Elector  Palatine  Frederic  IV., 
was  a  native  of  Alexandria,  in  the  Milanese,  from 

*  Hottinger,  Helvetische  Kirchengeschichte,  torn.  iii.  p.  762 — 763; 
Gcrdesii  Ital.  Ref!  p.  40. 

t  Zschokke,  Schweizerlands  Geschichte,  p.  258.  Tenipe  Helveti- 
ca, torn.  iv.  p.  173. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  357 

which  he  fled  hi  consequence  of  the  discovery  of  a 
Protestant  conventicle  which  was  kept  in  his  house.* 
Gugliehno  Grataroli,  a  physician  of  Bergamo,  was 
equally  distinguished  by  his  piety,  his  classical  learn- 
ing, and  his  skill  in  his  own  art,  on  which  lie  pub- 
hshed  several  works.t  Alfonso  Corrado,  a  Mantuan, 
and  said  to  have  been  the  instructor  of  the  wife  of 
Alfonso  duke  of  Ferrara,  preached  for  some  time  in 
the  Grisons,  and  published  at  Basle  a  commentary  on 
the  Apocalypse,  "  filled  (says  Tiraboschi)  with  invec- 
tives and  reproaches  against  the  Roman  pontiff."^ 
Silvestro  Teglio,  and  Francesco  Betti,  a  Roman  knight, 
were  both  learned  men.§  Mino  Celso,  a  native  of  Vi- 
enna, is  praised  by  Claudio  Tolomeo,  and  an  edition 
of  the  letters  of  that  learned  man  was  dedicated  to 
him  by  Fabio  Benvoglienti-H  Having  left  his  native 
country  from  love  to  the  reformed  religion,  he  became 
corrector  of  the  press  to  Petrus  Perna,  a  Lucchese, 
and  long  a  celebrated  printer  at  Basle,  "  whose  me- 
mory (says  Tiraboschi)  would  have  been  still  more 
deserving  of  honour  if  he  had  not  tarnished  it  by 
apostasy  from  the  catholic  rehgion."1[  Mino  Celso 
was  the  author  of  a  rare  work  against  the  capital 
punishment  of  heretics,  in  which  he  has  treated  the 
question  with  great  solidity  and  learning."^*  But  the 

*  Adami  Vitae  Jureconsult.  p.  207.  Tonjolse  Monument.  Basil,  p. 
124. 

t  Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1568.  Beza?  Epistolae,  p.  218,  231.  Speak- 
ing  of  Grataroli,  Zanchi  says — "  In  his  native  country  he  enjoyed  an 
honourable  rank  and  riches  :  his  piety  alone  has  impoverished  him." 
(Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  390.) 

X  Gerdesii  Ital.  Ref.  p.  231—234.  De  Porta,  ii.  35.  Tiraboschi, 
vii.  383.  "  Exsecretur  me  Papa,  quaerant  me  principcs  ad  neccm, 
qui  sub  mentito  Inquisitorum  haereticoe  pravitatis  nomine  ha>rcsin 
pessimam  defendunt,  &c."  (Alph.  Conradus,  Comment,  in  Apoca- 
lypsin,  Dedic.  sig.  ii.  Has.  1574.) 

§  Teglio  translated  into  Latin  the  Principe  of  Macchiavelli.  Betti 
was  the  author  of  a  letter  to  the  marchioness  of  Pescaro,  and  after- 
wards became  intimate  with  Faustus  Socinus.  (Schelhorn,  Dissert, 
de  Mino  Celso,  p.  62.     Bock,  ii.  p.  665,  817.) 

11  De  Mino  Celso  Senensi,  p.  14 — 18. 

IT  Storia,  vii.  1763.  A  life  of  Perna  was  published  at  Lucca  in 
1763,  by  Domenica  Maria  Manni. 

**  It  is  entitled,  "  Mini  Ceisi  Sencnsis  de  Hereticis  capitali  sup- 
plicio  non  afiiciendis.    Anno  1584."     This  is  the  edition  I  have  con- 


358  HISTORY    OF    THE 

most  learned  person  among  the  refugees  who  resided 
in  this  city,  was  Cmio,  whom  we  have  aheady  met 
with  repeatedly  in  the  course  of  this  history.  At  his 
first  coming  from  Italy,  the  senate  of  Berne  placed 
him  at  the  head  of  the  college  of  Lausanne,  from 
which  he  was  translated  in  1547  to  the  chair  of  Ro- 
man Eloquence  in  the  university  of  Basle.  On  that 
occasion  the  degree  of  doctor  of  laws  was  conferred 
on  him  sitting,  a  mark  of  respect  which  had  been 
shown  to  none  but  Bucer.  But  greater  honour  was 
done  him  by  the  numbers  who  came  from  all  parts 
of  Europe  to  attend  his  lectures.  He  received  an  in- 
vitation from  the  emperor  Maximilian  to  the  univer- 
sity of  Vienna,  from  Vaivod,  king  of  Transylvania  to 
Weissemburg,  and  from  the  duke  of  Savoy  to  Turin; 
while  the  pope  employed  the  bishop  of  Terracino  to 
persuade  him  to  return  to  Italy,  by  the  promise  of  an 
ample  salary,  with  provision  for  his  daughters,  and 
on  no  other  condition  than  that  of  his  abstaining  from 
inculcating  his  religious  opinions.  But  he  rejected 
these  offers,  and  remained  at  Basle  till  his  death  in 
1569.*  Beside  his  writings  on  religious  subjects,  he 
published  various  works  on  grammar,  and  editions  of 
the  Latin  classics,  accompanied  with  notes,  by  which 
he  did  great  service  to  Roman  literature  and  educa- 
tion. Of  all  the  refugees,  the  loss  of  none  has  been 
more  regretted  by  Italian  writers  than  that  of  Curio.t 
The  testimonies  which  they  have  borne  to  him  de- 
serve the  more  attention  for  this  reason,  among  others, 

suited,  but  the  work  was  first  printed  in  1577.  The  author  mentions 
that  he  was  led  to  treat  the  question  in  consequence  of  his  finding-  it 
disputed  among  the  Protestants  when  he  passed  through  the  Grisons 
in  1569.  In  the  work,  he  points  out  the  distinction  between  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  and  secular  kingdoms,  examines  the  doctrine  of 
Scripture  on  the  subject,  produces  testimonies  from  the  fathers  and 
Reformers  in  favour  of  the  opinion  which  he  maintains,  and  shows 
that  it  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  exercise  of  civil  authority  in  re- 
forming and  supporting  religion.  His  reasoning  is  not  confined  to 
capital  punishment. 

*  Stupani  Oratio  de  Cselio  Secundo  Curione,  ut  supra,  p.  347 — 
349. 

t  Tiraboschi,  Storia,  tomo  vii.  p.  1559 — 1561.  Ginguene,  Hist. 
Litter,  d'ltalie,  tome  vii.  p.  233—236. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  359 

that  some  of  the  most  important  facts  relating  to  the 
progress  and  suppression  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy 
have  been  attested  by  him;  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  narratives  of  ItaUan  martyrs  proceeded  from  his 
pen,  or  were  submitted  to  his  revision  before  they 
were  published  by  his  friend  Pantaleon.  The  chil- 
dren of  Curio,  female  as  well  as  male,  were  distin- 
guished for  their  talents  and  learning,  and  among  his 
descendants  we  find  some  of  the  most  eminent  names 
in  the  Protestant  church.* 

In  taking  leave  of  Curio,  I  am  reminded  of  his  in- 
teresting friend,  Olympia  Morata.  On  retiring  into 
Germany,!  she  and  her  husband  were  kindly  enter- 
tained by  George  Hermann,  the  enlightened  minister 
of  Ferdinand,  king  of  the  Romans,  through  whose 
influence  they  were  offered  an  advantageous  situation 
in  the  Austrian  dominions,  which  they  declined,  as 
being  incompatible  with  the  free  exercise  of  the  Re- 
formed religion.  Olympia  felt  herself  happy  in  the 
affection  of  the  worthy  young  man  to  whom  she  had 
given  her  heart  along  with  her  hand ;  and  the  recol- 
lection of  the  ease  and  splendour  in  which  she  had 
spent  the  most  of  her  life  was  lost  in  the  liberty  of 
conscience  and  Christian  society  which  she  now  en- 
joyed. The  letters  which  she  wrote  at  this  time  to 
her  female  acquaintance  in  Italy  and  to  her  fellow 
exiles,  testify  that  she  was  in  possession  of  the  rich- 
est of  heritages,  '^  godliness  with  contentment."  In 
Schweinfurt,  an  imperial  town  of  Franconia,  and  the 
native  place  of  her  husband,  she  resumed  her  favour- 
ite studies,  and  her  friends  congratulated  themselves 
on  the  prospect  of  her  adding  to  the  literary  fame 
which  she  had  already  acquired  in  her  native  coun- 
try; but  the  muses  were  soon  put  to  flight  by  the 
trumpet  of  war.  The  turbulent  Albert,  marquis  of 
Brandenburg,  who  had  been  engaged  in  a  predatory 
warfare  with  his  neighbours,  threw  himself  into  the 

*  It  is  sufficient  to  mention  here  the  names  of  Buxtorf,  Grynoeus, 
Freyus,  and  Wercnfels.  (Stupani  Oratio,  p.  363,  3S1,  398.  Ryhme- 
rus,  Vita  Sam.  Wcrcnfelsii,  in  Tcmpe  Helvetica,  torn.  vi.  p.  47.) 

t  See  before,  p.  205. 


360  HISTORY    OF    THE 

city  of  Schweinfurt,  when  he  was  besieged  by  the 
German  princes.*  During  the  siege,  which  was  tedious 
and  severe,  Olympia  was  obhged  to  hve  in  a  cellar; 
and  when  the  town  was  taken,  she,  with  great  diffi- 
culty, escaped,  in  disguise,  from  the  fury  of  the  soldiers, 
and  reached  the  neighbouring  village  of  Hammelburg 
in  a  state  of  exhaustion.  "  If  you  had  seen  me,'^  she 
writes  to  Curio,  "  with  my  feet  bare  and  bleeding,  my 
hair  dishevelled,  and  my  borrowed  clothes  all  torn, 
you  would  have  pronounced  me  the  queen  of  beg- 
gars."! Her  library,  which  she  valued  above  all  her 
property,  including  her  own  manuscripts,  was  entirely 
destroyed  in  the  sack  of  the  town.  Under  this  cala- 
mity, she  experienced  the  polite  attention  of  the  counts 
of  Erbach;  the  Elector  Palatine  provided  her  husband 
with  a  place  in  the  university  of  Heidelberg ;  and  her 
literary  frieiids  united  in  sending  her  books  to  furnish 
a  new  library.  Their  sympathy  and  kindness  soothed 
her  spirits,  but  could  not  restore  her  to  health,  or  pro- 
long a  life  which  was  fast  hastening  to  a  close.  Her 
delicate  constitution  had  received  an  irrecoverable 
shock  from  the  agitation  and  fatigue  which  she  had 
undergone;  the  symptoms  of  consumption  became 
decided;  and  after  a  lingering  illness,  during  whicli  the 
sweetness  of  her  temper  and  the  strength  of  her  faith 
displayed  themselves  in  such  a  manner  as  to  console 
even  her  husband  who  doated  upon  her,  she  expired 
on  the  26th  of  October  1555,  in  the  29th  year  of  her 
age.f  Who  would  not  drop  a  tear  over  the  untimely 
grave  of  the  amiable  and  accomplished  Olympia  Mo- 
rata!  She  ceased  not  to  the  last  to  remember  her 
ungrateful  but  beloved  Italy,  though  every  desire  to 
return  to  it  had  been  quenched  in  her  breast  from  the 
time  she  saw  the  apathy  with  which  her  countrymen 
allowed  the  standard  of  truth  to  fall  and  the  blood  of 
its  friends  to  be  shed  Uke  water  in  their  streets.     Be- 

*  Sleidan,  torn.  ii.  p.  410,  449,  468. 

t  Olympise  Moratas  Opera,  p.  16U — 162.  Nolten,  Vita  OlympisB 
Moratae,  p.  138—147. 

t  Olympise  Moratffi  Opera,  p.  167,  177,  155—192.  Nolten,  p.  148 
—163. 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  361 

fore  she  was  confined  to  bed,  slie  employed  licr  leisure 
time  in  transcribing  from  memory  some  of  her  poems, 
which  she  bequeathed  to  her  friend  Curio,  by  whom  her 
works  were  published  after  her  death.  They  consist 
of  confidential  letters,  dialogues  in  Latin  and  Italian, 
and  Greek  poems,  chiefly  paraphrases  of  the  Psalms, 
in  heroic  and  sapphic  verse ;  all  of  them  the  produc- 
tions of  a  pious  and  highly  cultivated  mind.* 

Strasburg,  one  of  the  free  cities  of  Germany,  opened 
its  gates  to  the  Italian  refugees.  Paolo  Lacisio  of 
Verona,  highly  praised  by  Robortello  for  his  skill  in 
the  three  learned  languages,  came  to  it  along  with 
Martyr,  and  obtained  the  situation  of  professor  of 
Greek  in  the  academy.t  Jeronimo  Massario  of  Vi- 
cenza  was  about  the  same  time  admitted  professor 
of  medicine.  This  learned  man,  beside  what  he  wrote 
on  the  subject  of  his  own  science,  was  the  author  of 
a  description  of  the  mode  of  procedure  in  the  tribunal 
of  the  inquisition  at  Rome.  In  this  work  he  describes 
the  trial  of  a  fictitious  prisoner,  whom  he  calls  Euse- 
bius  Uranius,  and  puts  into  his  mouth,  during  an 
examination  which  lasted  three  days,  the  principal 
arguments  from  Scripture  and  the  fathers  against  the 
church  of  Rome.  Though  it  contains  several  facts, 
yet  it  is  rather  a  controversial  than  an  historical  work, 
and  much  inferior  in  usefulness  to  the  account  of  the 
Spanish  inquisition  by  Gonsalvo.J  The  Italians  were 
not  so  numerous  in  Strasburg  as  to  require  the  use  of 

*  Her  works  were  published  in  1553,  and  went  through  four  edi- 
tions in  the  course  of  twenty-two  years.  The  first  edition  was  dedi- 
cated to  Isabella  Manricha,  and  the  subsequent  ones  to  Queen  Eliza- 
beth  of  England.     Two  of  her  letters  will  be  found  in  tlie  Appendix. 

t  Simler,  Vita  Martyris,  sig.  b  iiij.  Gerdes,  Scrinium  Antiq.  torn, 
iii.  p.  17.     Colomesii  Italia  Orientalis,  p.  67,  688. 

X  It  is  entitled,  "  Eusebius  Captivus,  sive  modus  procedcndi  in 
curia  Romana  contra  Lutheranos— per  Hieronyinum  Mariuni.  iiasi- 
leaj."  The  dedication  is  dated,  "  Basilcoe  iiii.  Nonas  Novembris, 
Anno  1553."  Colomies  says  that  Hieronymus  Marius  is  the  dis- 
guised name  of  Cjelius  Secundus  Curio.  (Dcs  Maizeaux,  Colomcsia- 
na,  torn.  ii.  p.  594.)  But  Zanchi,  in  a  letter  to  Musculus  says  ex- 
pressly that  Massario  had  gone  to  Basle  to  get  the  work  ijnnted. 
(Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  312,  317.)  He  died  of  the  plague  at  stras- 
burg in  1564.  (VVolfii  Notoe  in  Colomesii  Ital.  Orient,  p.  /4,  t5. 
Sturmii  Institutiones  Literatse,  p.  140.     Torun.  Boruss.  1586.) 

24 


362  HISTORY    OF    THE 

a  church,  but  they  met  in  private  and  enjoyed  for 
some  time  the  instructions  of  Jerome  Zanchi."^  This 
celebrated  divine  was  a  native  of  Alzano  in  the  Ber- 
gamasco,  and  descended  from  a  family  distinguished 
in  the  republic  of  letters.!  He  was  persuaded  by  his 
relation,  Basilio,  to  enter  a  convent  of  Canons  Regu- 
lar, where  he  formed  an  intimate  acquaintance  with 
Celso  Martinengho.  They  were  associated  in  their 
studies  in  reading  the  works  of  Melanchthon,  Bullin- 
ger,  Musculus,  and  other  Reformers,  and  in  attending 
the  lectures  of  Martyr.  They  left  Italy  about  the  same 
time,  and  their  friendship  continued  uninterrupted  till 
the  death  of  Martinengho.  Having  come  to  Geneva 
in  1553,  by  the  way  of  the  Grisons,  Zanchi  agreed 
to  accompany  Martyr  into  England;  but  when  about 
to  set  out  for  this  country,  he  received  an  invitation 
to  be  professor  of  divinity  in  the  college  of  St.  Tho- 
mas at  Strasburg.  This  situation  he  filled,  with  great 
credit  and  comfort,  for  several  years,  until,  after  the 
death  of  James  Sturmius,  the  great  patron  of  the 
academy,  who  had  been  his  steady  friend,  he  was  in- 
volved in  controversy  with  some  of  the  keen  Luther- 
ans, led  on  by  John  Mar  bach,  who  took  oflence  at 
him  for  opposing  their  novel  notion  of  the  omnipre- 
sence of  the  human  nature  of  Christ,  and  for  teaching 
the  doctrines  of  predestination  and  the  perseverance 
of  the  saints.  J     In  the  midst  of  the  uneasiness  which 

*  Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  i.  p.  131. 

t  His  father,  Francesco,  is  enumerated  among-  the  historians  of 
Italy.  (Tiraboschi,  torn.  vii.  p.  369.)  His  second  cousins,  Dionigi, 
Grisostomo,  and  Basilio  Zanchi,  were  all  learned  men.  The  last  was 
reckoned  one  of  the  finest  Latin  poets  in  Italy,  and  a  mystery  hangs 
over  the  manner  and  cause  of  his  death.  It  is  supposed  that  he  died 
in  prison,  into  which  he  had  been  thrown  by  pope  Paul  IV.  (Ibid. 
p.  1182—1184;  comp.  p.  387—389;  and  Roscoe's  Leo  X.  vol.  i.  p.  76.) 

t  He  gives  an  account  of  this  dispute  in  his  letter  to  the  landgrave 
of  Hesse.  (Opera,  torn.  vii.  p.  1 — 46;  torn.  iii.  epist.  dedicat.  Conf. 
Melch.  Adami  Vitae  Exter.  Theolog.  p.  149.)  John  Sturmius,  who 
was  rector  of  the  academy  of  Strasburg,  and  celebrated  for  the  ele- 
gance of  his  Latin  style,  wrote  a  philippic  against  the  adversaries 
of  Zanchi,  to  which  iMelchior  Speccer  replied  in  a  letter  published  by 
Schelhorn.  In  this  letter  he  says — "  Alterum  caput  criminationis 
tuse — Zanchium,  suavissimas  tuas  delicias,  vitam  tuam,  et  animulam 
tuam  continet."     (Ergoetzlichkeiten,  tom.  iii.  p.  1136.)     In  a  letter 


REFORMATION    IN   ITALY.  363 

this  quarrel  gave  him,  he  rejected  the  proposals  made 
to  him  by  the  papal  nuncio,*  but  accepted  in  tlie  end 
of  the  year  1563,  a  call  from  the  Italian  church  at 
Chiavenna.t  In  the  beginning  of  15C8  he  came  to 
the  university  of  Heidelberg,  where  he  taught  during 
ten  years;  but  finding  that  the  prejudice  which  he 
had  encountered  at  Strasburg  followed  him  to  this 
place,  he  gave  way  to  it  a  second  time,  and  removed 
to  Neustadt,  where  count  John  Casimir,  the  adminis- 
trator of  the  Electorate  Palatine,  had  recently  endowed 
an  academy.  He  died  in  1590,  during  a  visit  which 
he  paid  to  his  friends  at  Heidelberg,  in  the  7Gth  year 
of  his  age.  J  The  moderation  of  Zanchi  has  been 
praised  by  writers  of  the  Roman  catholic  church, 
though  his  love  of  peace  did  not  lead  him  to  sacrifice 
or  compromise  the  truth.  His  celebrity  as  a  teacher 
procured  him  invitations  from  the  academies  of  Zurich, 
Lausanne,  and  Leyden.  John  Sturmius,  called  the 
German  Cicero,  was  wont  to  say  that  he  would  not 
be  afraid  to  trust  Zanchi  alone  in  a  dispute  against  all 
the  fathers  assembled  at  Trent.  Nor  was  he  less 
esteemed  as  an  author  after  his  death.  His  writings, 
consisting  of  commentaries  on  Scripture  and  treatises 
on  almost  all  questions  in  theology,  abound  with 
proofs  of  learning;  but  they  are  too  ponderous  for 
the  arms  of  a  modern  divine.  § 

Lyons,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  was  a  place  of  re- 
sort for  merchants  from  all  parts  of  Europe.  The 
Italian  Protestants  in  that  city  were  so  numerous, 

to  Bullinger,  Sturmius  praises  the  learning,  piety,  courteousness,  and 
placability  of  Zanchi.     (Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  287.) 

*  Tiraboschi,  vii.  3G9. 

t  De  Porta,  ii.  412—421. 

t  Thuani  Hist,  ad  an.  1590.  Teissier,  Eloges,  torn.  iv.  p.  99— lOJ. 
Melch.  Adami  Vita?  Exteror.  Theolog.  p.  148—153.  A  life  of  Zan- 
chi,  by  Sig.  Conte  Cav.  Giambatista  Gallizioli,  a  patrician  of  Berga- 
masco,  was  printed  at  Bergamo  in  1785.     (Tiraboschi,  vii.  369.) 

§  His  works  were  collected  and  printed,  in  eight  volumes  lolio,  at 
Geneva  in  1613.  Fridericus  Sylburgius,  celebrated  as  llic  author  o 
several  learned  works,  and  the  editor  of  many  of  tlic  Greek  and 
Roman  classics  which  came  from  the  presses  of  Wechel  andCommc 
lin,  was  for  some  time  the  servant  of  Zanchi,  to  whom  he  was  in- 
debted for  his  education.     (Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  440,  442.) 


364  HISTORY    OF    THE 

that  the  popes  reckoned  it  necessary  to  keep  agents 
among  them  to  labour  in  their  conversion.  But  so 
far  were  they  from  succeeding  in  this  work,  that 
Lyons  came  to  be  regarded  at  Rome  as  "the  chief 
seat  of  heresy,"  and  all  who  visited  it  fell  under  sus- 
picion.* Several  editions  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
other  religious  books,  in  the  Italian  language,  pro- 
ceeded from  the  Lyonese  press.t  In  the  beginning  of 
1562,  the  Italians  obtained  permission  to  hold  meet- 
ings for  worship,  and  called  Zanchi  to  be  their  minis- 
ter. The  magistrates  of  Strasburg  having  refused  to 
part  with  him,  he,  in  the  following  year,  received 
another  pressing  invitation  from  the  celebrated  Viret, 
in  the  name  of  the  Protestant  consistory  at  Lyons ; 
but  he  had  previously  engaged  himself  to  the  church 
of  Chiavenna.  When  afterwards  deprived  of  the 
preacher  Avhom  they  had  chosen,  Zanchi  received  a 
third  call  from  his  countrymen  in  Lyons,  who  were 
again  disappointed.^ 

Antwerp  was,  in  that  age,  the  emporium  of  the 
world,  and  frequented  by  men  of  all  nations.  The 
reformed  doctrine  had  been  early  introduced  into  it, 
and  continued  to  spread  among  the  inhabitants  in  spite 
of  the  severities  employed  for  its  suppression.  §  For 
many  years  the  Italian  Protestants  satisfied  them- 
selves with  meeting  for  worship  along  with  the  French 
church,  which  was  erected  in  that  city  after  the  Neth- 
erlands threw  off  the  Spanish  yoke ;  but  as  their  num- 
bers had  increased,||  they  resolved,  in  the  year  1580, 

*  Fontanini  Biblioteca  Italiana,  torn.  i.  p.  119. 

t  Besides  the  translation  of  the  New  Testament  by  Massimo 
Teofilo  in  1551,  an  edition  of  Brucioli's  was  printed  at  Lyons  in 
1553,  and  an  anonymous  translation  in  1558.  This  last  had  been 
published,  with  a  French  version,  in  1555,  by  Ludovico  Paschali, 
the  martyr;  but  the  place  of  printing  is  unknown.  (Schelhorn, 
Ergoetzlichkeiten,  torn.  i.  p.  417 — 419.) 

I  Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  287,  375—378,  390. 
§  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reform,  tom.  iii.  p.  217,  243. 

II  The  Italian  version  of  the  New  Testament  by  Brucioli  was 
printed  at  Antwerp  in  the  year  1538,  accompanied  with  two  pre- 
faces, in  which  the  advantages  of  reading  the  Scriptures,  and  the 
propriety  of  translating  them  into  the  vulgar  language  of  every  peo- 
ple, are  urged  with  great  force.      (Ergoetzlichkeiten,  tom.  i.  p.  408.) 


REFORMATION    IN    ITALY.  365 

to  form  themselves  into  a  separate  church,  and  invi- 
ted their  countryman  Zanchi  to  be  their  pastor.  With 
this  invitation,  though  warmly  seconded  by  letters 
from  the  senate  and  ministers,  he  did  not  think  it 
prudent  to  comply.*  It  is,  however,  probable,  that 
they  obtained  Ulixio  Martinenghot  for  their  minis- 
ter; for  we  find  Zanchi,  about  this  time,  writing  his 
opinion  of  that  nobleman,  at  the  desire  of  one  of  the 
ministers  of  Antwerp.  "I  know  him  well,"  says  lie, 
"and  can,  with  a  good  conscience  and  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Lord,  attest  that  he  is  incorrupt  and  Aveli 
grounded  as  to  doctrine,  possesses  no  common  share 
of  learning,  is  unblamable  in  his  life  as  a  Cliristian, 
zealous  toward  God,  charitable  toward  his  brethren, 
and  distinguished  for  prudence  and  dexterity  in  the 
management  of  business,  which,  as  you  well  know, 
is  a  qualification  very  necessary  in  the  rulers  of 
churches.  The  only  thing  of  which  I  cannot  speak 
is  his  gift  of  preaching,  for  I  never  heard  him  from 
the  pulpit;  but  he  speaks  Italian  well.  0  that  I  could 
spend  what  remains  of  my  life  in  the  company  of  this 
excellent  servant  of  God !  Believe  me,  you  will  find 
him,  on  acquaintance,  still  better  than  he  appears  to 
be ;  sincere,  frank,  kind,  obliging,  courteous,  and  one 
who  adds  lustre  to  the  nobility  of  his  birth  by  the  cor- 
rectness of  his  morals  as  a  Christian.  I  am  sure  he 
will  greatly  please  your  illustrious  prince."| 

Of  all  the  foreign  Italian  churches,  none  was  so 
distinguished  as  those  which  were  established  in  Ge- 
neva and  in  London.  But  as  their  affairs  were  inti- 
mately connected  with  those  of  the  Spanish  refugees 
who  settled  in  these  cities,  I  shall  speak  of  them  in 
the  account  which  I  propose  to  give  of  the  struggle 
for  reformation  in  Spain.§  For  that  work  I  shall  also 
reserve  the  remarks  I  have  to  make  on  the  inlluence 

*  Zanchii  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  409—414,  424. 
+  See  before,  p.  328. 

t  Zanchius  Joanni  Taffino :  Epist.  lib.  ii.  p.  411 ;  conf.  p.  366. 
§  See  History  of  the  Progress  and  Suppression  of  the  Rolbnnution 
in  Spain,  p.  26iJ— 276. 


366  THE    REFORMATION    IN    ITALY. 

which  the  suppression  of  the  reformed  opinions  had 
on  the  national  hterature  and  character  of  the  Ital- 
ians, which  are  applicable,  with  a  very  little  varia- 
tion, to  those  of  the  Spaniards. 


APPENDIX. 

No.  I. 

Specimens  of  the  Sermons  of  Savonarola. 
[See  before,  p.  31.] 

In  1540  were  printed  at  Venice  a  collection  of  the 
sermons  of  this  famous  preacher,  under  the  following 
title: — "Prediche  del  Reverendo  Padre  Fra  Gieroni- 
mo  da  Ferrara,  per  tuto  I'anno  nuovamente  con  som- 
ma  diligentia  ricorette."  They  had  been  taken  origi- 
nally from  the  mouth  of  the  preacher,  and  were  print- 
ed from  a  collation  of  different  manuscripts.  The 
following  short  epistle  to  the  reader,  which  is  prefix- 
ed to  them,  is  given  here  for  the  sake  of  the  writer, 
as  well  as  the  testimony  wliich  it  bears  to  the  work : — 
"Accept,  then,  this  small  gift — small  I  call  it,  in 
respect  of  the  small  hand  which  I  have  had  in  it, 
though  in  itself  great  and  very  rich,  being  filled  with 
the  most  sacred  Christian  instructions,  in  reading 
which  your  Christian  soul  may  be  comforted,  while 
you  see  this  Christian  writer  with  great  energy  prophe- 
sying a  universal  renovation  of  the  church,  whicli  is 
now  at  hand  and  just  about  to  appear,  and  which 
may  God  perfect,  that  so  all  people  may  give  praise 
to  the  Creator  of  the  universe,  and  to  his  Son,  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  to  whom  be  honour 
and  glory  for  ever.  Amen. 

Antonio  Brucioli.'' 

The  following  extracts  will  give  an  idea  of  the 
talents  and  manner  of  the  preacher,  and  arc  sutiicii-nt 
to  show  that  he  was  not  that  ignorant  fanatic  wliich 
some  writers  have  represented  him  to  be.     The  ser- 


368  APPENDIX. 

mon  from  which  the  last  extract  is  taken  was  preach- 
ed at  the  time  when  he  was  lying  under  a  papal  in- 
terdict. 

"I  showed,  a  little  before, how  necessary  and  natu- 
ral a  thing  it  is  that  bodies,  which  are  perishable  in 
their  constitution,  should  either  wholly  corrupt  and 
disappear,  or  else  pass  into  some  other  condition,  ac- 
cording to  the  maxim  of  philosophy,  Omne  contrari- 
ura  est  corriiptibile.  It  follows,  of  necessity,  that 
there  is  nothing  in  a  state  of  union  under  heaven 
which  does  not  either  corrupt  and  resolve  into  its  first 
principles,  or  make  its  appearance  again  under  a  new 
form.  And  so  it  is  with  spiritual  things.  The  church 
is  so  set  together  in  its  different  parts  as  to  resemble 
a  body,  the  form  of  which  is  the  grace  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  and  the  uniformity  of  which,  as  upheld  by  this 
same  grace,  is  simplicity  of  heart ;  and  no  sooner  does 
this  fail,  than  the  church  falls,  since  the  harmony 
which  preserved  its  union  is  departed.  It  was  in  the 
first  age  of  the  Christian  church  that  this  Christian 
simplicity  was  peculiarly  exemplified,  and,  according- 
ly, she  stood  fast,  and  was  full  both  of  spirit  and  of 
life;  but  now  as  this  simplicity  is  lost,  so  purity  is  de- 
parted from  us.  The  church  has  lost  her  primitive 
and  proper  form ;  and  if  you  Avould  find  purity  of 
heart  in  our  days,  you  must  go  seek  it  in  the  hearts 
of  simple  young  children.  The  church  is  now  well 
nigh  extinguished,  and  so  we  tell  you  that  she  must 
either  fall  back  into  her  first  elements,  and  altogether 
evanish,  or  otherwise  be  renewed  and  reformed.  It 
is  impossible  that  she  can  again  revert  to  heathenism, 
out  of  which  she  came  at  first,  nor  can  she  altogether 
disappear  from  the  face  of  the  earth;  antichrist  is  not 
yet  so  very  near;  and,  therefore,  we  declare  it  to  be 
much  more  probable  that  she  shall  again  be  renova- 
ted and  restored  to  her  pristine  form.'^ — 

"When  contrary  planets  come  into  contact  with 
each  other,  bad  effects  are  sure  to  ensue  to  the  world 
in  natural  things.  You  will  say, 'Oh!  but  God  can 
bring  good  even  out  of  such  untoward  accidents  as 
these  if  he  pleases,  and  it  is  not  inconceivable  that 


APPENDIX.  3G9 

disunion  should  continue  to  prevail  among  the  stars.* 
And  you  say  rightly:  God  could  do  so;  but  there  are 
many  things  which  it  is  in  his  power  to  do,  and  which 
yet  he  never  does.     He  goes  upon  a  fixed  and  regu- 
lar system,  which  his  wisdom  has  firmly  established 
from  the  first,  and  by  which  it  is  a  settled  law  that 
the  stars   should   preserve  a   mutual   harmony  and 
union,  before  they  can  exercise  their  different  influen- 
ces upon  our  lower  world.     He  has  in  the  same  way 
established  a  set  plan  of  procedure  in  the  manage- 
ment of  his  church,  by  which  it  may  continue  to  be 
regulated  to  the  end  of  the  Avorld,  since  he  has  insti- 
tuted in  it,  as  in  the  heavens,  a  certain  presiding  and 
governing  order  of  angels,  who  co-operate  in  bring- 
ing forth  the  elect  of  God  within  it.     And  as  all  the 
stars  in  the  firmament  stand  in  their  own  places,  ac- 
cording as  the  divine  wisdom  has  disposed  them,  so 
these  servants  of  God,  whom  he  has  ordained  for  the 
good  of  his  church,  have  an  appointed  order,  which 
is  good  and  profitable  for  the  bringing  forth  of  the 
elect  of  God  in  his  church.     Now,  there  are  various 
kinds  of  prelates  or  spiritual  planets,  and  their  con- 
flicting together  is  attended  with  as  bad  effects  to  the 
church  as  that  of  the  stars  would  be  to  the  material 
world.  Here  you  may  say  again,  ^Oh!  but  God,  if  he 
choose,  can  prevent  any  injurious  consequences  of  this 
kind.'  True ;  he  could  do  it  now,  if  he  chose,  for  every 
thing  is  in  his  power;  but  it  so  happens  that  he  is 
never  accustomed  to  do  it.  For  the  present  he  has,  by 
his  wisdom,  established   a  certain  order,  according  to 
which  the  things  which  are  lower  in  degree  never  tail 
to  be  influenced  by  the  causes  which  act  above  them. 
Accordingly,  at  such  a  time  as  this,  when  the  higher 
planets  or  prelates  of  the  church  are  tlu'own  into  dis- 
order and  confusion,  how  can  we  look  for  a  reforma- 
tion, knowing,  as  we  do,  that  it  can  be  expected  only 
from  the  outpouring  and  blessing  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 
Only  observe  in  what  a  deplorable  state  the  generality 
of  the  prelates  now  are,  and  you  may  safely  say,  tliat 
those  who  are  placed  under  their  charge  arc  in  no 
better  state,  and  that  any  attempt  to  reform  would 


370  APPENDIX. 

just  increase  the  evil;  but  let  those  in  the  higher  sta- 
tions be  first  brought  into  a  right  condition,  and  then 
there  will  be  less  difficulty  in  restoring  those  below 
them  to  the  same.  Bad  rulers,  especially  Avhen  found 
in  the  church  of  Christ,  are  the  greatest  of  all  scourges, 
and  an  evil  which  points  most  clearly  to  a  coming 
judgment.  To  assure  yourselves  of  this,  you  need 
only  look  into  the  Old  Testament,  where  you  will  see 
that  when  God  would  chastise  a  people  for  their  sins, 
he  gave  them  bad  kings,  bad  princes  and  leaders, 
whom  he  allowed  to  give  full  rein  to  their  wicked- 
ness. There  also  you  will  find  that  when  he  wished 
to  punish  his  people,  he  allowed  David  to  fall  into 
sin.  So  also  did  he  permit  that  bad  king  Zedekiah 
to  reign  in  Jerusalem,  at  the  time  when  his  anger  was 
kindled  against  her,  and  he  was  about  to  send  her  into 
her  long  captivity.  And  can  the  abuse  which  spiritual 
rulers  make  of  their  power  be  otherwise  than  produc- 
tive of  bad  effects?  What  wilt  thou  then,  if  the  Holy 
Ghost  come  and  himself  commence  the  work  of  refor- 
mation? This,  at  least,  I  make  bold  to  say,  that  so 
long  as  the  present  misgovernment  and  disunion  con- 
tinues, there  can  be  no  change  whatever  expected. 
The  sword  then  must  come  forth.  Therefore  have  I 
threatened  Italy,  and  once  again  threaten  her,  with 
her  rulers,  that  she  may  repent.  I  have  told  her  that 
the  sword  will  come.  Repent  I  say,  and  delay  not 
your  repentance  till  the  sword  come." — 

"  My  chief  reason  for  appearing  here  to-day,  is  that 
I  may  prove  myself  obedient.  But  to  whom  ?  Their 
lordships?  No,  indeed.  Excuse  me,  I  am  not  bound 
to  obey  what  is  evil.  Well,  hast  thou  come  to  be 
persuaded  by  the  people?  By  no  means;  it  is  not  to 
be  believed  that  I  would  allow  myself  to  be  persuaded 
in  this  matter  by  any  man.  Art  thou  minded  then  to 
obey  the  higher  prelates?  Not  a  word  has  been 
spoken  to  me  by  any  of  the  prelates.  But  know,  that 
I  have  come  here  to  obey  one  who  is  prelate  of  pre- 
lates and  pope  of  popes.  Wouldst  thou  have  me  to 
act  contrary  to  my  nature  ?  I  would  very  willingly 
remain  silent,  but  it  is  impossible — I  cannot  do  other- 


APPENDIX.  371 

wise  than  speak:  I  must  obey.  I  do  not  appear  liere 
this  day,  as  on  former  occasions,  to  gain  honour  and 
respect,  but  to  expose  myself  to  persecution.  I  must 
tell  you  that  these  interdicts  are  grievous.  Whoever 
disobeys  them  is  punished;  and  I  not  the  least,  since, 
as  you  well  see,  I  encounter  nothing  but  hatred,  and 
wrath,  and  shame,  and  bodily  danger,  and  reproaches 
on  the  right  hand  and  the  left.  In  truth,  I  know 
not  what  to  say;  but  I  betake  myself  to  God,  and 
exclaim.  Thou  hast  made  me  for  a  reproach  to  all 
people.  I  speak  of  things  which  are  come  to  pass: 
straightway  one  cries  out  that  I  am  a  fool.  I  change 
the  subject  and  speak  of  other  things:  every  one  con- 
tradicts me.  But  the  more  I  perceive  their  contradic- 
tion, the  more  I  believe  the  truth  of  what  I  have  said. 
Tell  me,  ye  enemies  of  the  truth,  when  have  ye  ever 
in  our  days  witnessed  such  a  storm  of  opposition? 
When  have  you  ever  seen,  that  one  preached  in  a 
city,  and  his  voice  was  heard  throughout  all  Italy, 
and  beyond  it?  Every  body  contradicts  me.  One 
has  thereby  pocketed  six  thousand  ducats;  another 
says  that  I  have  slandered  the  pope  and  tlie  cardi- 
nals; but  nobody  thinks  of  saying,  that  others  have 
done  the  same  thing,  and  that  publicly.  Yes;  some 
who,  in  public,  and  indeed  from  this  very  pulpit,  in 
presence  of  the  assembled  people,  have  themselves 
launched  out  into  invectives  against  the  pope,  and  dis- 
tinctly mentioned  him  by  name  too,  have  yet  black- 
ened my  character  to  him  by  circulating  that  I  have 
spoken  contemptuously  of  him.  Thus  it  is  that  they 
succeed  in  bringing  me  into  odium,  and  themselves 
into  favour.  Now  may  you  see  how  things  go.  Some 
there  are  who  write  to  Rome;  and  did  you  but  know 
who  they  are,  and  what  insipid  stuff  it  is  which  they 
write,  truly  you  would  wonder  !  They  are  a  s«_^t  of 
shameless  men,  who,  like  bugs,  smell  vilely  within 
and  without:  at  no  time  do  they  sleep— througli  the 
whole  night  are  they  swarming  and  running  about, 
paying  their  visit  now  here,  now  there,  now  to  this 
friend,  and  now  to  that.  W^hen  one  of  these  wicked 
men  is  converted,  the  rest  cry  out,  lie  has  become  one 


372  APPENDIX. 

of  the  fools !  Here  I  must  tell  you,  that  you  too 
easily  get  alarmed,  and  allow  your  spirits  to  sink, 
when  these  base  men  are  slandering  you.  Know  you 
not  that  the  devil  is  their  head,  and  that  God  is  the 
head  of  the  good?  Which  of  these,  think  you,  will 
overcome,  God  or  the  devil?  Surely  you  must  believe 
that  God  will  gain  the  victory." 


No.  II. 

Letter  written  from  Rome,  in  1521,  concerning  Luther.* 

[See  before,  p.  50.] 

You  ask  me,  among  other  things,  to  tell  you  what  we 
think  of  Martin  and  his  doctrine ;  but  you  do  not  con- 
sider what  a  dangerous  topic  this  is,  especially  to  be- 
neficed persons.  For  who  would  willingly  and  with- 
out necessity  expose  himself  to  the  indignation  of  the 
Roman  pontiff  and  cardinals?  I  shall,  however,  com- 
ply with  your  request,  on  condition  that  you  conceal 
my  name  and  thus  screen  me  from  danger. 

Know,  then,  that  there  is  not  an  intelligent  person 
in  Rome  who  is  not  perfectly  convinced  that  Martin 
has  spoken  the  truth  in  most  things;  but  good  men 
dissemble  from  dread  of  the  tyrant,  and  bad  men  are 
enraged,  because  they  are  forced  to  hear  the  truth. 
Indignation  is  mixed  with  fear  in  the  minds  of  the 
latter  class,  for  they  are  in  great  alarm  lest  the  affair 
spread  further.  This  is  the  reason  why  such  a  furious 

*  This  interesting  document,  relating  to  the  early  history  of  the 
Reformation,  and  the  light  in  which  it  was  viewed  by  persons  re- 
siding in  Rome,  was  found,  in  Latin,  among  the  papers  of  Bilibald 
Pirkheimer,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  restorers  of  letters  in 
Germany.  It  was  in  the  hand-writing  of  that  Scholar,  who  had 
translated  it  from  the  original  Italian,  probably  to  screen  the  author 
from  detection.  He  had  marked  it  with  the  inscription,  LitcrtB  cu- 
iusdain  e  Roma.  The  year  in  which  it  was  written  is  ascertained 
from  internal  evidence.  It  is  translated  here  from  a  copy  published 
by  Riederer,  Nachrichten  zur  Kirchen-Gelehrten  und  BUcher-Ges- 
chichte,  band  i.  p.  178—184,  Altdorf,  1764. 


APPENDIX.  373 

bull  has  been  issued,  in  opposition  to  the  remon- 
strances of  many  good  and  wise  men,  who  advised 
that  the  matter  should  be  deliberately  weighed,  and 
that  Martin  should  be  dealt  with  mildly  and  by  rea- 
soning, instead  of  being  run  down  by  violence  and 
execrations.  But  indignation  and  fear  prevailed;  for 
the  heads  of  the  faction  asserted  that  it  was  unbe- 
coming the  Roman  pontiff  to  treat  with  so  mean  a 
person,  and  that  force  should  be  employed  against 
the  obstinate,  lest  others  should  be  encouraged  to  use 
similar  freedoms.  In  support  of  this  opinion,  they 
referred  to  John  Huss  and  his  disciple  Jerome,  by 
whose  punishment,  they  said,  many  were  deterred 
from  the  like  temerity. 

One  of  the  chief  authors  of  this  advice  was  cardi- 
nal Cajetan,  who  is  unfavourable  to  the  Germans, 
because,  as  he  thinks,  he  was  not  so  honourably  re- 
ceived and  rewarded  by  them  as  he  should  have  been, 
for  he  returned  to  Rome  disappointed  and  poor.  He 
had  discovered,  he  said,  that  nothing  but  fire  and 
sword  would  keep  the  Germans  from  throwing  off 
the  Roman  yoke.  To  him  were  joined  Silvester  Prie- 
rias  and  the  whole  faction  of  the  Dominicans,  espe- 
cially the  enemies  of  Capnio,  who  accused  the  pope 
of  too  great  gentleness,  asserting,  that  if  he  had  re- 
pressed, at  the  beginning,  the  attempts  of  Capnio  by 
forcible  measures,  Martin  would  never  have  dared 
such  things ;  and,  on  that  occasion,  they  extorted  a 
sentence  against  Capnio 's  book,  ahhough,  a  little  be- 
fore, the  pope  had  encouraged  some  persons  to  print 
the  Talmud,  and  granted  them  a  privilege  for  that 
purpose.  JNIany  good  men  felt  very  indignant  at  this, 
as  unjust  in  itself  and  derogatory  to  the  dignity  and 
character  of  the  pope;  but  the  worst  part  prevailed. 
We  are  of  opinion,  however,  that  the  Donunicans 
are  carried  headlong,  by  the  Divhie  displeasure  and 
their  own  vices,  to  the  extreme  of  wickedness.  Tlie 
divines  of  Cologne  and  Louvain,  and  many  others  in 
Germany,  clandestinely  urged  the  measure,  promising 
certain  victory  as  soon  as  the  Roman  ensigns  (that  is, 
the  terrible  leaden  bulls)  were  displayed:  and  it  is 


374  APPENDIX. 

also  said,  that  certain  German  princes,  whose  names, 
though  I  knew  them,  should  be  secret,  were  active  in 
the  same  cause,  more  from  hatred  to  their  neighbours 
than  zeal  for  the  faith. 

Above  all,  the  merchant  Fuecker,  who  has  great  in- 
fluence at  Rome  through  his  money,  and  whom  we 
commonly  call  the  king  of  coins,  irritated  the  pope 
and  those  of  his  faction,  not  only  from  hatred,  but 
also  for  the  sake  of  gain  and  the  traffic  in  benefices, 
promising  the  support  of  many  princes  to  his  holiness, 
provided  he  would  use  force  against  Martin.  For  this 
purpose,  he  sent  to  Rome  the  man  of  his  choice, 
Eckius,  a  not  unapt  instrument  of  the  court  of  Rome, 
if  you  except  his  sottishness;  for  he  excels  in  teme- 
rity, audacity,  lying,  dissimulation,  adulation,  and 
other  courtly  vices.  The  only  objection  to  him  was 
his  drunkenness,  which,  you  know,  is  odious  to  the 
Italians ;  but  the  favour  and  power  of  Fuecker  recon- 
ciled them  even  to  this,  nay,  turned  it  into  a  virtue, 
so  that  they  applauded  the  choice,  saying,  that  nothing 
could  be  fitter  than  to  send  the  drunken  Germans  a 
drunken  ambassador,  and  that  temerity  was  to  be  met 
by  temerity.  As  it  was  necessary  to  find  a  colleague 
to  him,  Aleander  Avas  at  last  pitched  on — an  illustri- 
ous couple  of  orators!  every  way  suited  to  the  cause, 
and  resembling  one  another  in  impudence,  rashness, 
and  profligacy.  No  good  man,  no  person  of  sane 
mind,  belonging  to  the  German  nation,  would  have 
undertaken  such  a  task;  or  if  there  had,  perhaps, 
been  one  willing,  fear  and  the  greatness  of  the  dan- 
ger would  have  deterred  him  from  undertaking  it. 
At  first,  the  Jewish  extraction  of  Aleander  appeared 
to  be  an  obstacle  to  his  appointment,  but  it  was  thought 
that  this  would  be  compensated  by  the  drunkenness 
of  Eckius.  Thus  the  purpose,  the  bulls,  and  the  am- 
bassadors, were  completely  of  a  kind;  for  what  need 
was  there  for  reason,  where  rashness  and  dishonesty 
only  were  required? 

War  being  thus  declared,  Eckius  was  furnished 
with  instructions,  promises,  and  bulls;  and  being 
charged  to  execute  his    task  vigorously,  promised 


APPENDIX.  375 

his  ready  service,  and  offered  his  life  for  glory,  or 
rather  for  reward.  But  you  are  deceived  if  you  be- 
lieve that  money  was  given  him  by  the  pope,  for  his 
holiness  is  not  accustomed  to  give  but  to  receive 
money.  If  Eckius  received  any  money,  it  was  not 
from  the  pope  hut  from  Fuecker,  though  I  do  not  be- 
lieve even  this.  The  frien.ds  of  Fuecker  say  that  Eck- 
ius was  furnished  Avith  money;  but  it  is  the  custom 
with  courts  and  proud  persons  to  promise  much  and 
pay  little,  and  to  make  you  own  that  you  received 
what  you  never  touclied,  to  avoid  the  disgrace  of  ap- 
pearing to  have  been  cheated. 

Nor  are  you  to  believe  that  Eckius  has  authority 
to  cite  and  summons  whomsoever  he  pleases.  If  he 
has  anything  of  that  kind,  it  is  unquestionably  surrep- 
titious; for  what  madness  would  it  be  to  cite  the  in- 
nocent? No  doubt,  if  he  were  to  cite  those  who  open- 
ly defend  Martin,  the  pope  and  his  friends  would 
not  be  greatly  displeased,  but,  as  you  write,  that 
would  be  an  ocean.  If,  among  the  persons  cited, 
you  find  any  of  the  friends  of  Capnio,  you  will  easily 
understand  whence  the  information  has  proceeded. 

No  wonder,  then,  that  these  bulls  displease  many 
among  us,  since  there  are  few  here  who  approve 
them,  though  they  are  forced  to  mutter  their  dibilike ; 
for  they  know  that  this  is  not  the  way  of  truth.  For 
what — (to  pass  by  other  things,  for  it  does  not  belong 
to  me  to  search  narrowly  into  each,  I  Avish  they  were 
not  too  manifest  to  all) — what  can  be  more  unjust 
than  to  involve  those  things  which  Martin  has  writ- 
ten piously  and  truly  in  the  same  sentence  of  con- 
demnation with  things  which  are  bad.^  Such  proce- 
dure savours  more  of  Jewish  perfidy  and  Mahometan 
impiety  than  of  Christian  religion;  for  the  Turks, 
knowing  that  their  faith  is  false,  and  caimot  be  prov- 
ed by  reasons,  will  not  permit  it  to  be  brought  into 
dispute,  but  defend  it  by  the  sword;  and  the  Jews 
were  accustomed  to  stone  to  death  those  who  accused 
their  impiety  and  wickedness,  saying  that  tliey  had 
blasphemed  God  and  the  lawgiver.  God  never  com- 
manded the  Christian  faith,  which  is  true,  and  reason- 


376  APPENDIX. 

able,  and  pious,  to  be  defended  by  fire  and  sword;  a 
practice  which  came  from  that  old  deceiver,  who, 
from  the  beginning,  abode  not  in  the  truth,  for  it  is 
not  truth,  but  a  lie,  cloaked  with  the  appearance  of 
truth  and  a  sophistical  garb,  that  seeks  to  be  defend- 
ed with  such  weapons. 

Although  the  friends  of  Luther  could  have  wished 
that  he  had  shown  greater  moderation  in  some  things, 
yet  they  know  that  his  adversaries  have  provoked 
him  to  write  and  teach  many  things  which  otherwise 
he  would  not  have  uttered;  not  that  the  truth  should 
be  concealed,  but  that  we  should  avoid  giving  offence. 
Further  it  is  universally  well  known  that  all  who 
have  written  against  Luther,  or  impunged  his  doc- 
trine, are  persons  of  bad  life  and  immoral  character. 
What  wonder,  then,  that  these  writings  should  savour 
more  of  their  vices  than  of  Christ  and  integrity?  I 
speak  of  Roman  writers ;  what  the  character  of  those 
of  Germany  is  you  know  better  than  I,  for  I  do  not 
pretend  to  be  acquainted  with  them. 

The  pope  and  his  supporters  will  therefore  strain 
every  nerve  to  destroy  Luther,  and  to  extinguish  his 
doctrine  as  pernicious,  not  to  Christians,  but  to  the 
court  of  Rome ;  and,  if  I  do  not  mistake,  the  chief 
thing  that  will  be  treated  at  your  ensuing  royal  diet* 
will  be  what  relates  to  Luther,  who  is  looked  upon 
as  a  greater  enemy  to  us  than  the  Turk.  The  young 
emperor  will  be  urged  with  threats,  entreaties,  and 
flatteries.  The  Germans  will  be  tempted  with  the 
praises  of  their  ancestors,  gifts,  and  promises;  the 
Spaniards  will  be  threatened  with  the  dangers  of  the 
sedition  which  rages  in  their  native  country,  and  flat- 
tered with  the  promise  of  investiture  in  the  kingdom 
of  Naples.  We  will  not  neglect  to  besiege  the  nobili- 
ty and  others  about  the  emperor's  court;  for  we  are 
familiar  with  such  arts,  which  seldom  fail  us.  But 
if  we  do  not  succeed  in  this  way,  we  will  depose  the 
emperor,  free  the  people  from  their  allegiance  to  him, 
choose  one  in  his  place  who  will  favour  our  cause, 
raise  a  tumult  in  Germany  similar  to  that  which  pre- 

*  The  Diet  of  Worms. 


APPENDIX.  377 

vails  in  Spain,  summon  France,  England,  and  other 
kingdoms  to  arms,  and  neglect  none  of  those  means 
which  onr  predecessors  so  successfully  adopted  against 
kings  and  emperors;  in  fine,  that  we  may  accon^plish 
our  purpose  and  perpetuate  our  tyranny,  we  will  set 
at  nought  Christianity,  faith,  piety,  and  common  hones- 
ty; we  will  stand  in  awe  of  no  power,  be  it  of  empe- 
rors, kings,  princes,  or  states;  the  only  fear  we  have 
is  lest  God  should  visit  us  with  a  punishment,  the 
heavier  that  it  has  been  so  long  delayed,  and  set  his 
flock  free  from  mercenary  shepherds — an  issue  which 
many  predictions  and  omens  have  announced,  and 
which  our  vices  deserve  and  loudly  demand. 


No.  III. 

Account  of  an  Italian  book,  entitled,  A  Summary  of  the 
Sacred  Scriptures.* 

[See  before,  p.  85.] 

Chap.  1.  Of  faith  and  baptism,  and  what  baptism 
sisfnifies.  2.  Additional  information  as  to  the  mean- 
ing  of  baptism.  3.  What  we  profess  in  baptism,  and 
what  kind  of  profession  we  make.  4.  Of  the  Chris- 
tian faith,  and  what  a  Christian  ought  to  believe  in 
order  to  salvation.  5.  Of  the  sure  joy  of  obtaining 
one's  salvation.  6.  How  we  are  saved  by  grace  alone, 
and  not  in  any  other  way.  7.  To  whom  the  grace 
of  God  is  given.  S.  How  faith  produces  charity,  and 
charity  good  works.     9.  How  we  should  not  serve 

*  The  reader  will  be  able  to  form  a  tolerably  correct  idea  of  the 
nature  of  this  Avork,  and  of  the  extent  of  the  information  which  it 
conveys,  from  the  table  of  contents,  and  the  extract  here  given  from 
the  prologue.  Gerdes,  by  mistake,  calls  it  Seminarium  Script ura;. 
(Ital.  Reform,  p.  82.)  It  was  published  at  least  fifteen  years  before 
1549,  when  Casa  included  it  in  his  list  of  prohibited  books.  Gibcrti, 
bishop  of  Verona,  was  so  much  pleased  with  its  form,  as  to  pomt  it 
out  as  a  pattern  to  those  who  composed  works  for  the  instruction  of 
such  as  could  not  read  Latin.  (Ergoctzl.  ii.  29.)  It  is  reviewed  by 
Riederer.     (Nachrichten,  iv.  121,  241—243.) 

25 


378  APPENDIX. 

God  for  reward.  10.  How  we  have  disinherited  our- 
selves by  our  disobedience.  11.  Of  the  two  kinds  of 
people  living  in  the  world.  12.  Of  good  works,  and 
in  what  way  they  are  pleasing  to  God.  13.  Of  four 
kinds  of  faith  according  to  the  sacred  Scripture,  and 
what  Christian  faith  is.  14.  In  what  Christianity 
consists.  15.  How  a  man  should  not  be  afflicted  at 
death.  16.  Of  the  monkish  life,  as  it  was  in  times 
past.  17.  If  the  life  of  a  monk  is  preferable  to  that 
of  a  common  citizen.  IS.  Whence  it  is  that  monks 
do  not  make  progress  in  the  spiritual  life,  but  often 
become  worse.  19.  Of  parents  who  wish  to  enter 
their  children  into  the  religious  orders.  20.  Of  the 
life  of  nuns.  21.  Of  the  cloisters  of  sisters,  and  their 
life.  22.  How  husband  and  wife  should  live  accord- 
ing to  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel.  23.  How  parents 
should  instruct  and  rule  their  children  according  to 
the  gospel.  24.  Of  the  life  of  common  citizens,  arti- 
zans,  and  labourers.  25.  How  the  rich  ought  to  live 
according  to  the  gospel.  26.  Of  the  two  kinds  of 
government,  secular  and  spiritual.  27.  Information, 
according  to  the  gospel,  concerning  governors,  judges, 
and  other  powers.  28.  The  Christian  doctrine  of 
paying  taxes  and  tribute  to  rulers,  according  to  the 
gospel.  29.  Of  soldiers,  and  whether  Christians  can 
carry  on  war  without  sin,  an  information  according 
to  the  gospel.  30.  How  servants  and  domestics  ought 
to  live,  a  doctrine  according  to  the  gospel.  31.  Of 
the  life  of  widows,  a  brief  information  according  to 
the  gospel. 

Because  all  cannot  read  or  understand  every  book, 
in  order  that  they  may  understand  the  grounds  of 
Scripture,  and  what  it  teaches  us,  I  have  compre- 
hended in  this  litde  book  the  grounds  and  sum  of 
divine  Scripture,  of  which  the  head  and  chief  is  faith, 
from  which  proceed  hope  and  charity.  Thus  every 
one  may  know  what  he  ought  to  believe,  what  he 
ought  to  hope  for,  why  he  ought  to  love  God,  and 
how  God  is  our  father,  and  we  are  the  children  and 
heirs  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  as  St.  Paul  teaches  in 
all  his  epistles.    Thus  also  he  may  know  how  we  are 


APPENDIX.  379 

justified  without  our  OAvn  merits,  so  that  wc  should 
not  put  our  confidence  in  our  good  works,  as  the  Jews 
did.  In  fine,  it  teaches  that  we  must  not  neglect  good 
works,  but  need  to  know  how  and  why  wc  should 
perform  them,  hoping  for  our  salvation,  not  from  them, 
but  solely  from  the  grace  and  mercy  of  God  through 
Christ,  by  which  I  have  written  this  tract. — Such  is 
the  matter  treated  of  in  the  first  part  of  this  little  book. 
In  the  second  part,  I  show  how  persons  of  every  state 
should  live  according  to  the  gospel.  By  this  I  intend 
to  convince  all,  how  far  removed  from  the  doctrine  of 
Christ  their  life  is,  to  the  end  that,  through  the  grace 
of  God,  they  may  amend  the  same.  I  do  not  teach 
that  subjects  should  not  be  obedient  to  their  princes, 
nor  that  monks  should  fly  from  their  monasteries ;  but 
I  show  them  how  they  ought  to  live,  and  to  know 
their  errors  and  correct  them;  otherwise  it  avails 
more  before  God  to  be  an  humble  publican  than  a 
holy  hypocrite,  because  God  does  not  look  at  your 
external  works,  but  at  your  internal,  and  at  the  inten- 
tions and  secrets  of  the  heart. 


No.  IV. 

Extracts  from  a  Treatise  by  Gabriele  Vallicidi  entitled, 
J)e  liberali  Dei  Gratia,  et  Servo  hominis  Arbitrio,"" 

[See  before,  p.  178.] 

To  the  very  reverend  father  in  Christ  and  worthy 
bishop  of  Luna,  doctor  Sylvestro  Benedetto  of  Sarsi- 

*  Nothing  is  known  concerning  the  author  of  this  book.  It  was 
printed  at  Nurenberg  in  the  year  1536;  but  it  had  most  probably 
been  previously  published  in  Italy.  Melanchthon,  in  a  letter  to  Veit 
Dietrich,  written  in  1530,  says--"  In  Italy  there  has  ari^ai^a  new 
Luther,  whose  propositions  I  send  you."  (Epistohr,  p.  43^,  edit. 
Lugd.)  But  we  have  no  decisive  evidence  that  he  refers  to  the  author 
of  this  book.  Valliculi  appears  not  to  have  been  a  man  ot  talents, 
but  of  warm  piety;  and  most  probably  wrote  this  treatise  atlcr  read- 
ing  Luther's  celebrated  work  De  Servo  Arbitrio.  Silv-cstro  IJcnctto, 
to  whom  it  is  dedicated,  was  the  nephew  of  Thomas  Bencttus  or  dc 


380  APPENDIX. 

na,  with  the  greatest  respect  and  veneration,  Gabriele 
ValUculi,  in  Jesus  the  only  son  of  the  Virgin,  wishes 
grace,  by  which  we  are  freely  justified,  and  peace, 
according  to  wliat  the  angels  announced  at  the  nativi- 
ty of  Christ,  peace  on  earth  and  good-will  towards 
men. 

I  am  placed  in  a  strait  betwixt  two,  being  doubtful 
whether  I  should  keep  silence  respecting  the  free 
grace  of  God  and  the  enslaved  will  of  man,  in  which 
case  death  awaits  me ;  or  whether  I  should  treat  of 
them,  and  run  the  risk  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
wicked.  But  the  Holy  Spirit  teaches  me  that  I  should 
choose  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  wicked  rather  than 
to  sin  in  the  sight  of  God.  Help  me,  0  Lord,  thou 
who  art  my  hope,  my  refuge,  my  leader,  my  justifi- 
cation, my  protector  and  defender.  All  my  safety 
and  confidence  is  placed  in  thee,  not  in  human  aid, 
much  less  in  the  enslaved  will  of  man.   In  thee  alone, 

0  God,  have  I  hoped,  and  on  this  account  shall  never  be 
moved.  But  why  am  I  not  confounded  when  the  Holy 
Spirit  cries  in  my  ear.  What  fruit  hast  thou  of  those 
things  whereof  thou  art  now  ashamed?    It  is  because 

1  come  to  thee,  my  Christ,  (not  to  the  enslaved  will 
of  man,)  and  my  countenance  is  enlightened  and  not 
covered  with  shame.  When  I  am  confounded  by  the 
enslaved  will  of  sin  in  Adam,  I  will,  by  the  free  grace 
of  God,  fly  from  him  to  Jesus  Christ  my  Saviour,  and 
then  I  shall  not  be  confounded.  *****  Free  and 
deliver  me  for  thy  righteousness  sake,  not  for  mine, 
but  for  thine :  if  I  should  say  for  mine,  then  I  would 
belong  to  the  number  of  those  of  whom  the  Holy 
Spirit  has  said.  Being  ignorant  of  God's  righteousness, 
they  go  about  to  establish  a  righteousness  of  their 
own.  Being  wholly  depraved,  I  am  not  justified  by 
my  own,  but  by  thy  righteousness,  and  if  not  by  mine 
but  by  thine,  then  is  righteousness  imputed  to  me  by 
thy  sovereign  grace. 

Benedictis,  bishop  of  Sarsina  and  Luna,  succeeded  his  uncle  in  that 
bishoprick  in  1497,  and  died  in  1537.  (Ughelli  Italia  Sacra,  torn.  i. 
p.  556.)  The  extracts  are  taken  from  Riederer,  Nachrichten,  torn, 
iv.  p.  112,  &c. 


APPENDIX.  381 

*****  In  the  first  place,  then,  we  are  of  opinion 
that  the  human  understanding,  from  its  very  nature, 
is  incapable  of  comprehending  any  thing  but  what  is 
carnal,  or  of  distinguishing  between  good  and  evil 
except  by  a  carnal  discernment.  Poverty,  want, 
ignominy,  temporal  losses,  disease,  death,  and  all 
worldly  misfortunes,  it  judges  to  be  evil;  but  wealth, 
glory,  reputation,  health,  long  life,  and  all  worldly 
blessings,  it  reckons  to  be  good.  It  knows  nothing  of 
a  God  merciful,  angry,  avenging,  prescient,  predesti- 
nating, and  producing  all  things;  and  this  the  apostle 
testifies  when  he  says.  For  we  have  not  received  the 
spirit  of  this  world,  nor  of  reason,  intellect,  and  will, 
but  of  the  free  grace  of  God,  that  we  may  know  the 
things  which  are  given  us  by  God,  and  not  by  the 
understanding  and  the  will — given,  saith  the  apostle, 
on  account  of  no  preceding  merit.  If  they  be  given, 
then  they  must  be  free ;  if  free,  what  merit  is  there  in 
them?  These  things  I  have  said,  not  in  the  learned 
words  of  human  wisdom,  or  of  the  dreams  of  the 
sophists,  but  by  the  teaching  of  the  Spirit,  comparing 
spiritual  things  with  spiritual. 

*  *  *  *  Observe  to  what  length  this  blindness  of 
heart  and  foolishness  of  understanding  have  proceed- 
ed. Men  have  adulterated  the  majesty  of  the  immor- 
tal God,  by  shadowing  out  the  image  of  perishing 
man,  and  not  of  man  only,  but  of  brute  creatures  also: 
they  have  become  corrupt  in  their  own  enslaved  will 
and  stupidity  of  heart,  and  abominable  in  their  pur- 
suits, because  human  reason  is  wholly  ignorant  of 
God,  and  neither  comprehends  nor  seeks  after  him; 
and,  accordingly,  they  have  turned  aside  to  unprofita- 
ble things,  not  perceiving  the  things  of  God.  But  as, 
by  the  e'nslaved  will  of  man,  sin  has  abounded,  so  the 
free  grace  of  God  hath  abounded  much  more;  and  as, 
by  the  enslaved  will  of  man,  sin  reigned  to  eternal 
punishment,  so,  by  the  free  grace  of  God,  the  king  of 
Salem  reigns  to  life  everlasting.  Wiio  is  it  then  that 
reigns?  Not  the  understanding  or  will  of  man,  hut 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  the  Saviour,  who  has  given  vis 
grace  without   any  merit  on  our  part.     The  plain 


3(82  APPENDIX. 

truth  is,  that,  in  respect  of  spiritual  judgment,  the 
human  understanding  is  entirely  ignorant  of  God;  and 
though  it  were,  by  day  and  by  night,  incessantly  em- 
ployed in  examinmg,  perusing,  and  ruminating  upon 
the  whole  Talmud,  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  the  books 
of  philosophers  and  divines,  both  ancient  and  modern, 
it  could  never,  without  the  assistance  of  the  Spirit, 
comprehend  truly  his  omnipotence,  prescience,  pro- 
vidence, mercy  or  anger.  It  listens  to  discourses,  pro- 
fesses to  believe  them,  and  hypocritically  imitates 
them,  though,  in  reality,  it  is  quite  unacquainted  with 
God,  and  looks  upon  heavenly  things  as  fabulous.  Oh 
the  profound  blindness  of  man !  as  Jeremiah  testifies, 
saying.  The  human  heart  is  depraved  and  unsearch- 
able; who  can  understand  it?  The  Lord  searches 
the  heart  and  reins ;  but  the  reason  of  man  is  incapable 
of  discerning  the  things  of  heaven. 


No.  V. 


Letter  from  Tolomei  to  Ochino.* 

[See  before,  p.  183.] 

On  my  return,  a  few  days  ago,  from  the  villa  to  Rome, 
I  was  unexpectedly  told  a  piece  of  intelligence,  which 
seemed  to  me  not  only  new,  but  foolish,  incredible, 
and  shocking.  I  was  informed,  that  you,  under  the 
influence  of  some  strange  advice,  had  gone  over  from 
the  camp  of  the  catholics  to  the  tents  of  the  Lutherans, 
and  devoted  yourself  to  that  heretical  and  wicked 
sect.  On  hearing  this,  I  was  struck  with  sudden 
astonishment,  and,  as  we  say,  made  the  sign  of  the 
cross.  Finding  the  report  confirmed  by  numerous 
witnesses,  and  indeed  by  every  one  I  met,  I  was 
obliged,  in  spite  of  myself,  to  believe  it,  though  the 
news  appeared  to  me  as  extravagant  as  if  I  had  been 

*  Delle  Lettere  di  M.  Claudio  Tolomei,  p.  237—241,  in  Vinegia, 
1578. 


APPENDIX.  383 

told  that  doves  had  been  transformed  into  serpents, 
and  kids  into  tigers.  But  when  I  considered  that  Lu- 
cifer, from  being  a  fair  angel,  became  a  devil,  I  began 
to  perceive  how  easily  the  horrible  transformation 
might  happen  in  your  case.  For  some  days  I  was  in 
doubt  whether  I  ought  to  write  you,  or  whether  it 
might  not  be  more  advisable  to  keep  silence,  and  re- 
tain within  my  own  breast  the  grief  I  felt  and  still 
feel  on  account  of  the  extraordinary  and  dreadful 
change  which  you  have  made.  For,  on  the  one  hand, 
it  appeared  to  me  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by 
writing,  as  you  have  fixed  your  affections  on  this  new 
sect,  and  shown  to  the  world,  not  only  by  your  words 
but  your  actions,  that  your  mind  is  completely  re- 
solved ;  and  then  I  was  afraid  lest,  while  I  hoped  to 
reclaim  you  from  the  path  you  have  chosen,  my  own 
mind  should  be  disturbed  by  your  answer ;  for  well  I 
know  the  extent  of  your  learning,  and  the  splendour 
of  your  eloquence,  by  whose  attractions  I  might  be 
beguiled  and  drawn  into  danger.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  I  was  afraid  that,  by  keeping  silence,  I  should 
be  forced  to  form  an  unfavourable  opinion  of  you, 
and  that  being  ignorant  of  your  reasons  and  motives 
for  departing,  I  had  it  not  in  my  power  to  make  a 
sufficient  apology  for  you  to  numbers  who  condemn 
your  conduct,  and  would  be  under  the  necessity  of 
making  the  common-place  excuse,  by  saying,  that  I 
could  not  believe  that  a  person  of  so  much  prudence, 
such  singular  goodness,  and  exalted  piety  as  Frate  Ber- 
nardino Ochino,  would  make  so  great  a  change  in 
his  sentiments  and  mode  of  life  without  good  reasons. 
This  excuse,  I  am  afraid,  would  not  be  sustained,  and 
it  would  be  said,  that  to  make  innovations  in  matters 
of  faith,  to  disobey  our  superiors,  and  to  pass  from 
the  catholics  to  the  heretics,  is  no  proof  either  of  pru- 
dence or  reUgion;  and,  in  fine,  that  to  depart  from 
that  most  holy  truth  which  has  been  handed  down 
from  the  first  apostles  to  our  times,  and  preserved  in 
the  Roman  church,  is  not  lawful  or  permissible  m  any 
case;  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  we  should  endure 
every  thing  in  confessing  and  defending  it,  counting 


384  APPENDIX. 

pain  to  be  pleasure,  imprisonment  liberty,  torments 
joy,  poverty  riches,  and  death  true  and  eternal  life,  as 
so  many  ancient  martyrs  did,  who  never  would  be 
removed  from  the  articles  confessed  by  the  catholic 
church,  which  (as  St.  Paul  says)  is  the  pillar  and 
ground  of  truth.  When  I  perceived  the  manner  in 
which  they  spoke  of  you,  I  was  so  distracted  and 
grieved,  that,  at  last,  I  resolved  to  write,  and  to  beg 
you  earnestly  to  answer  me,  and  endeavour  to  dissi- 
pate the  darkness  which  hangs  over  this  unexpected 
change  of  yours,  for  if  I  obtain  no  other  light,  I  can- 
not believe  that  this  is  the  light  of  God. 

Perhaps  it  may  be  said,  that  you  left  Italy  because 
you  was  persecuted,  and  that  you  have  only  imitated 
the  example  of  Christ  and  of  Paul  and  other  holy  men, 
who  fled  from  the  hands  and  the  claws  of  their  perse- 
cutors; and  I  may  be  told,  that  those  who  are  accused 
by  the  world  are  excused  by  God,  and  that  those  who 
are  despised  by  the  world  are  honoured  by  God.  But, 
in  the  first  place,  I  know  not  that  it  is  lawful  for  a 
person  to  flee  contrary  to  the  commandment  and 
orders  of  his  superiors,  to  whom  he  has  submitted 
himself,  and  whom  he  is  bound  to  obey,  as  is  the  case 
with  you.  Besides,  I  do  not  understand  what  was 
the  persecution,  what  was  the  accusation,  or  what  the 
dishonour,  to  which  you  were  exposed,  and  which 
made  it  necessar}^  for  you  to  flee.  I  remember  well, 
that,  in  Italy,  you  were  esteemed,  honoured,  revered, 
and,  as  it  were,  adored  like  something  divine ;  and, 
when  you  preached  the  sacred  name  and  true  doc- 
trine of  Christ,  you  were  listened  to  with  such  devo- 
tion by  all  Italy,  that  you  could  not  desire  more  favour 
nor  she  a  better  spirit.  Nor  by  being  so  much  hon- 
oured and  revered  by  the  world,  were  you  (as  I  be- 
lieve) in  less  favour  with  God,  but  rather  in  greater, 
in  proportion  to  the  greater  fruit  which  you  produced 
by  inspiring  the  minds  of  Christians  with  the  love  of 
God;  like  your  first  father  and  master,  St.  Francis, 
who  was  highly  revered  by  the  people  and  by  princes, 
and  yet  was  so  dear  a  servant  of  God  as  to  be  marked 
with  the  sacred  scars  which  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 


APPENDIX.  385 

received  on  the  cross.  But,  perhaps,  I  will  be  told, 
that,  in  your  last  sermons,  some  things  spoken  by  you 
were  marked,  informed  against,  and  accused,  as  con- 
taining unsound  and  uncatholic  doctrine.  To  this  I 
would  say,  either  the  accusation  was  just  or  it  was 
unjust.  If  unjust,  what  reason  had  you  to  fear? 
Why  did  not  you  the  rather,  when  called,  come  to 
Rome?  Before  a  just  prince  who  loved  you  greatly, 
the  opinion  which  he  had  of  your  goodness  and  virtue 
would  have  been  refined  like  gold  in  the  fire.  If  San 
Bernardino  had  come  to  Rome  and  cleared  himself 
of  the  charges  laid  against  him,  the  sanctity  of  his  life 
would  have  shone  forth  the  brighter,  to  the  great  edi- 
fication of  the  people.  The  malice  of  your  accusers 
could  not  have  prevailed  over  the  force  of  truth,  sus- 
tained and  defended  by  the  favour  which  you  enjoyed, 
not  only  in  Rome,  but  through  all  Italy.  But  if  the 
accusation  brought  against  you  was  just  and  well- 
founded,  I  know  nothing  that  can  be  said,  but  that, 
either  through  ignorance  or  through  malice,  you  had 
spread  these  doctrines  among  the  people.  Now,  to 
speak  the  truth,  the  one  appears  to  me  difficult,  and 
the  other  impossible,  to  believe.  But  be  it  so,  that  it 
is  either  by  the  one  or  the  other.  If  it  Avas  through 
ignorance,  then  you  are  under  great  obligation  to 
your  accusers,  who  had  reason  for  their  charges;  and 
you  ought  to  renounce  the  darkness  of  error  and 
return  to  the  light  of  truth,  which  is  nothing  else  but 
to  return  to  Christ,  the  fountain  and  author  of  all 
truth.  If  it  was  through  malice,  the  very  thought  is 
so  wicked  that  no  defence  can  be  set  up  for  such  con- 
duct: it  is  to  be  blamed  in  a  man,  abhorred  in  a  Chris- 
tian, censured  in  a  monk,  anathematized  in  a  preacher 
of  the  word  of  God;  and  the  person  guilty  of  this  is 
no  longer  a  man  but  is  transformed  into  a  demon.  I 
do  not  forget  that  the  compassionate  God  does  not 
abandon  any  who  have  recourse  to  him,  and  that  the 
fruits  of  the  holy  sacrament  of  penance  arc  sweet,  so 
that  there  is  not  a  better  remedy  than,  like  Peter,  to 
weep  bitterly  for  sin. 

But,  perhaps,  it  will  be  said,  that  it  was  neither 


386  APPENDIX. 

ignorance  nor  malice  that  led  to  this  change,  but  a 
greater  illumination  in  the  things  of  God ;  and  that 
Christ  has  laid  open  much  truth  which  remained  hid 
to  this  time,  as  he  was  formerly  pleased  to  illuminate 
the  mind  of  Paul,  and  to  convert  him  from  Judaism 
to  the  true  faith.  Did  Christ  then  teach  and  reveal 
the  contrary  to  what  he  had  taught  the  apostles?  Did 
he  teach  them  false  doctrine ;  and  is  the  truth  turned 
into  a  lie?  Were  Clement,  Anaclet,  Evarist,  Anicet, 
and  other  great  spirits  of  God,  deceived;  and  did  they 
deceive  others  along  with  themselves?  Did  Ignatius, 
on  whose  heart  was  found  written  the  name  of  Christ, 
not  know  the  true  doctrine  of  Christ?  What  shall 
I  say  of  the  successors  of  these  men?  Shall  I  believe 
that  IrensBUS,  Origen,  Cyprian — shall  I  believe  that 
Athanasius,  Didymus,  Damascene — shall  I  believe 
that  the  two  great  lights  of  Cappadocia,  Gregory  and 
Basil — shall  I  believe  that  Ambrose,  Jerome,  Augus- 
tine, Bernard,  and  a  multitude  of  other  most  holy 
men  and  renowned  doctors  of  the  Christian  faith — 
were  all  in  error?  that,  instead  of  holding  forth  the 
hght,  they  were  involved  in  darkness;  and,  in  place 
of  teaching  us  the  truth,  they  have  delivered  us  over 
to  a  lie?  No  person  of  sane  mind  will  believe  this 
falsehood,  especially  as  Christ  our  Saviour  hath  said — 
"Wheresoever  the  body  is,  thither  the  eagles  shall  be 
gathered  together."  What  shall  I  say  more?  Has 
Christ  then,  for  a  long  time,  forsaken  his  church?  For, 
seeing  the  catholic  verity  was  believed  by  all  until 
the  time  of  the  impious  Luther,  he  who  believes  that 
it  is  not  true  says  that  Christ  has  entirely  forsaken  the 
church;  a  thing  horrible  to  think  of,  Christ  liaving 
said — "  Lo !  I  am  with  you  always  to  the  end  of  the 
world."  It  is  necessary,  believe  me,  that,  in  this  turbid 
and  tempestuous  sea  of  conflicting  opinions,  there 
should  be  one  fixed  star  by  which  to  steer  our  course 
in  the  true  way  of  God ;  and  this,  as  all  holy  and 
learned  men  have  taught,  is  and  can  be  no  other  than 
the  Roman  church,  begun  by  Peter,  upon  whom 
Christ  first  founded  his  church,  and  which,  through 
uninterrupted  succession  of  the  popes,  has  come  down 


APPENDIX.  387 

to  the  present  times.  In  opposition  to  this,  it  is  of  no 
avail  with  me  that  you  quote  places  of  Scripture, 
understood  and  interpreted  in  your  way,  for  it  is 
enough  for  me  to  recollect  the  good  and  faithful  coun- 
sel of  Origen  Adamantius,  that  though  one  should 
show  canonical  Scripture  in  opposition  to  what  the 
church  observes  and  uses,  we  must  not  believe  him 
nor  depart  from  the  traditions  of  the  fathers.  In  fine, 
I  say  that  no  good  man  will  leave  the  catholic  church, 
and  that  none  who  leaves  it  is  to  be  esteemed  good; 
of  which  I  could  give  such  substantial  reasons  as 
would  show  that  perhaps  no  trutli  in  any  doctrine  is 
more  true  than  this  truth.  Therefore,  the  more  I 
reflect  on  this  affair,  the  more  do  I  find  myself  at  a 
loss  in  defending  your  cause;  and  I  would  willingly 
not  love  you  so  much,  that  so  I  might  not  feel  that 
grief  which  I  now  endure  on  account  of  this  your 
recent  calamity.  I  may  be  allowed  to  make  use  of  this 
ambiguous  and  perhaps  unsuitable  word,  to  moderate 
the  error  which  has  sprung  from  your  will.  But 
since  the  love,  with  which  your  singular  virtue  for- 
merly inflamed  me,  still  lives  in  me,  be  pleased  to 
give  me  some  consolation,  by  acquainting  me  with 
the  reasons  of  your  conduct,  which  if  they  do  not 
relieve  me  entirely  of  my  pain,  may  perhaps  mitigate 
and  alleviate  it  in  some  degree.  I  would  counsel  you, 
if,  as  I  believe,  you  have  left  Italy  for  the  sake  of  per- 
sonal safety,  under  the  influence,  perhaps,  of  too  great 
timidity,  that  you  keep  where  you  are:  do  not  go 
further;  do  not  preach,  do  not  write,  do  not  speak 
anything  contrary  to  the  catholic  doctrine.  On  the 
contrary,  for  anything  said  or  done  by  you,  reier 
yourself  humbly  to  the  judgment  of  the  Roman  churcli; 
in  which  case,  as  I  have  said,  the  only  thing  wliich 
win  be  found  blamable  in  you  will  be  fear,  arising  from 
an  excess  of  counsel.  But  if  you  conduct  yourself 
otherwise,  by  exasperating  the  matter  every  day,  vou 
will  be  condemned  for  obstinate  heresy.  In  the  first 
case,  by  remaining  quiet  and  humble,  all  Italy  will 
rise  up  in  your  favour;  they  will  desire  you,  they  will 
call  for  you,  they  will  petition  in  your  behalf,  and,  to 


388  APPENDIX. 

their  great  joy,  will  obtain  for  you  every  kind  of 
favour.  In  the  second  case,  the  remains  of  love  to 
you  which  are  yet  warm  in  the  hearts  of  many,  will 
be  quenched;  and  hatred,  scorn,  and  indignation,  will 
take  their  place.  I  am  reduced  to  this,  that,  whereas 
formerly,  as  you  know,  I  often  entreated  you  to  pray 
to  God  for  me,  at  present  knowing  that  the  necessity 
is  on  the  other  side,  I  cannot  do  otherwise  than  pray 
to  God  for  you;  and  now  again  I  do  humbly  beseech 
him  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  illuminate  and  assist 
you.     From  Rome,  20th  October  1542. 


No.  VI. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  vmlten  in  prison  by  Pomponio  M- 
gieri,  to  his  friends  in  the  University  of  Padua.* 

[See  before,  p.  264.] 

To  allay  the  grief  you  feel  on  my  account,  I  am 
anxious  to  impart  to  you  a  share  of  my  consolation, 
that  we  may  rejoice  together,  and  return  thanks  to 
the  Lord  with  songs.  I  speak  what  to  man  will 
appear  incredible ;  I  have  found  honey  in  the  bowels 
of  the  lion,  (who  will  believe  it?)  pleasantness  in  a 
dismal  pit,  soothing  prospects  of  life  in  the  gloomy 
mansions  of  death,  joy  in  an  infernal  gulf!  Where 
others  weep,  I  rejoice;  where  others  tremble,  I  am 
erect ;  in  the  most  distressing  situation  I  have  found 
the  highest  delight,  in  solitude  the  best  fellowship,  and 
in  galling  chains  rest.  But  instead  of  the  deluded 
world  believing  these  things,  it  will  be  rather  disposed 
to  ask,  in  an  incredulous  tone — "  How,  think  you, 
will  you  be  able  to  endure  the  reproaches  and  threats 
of  men,  the  fires,  the  colds,  the  crosses,  the  thousand 
inconveniences  of  your  situation?  Do  you  not  look 
back  with  regret  on  your  beloved  native  land,  your 
possessions,  your  relations,  your  pleasures,  your  hon- 

*  Translated  from  the   original    Latin,  in  Pantaleon,   Rerura    in 
Eccles.  Gest.  p.  329—332. 


APPENDIX.  389 

ours?  Have  you  forgotten  the  delights  of  science,  and 
the  solace,  which  it  yielded  you  under  all  your 
labours  ?  Will  you  at  once  throw  away  all  tlie  toils, 
watchings,  and  laudable  exertions  devoted  to  study 
from  your  childhood?  Have  you  no  dread  of  that 
death  which  hangs  over  you,  because,  forsooth,  you 
have  committed  no  crime  ?  Oh!  foolish  and  infatuated 
man,  who  can,  by  a  single  word,  secure  all  these 
blessings  and  escape  death,  and  yet  will  not!  How 
rude  to  be  inexorable  to  the  requests  of  senators  the 
most  august,  pious,  just,  wise,  and  good;  to  turn  an 
obstinate  ear  when  men  so  illustrious  entreat  you!" 

But  hear  me,  blind  worldlings,  while  I  answer  you. 
What  is  hotter  than  the  fire  which  is  laid  up  for  you; 
and  what  colder  than  your  hearts  which  dwell  in 
darkness  and  have  no  light  ?  What  can  be  more  un- 
pleasant, perplexed,  and  agitated,  than  the  life  you 
lead;  or  more  odious  and  mean  than  the  present 
world?  Say,  what  native  country  is  sweeter  than 
heaven ;  what  treasure  preferable  to  eternal  life  ?  Wlio 
are  my  relations  but  those  who  hear  the  word  of 
God;  and  where  shall  riches  more  abundant  or  hon- 
ours more  worthy  be  found  than  in  heaven?  Say, 
foolish  man,  were  not  the  sciences,  given  to  conduct 
us  to  the  knowledge  of  God?  and  if  they  lead  us  not 
to  this,  are  not  our  labours,  our  watchings,  and  all 
our  painful  exertions  utterly  lost?  The  prison  is  severe 
indeed  to  the  guilty,  but  sweet  to  the  innocent;  distil- 
ling dew  and  nectar,  sending  forth  milk  and  all  delec- 
table things.  This  desert  place  and  wild,  is  to  me 
a  spacious  valley,  the  noblest  spot  on  earth.  Listen 
to  me,  unhappy  men,  while  I  rehearse  my  experience; 
and  then  judge  whether  there  be  in  the  Avorld  a  more 
pleasant  plain.  Here  kings  and  princes,  cities  and 
people,  pass  before  me  in  review.  Here  I  behold  the 
fate  of  battles;  I  see  some  vanquished,  others  victori- 
ous, some  trodden  to  dust,  others  lifted  into  the  trium- 
phal car.  I  am  caught  up  to  Mount  Sion,  to  heaven. 
Jesus  Christ  stands  in  the  front,  and  around  are  the 
patriarchs,  prophets,  evangelists,  apostles,  and  all  the 
servants  of  God.     He  embraces  and  cherishes  me; 


390  APPENDIX. 

they  encourage  me,  and  spread  the  sacrament  before 
me ;  they  offer  me  consolations,  they  attend  me  with 
songs,  tan  I  be  said  to  be  alone  while  surrounded 
by  so  many  and  so  illustrious  attendants?  My  inter- 
course with  them  affords  me  example  as  well  as 
comfort;  for  in  that  circle  I  behold  some  crucified 
and  slain,  others  stoned  and  sawn  asunder,  some 
roasted,  others  fried  in  brazen  vessels,  one  with  his 
eyes  dug  out,  another  with  his  tongue  cut  off,  one 
beheaded,  another  maimed  of  hand  and  foot,  some 
thrown  into  the  fiery  furnace,  others  left  a  prey  to  the 
ravenous  birds.  Here  I  have  no  fixed  habitation,  and 
seek  for  myself  in  the  heavens  the  first  new  Jerusalem 
which  presents  itself.  I  have  entered  upon  a  path 
which  conducts  to  a  pleasant  dwelling,  and  where  I 
doubt  not  to  find  wealth,  and  relations,  and  pleasures, 
and  honours.  In  those  earthly  enjoyments  (all  of 
them  shadowy,  and  fading,  and  vanity  of  vanities 
without  the  substantial  hope  of  a  coming  eternity) 
which  the  supreme  Lord  was  pleased  to  bestow  upon 
me,  I  found  indeed  transient  company  and  solace;  but 
now  I  taste  what  endureth.  I  have  burned  with  heat, 
I  have  shuddered  with  cold,  I  have  watched  day  and 
night;  but  now  these  struggles  have  come  to  a  close. 
Not  an  hour  nor  a  day  has  passed  without  some  benefit : 
the  true  love  of  God  is  now  engraven  on  my  heart ; 
the  Lord  has  filled  me  with  joy;  I  rest  in  peace.  Who 
then  will  venture  to  condemn  this  life  of  mine,  and  to 
pronounce  my  days  unhappy?  Who  so  rash  as  to 
declare  his  labours  lost  who  has  found  the  Lord  of 
the  world,  who  has  exchanged  death  for  life?  "The 
Lord  is  my  portion,  saith  my  soul,  therefore  will  I 
seek  him.'^  If  to  die  in  the  Lord  be  not  to  die  but  to 
begin  a  blessed  life,  why  does  rebellious  man  cast 
death  in  my  teeth?  0  how  pleasant  is  that  death  which 
gives  me  to  drink  of  the  cup  of  God !  Wliat  surer  ear- 
nest of  salvation  than  to  suffer  as  Christ  suffered  !  *  * 
*  *  *  Be  comforted,  my  most  beloved  fellow-ser- 
vants of  God,  be  comforted,  when  temptations  assail 
you ;  let  your  patience  be  perfect  in  all  things  for  suf- 
fering is  our  promised  portion  in  this  life ;  as  it  is  writ- 


APPENDIX.  391 

ten — "  The  time  cometh,  when  he  who  slays  yoii  will 
think  he  doeth  God  service."  Tribulation  arid  death 
are  our  signs  of  election  and  future  life  :  let  us  rejoice 
and  praise  the  Lord  that  we  are  innocent;  for  it  is  bet- 
ter, if  such  be  the  Avill  of  God,  that  we  suffer  for  well- 
doing than  for  evil-doing.  We  have  a  noble  pattern 
in  Christ,  and  the  prophets  who  have  spoken  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord,  whom  the  children  of  iniquity  have 
slain.  Behold !  we  call  those  blessed  who  bore  up 
under  their  trials.  Let  us  rejoice  in  our  innocence  and 
righteousness ;  God  will  reward  our  persecutors,  for 
vengeance  is  his.  As  to  what  they  say  concerning 
the  Venetian  nobility  and  senators,  extolling  them  as 
the  most  august,  wise,  just,  pious,  pacific,  and  of  the 
highest  character  and  fame,  I  am  willing  to  give  all 
this  its  due  weight.  But  the  apostle  teaches  us,  ^'that 
we  ought  to  obey  God  rather  than  man;"  and,  accord- 
ingly, after  first  giving  God  the  service  due  to  him, 
then  and  not  till  then  are  we  bound  to  obey  the  offi- 
cial powers  of  this  world.  I  grant  they  are  august, 
but  as  yet  they  require  to  be  perfected  in  the  Lord ; 
they  are  just,  but  the  foundation  and  seat  of  justice, 
Jesus  Christ,  is  wanting ;  they  are  wise,  but  where  is 
the  beginning  of  wisdom,  the  fear  of  God?  they  are 
called  pious,  but  I  could  wish  they  were  made  perfect 
in  Christian  charity;  they  are  called  good,  but  I  look 
in  vain  for  the  basis  of  all  goodness,  even  God  the 
great  and  the  good;  they  are  called  illustrious,  but 
they  have  not  yet  received  our  Saviour,  the  Lord  of 
glory.  I  am  blamed  for  not  yielding  to  the  lords  of 
Venice.  If  what  I  declared  before  them  was  not  true 
and  just,  let  it  be  proved,  and  I  will  confess  that  they 
proceeded  from  me  and  not  from  the  Lord.  If  otlier- 
wise,  who  will  lay  any  thing  to  my  charge?  not  surely 
the  wise.  Who  will  condemn  me?  not  surely  the 
righteous.  But  if  they  should,  still  the  gospel  sliall  not 
be  frustrated,  and  the  kingdom  of  God  shall  the  sooner 
come  to  the  elect  of  Christ  Jesus.  Lift  up  your  eyes, 
my  dearly  beloved,  and  consider  the  ways  of  God: 
the  Lord  has  lately  threatened  with  pestilence,  and 
this  he  has  done  for  our  correction:   if  we  do  not 


392  APPENDIX. 

receive  him  lie  will  strike  those  who  rise  up  against 
Christ,  with  sword,  and  pestilence,  and  famine.  These 
things,  brethren,  have  I  written  for  your  consolation. 
Pray  for  me.  I  salute  with  a  holy  kiss  my  masters, 
Sylvio,  Pergula,  and  Giusto,  along  with  Fedele  di 
Petra,  and  the  person  who  goes  by  the  name  of  Lselia, 
whom,  though  absent,  I  knew,  and  the  Lord  Syndic 
of  the  university,  with  all  others  whose  names  are 
written  in  the  book  of  life. 

Farewell,  all  my  fellow-servants  of  God;  farewell 
in  the  Lord,  and  pray  earnestly  for  me.  From  the 
delectable  garden  of  the  Leonine  prison,  21st  July, 
1555,  the  most  devoted  servant  of  the  faithful,  the 
bound 

PoMPONius  Algier. 


No.  VII. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  frora  Carnesecchi  to  Flaminio.* 

[See  before,  p.  270,  comp.  p.  166.] 

I  received  your  letter,  in  which  you  enlarge,  in  the 
way  of  instruction  and  admonition,  on  those  topics 
which  we  discussed  in  conversation.  Accept  of  my 
best  thanks  for  this  proof  of  your  piety  and  great 
affection  for  me.  When  I  reflect  on  the  bitter  ani- 
mosity and  furious  discord  Avhich  the  recent  contro- 
versies about  religion  have  produced,  and  on  the 
license  which  the  contending  parties  have  taken  in 
inveighing  against  one  another,  forgetful  of  their  own 
credit  and  the  salvation  of  others,  which  charity  and 
and  the  divine  caution  against  giving  offence  bound 
them  to  regard,  I  am  charmed  with  the  moderation 

*  This  letter  is  printed  at  length  in  Schelhorn,  Amosnitates  Histo- 
riae  Ecclesiastical  et  Literariae,  torn.  ii.  p.  155 — 170.  It  is  the  only 
production  of  Carnesecchi's  pen  which  I  have  met  with.  As  my 
object  is  merely  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  his  character,  I  have 
not  inserted  that  part  of  the  letter  which  enters  into  the  merits  of  the 
controversy  respecting  the  eucharist. 


«  APPENDIX.  393 

and  mildness  of  your  letter,  in  which  you  avoid  throw- 
ing abuse  on  your  adversaries  or  wounding  tliem  with 
biting  sarcasm;  and,  satisfied  with  pronouncing  their 
sect  execrable,  discover  your  usual  impartiality  by 
commending  such  of  tliem  as  are  distinguished  for 
their  talents,  and  superior  to  the  rest  in  modesty  and 
good  manners.  Conduct  like  this  was  applauded  by 
the  ancients,  and  our  own  age  as  well  as  the  last  has 
furnished  illustrious  examples  of  it.  We  are  told  that 
Jovianus  Pontanus  commended  the  studies  of  all,  and 
never  spoke  detractingly  of  any  man,  either  privately 
or  in  public.  M.  Sabellicus  would  not  revenge  him- 
self by  retorting  the  violent  and  malevolent  taunts  of 
his  adversaries,  though  he  was  by  no  means  deficient 
in  the  graces  of  a  copious  and  elegant  style ;  a  display 
of  generosity  which  has  led  some  over  rigid  critics  to 
detract  from  his  genius.  Pomponius  La3tus,  an  inhab- 
itant of  Rome,  would  not  permit  himself  to  be  dragged 
into  personal  controversy,  and  suffered  the  calumnies 
which  were  uttered  against  him  to  pass  without  reply. 
In  our  own  age,  not  to  mention  others,  what  examples 
of  modest)^  and  mildness  have  we  in  Nicolaus  Leo- 
nicus  and  Jacobus  Sadoletus.  But  the  Philelphi,  the 
Poggii,  the  Valise,  and  others,  their  contemporaries, 
(for  I  will  not  name  any  of  the  present  age,)  with 
what  contumely  and  opprobrium  did  they  not  load 
their  antagonists?  But  you  content  yourself  with 
simply  naming  the  men  who,  in  your  opinion,  have 
injured  religion,  and  treat  the  subject  in  controversy 
with  accuracy  and  gentleness. 

With  respect  to  the  question  itself,  I  shall,  for  the 
purpose  of  enabling  us  to  judge  of  it  with  greater 
accuracy,  state,  with  your  leave,  what  has  occurred 
to  me  in  opposition  to  your  arguments,  with  all  the 
freedom  which  our  friendship  warrants;  and  you,  ac- 
cording to  your  piety  and  learning,  will  judge  whether 
it  has  any  weight  in  favour  of  the  sentiment  of  your 
opponents.  I  need  not  remind  you  that,  as  in  all  dis- 
cussions, the  discovery  of  truth  should  be  our  aim,  so 
you  should  set  aside  every  thing  which  has  a  tenden- 
cy to  obstruct  this— all  respect  to  custom,  long  prc- 

26 


394  APPENDIX.  4 

scription  of  time,  and  the  authority  of  human  institu- 
tions— and  steadily  fix  your  eye  on  that  hght  which 
alone  can  prevent  us  from  wandering  in  error.  You 
recommend  certain  books  to  me,  but  afterwards,  with 
the  view  of  lessening  my  labour,  are  pleased  to  say 
that  you  will  rest  the  defence  of  your  cause  on  Ire- 
nseus,  an  ancient  and  approved  writer.  For  this  I 
thank  you,  for  really  the  reading  of  so  many  and  so 
voluminous  authors  would  be  an  arduous  and  Hercu- 
lean task.  Besides,  as  it  is  the  duty  of  an  impartial 
judge  to  hear  the  evidence  on  both  sides,  I  would 
need  to  read  all  the  books  which  are  recommended 
by  your  adversaries;  and  where  would  be  the  end  of 
that  labour?  For  you  know  Avell  what  is  the  conse- 
quence of  controversies  and  altercation;  both  parties 
wishing  to  be  victorious,  each  heaps  up  whatever  can 
be  said  against  his  opponent  and  in  favour  of  his  own 
cause;  and  this  practice  having  become  common  to 
those  who  pervert  truth  and  those  who  confute  error, 
truth  itself,  by  being  mixed  up  with  artifice,  has  fallen 
under  suspicion  with  many,  who  are  afraid  that  their 
understandings  will  be  bewildered  by  the  casuistry  of 
disputants.  Wherefore  passing  by  these  and  deroga- 
ting from  none  of  them,  I  shall,  if  you  please,  proceed 
to  examine  and  weigh  with  attention  what  you  have 
produced  from  the  purer  fountains  of  antiquity.  It 
was  unnecessary  for  you,  in  writing  to  me,  to  estab- 
hsh  the  authority  of  Irenaeus's  works,  or  to  commend 
the  author  so  warmly;  for  I  have  long  known  the 
universal  esteem  in  which  he  and  his  writings  are 
held,  and  am  myself  an  admirer  of  both.  I  often 
regret  that  his  works  have  not  reached  us  in  the  origi- 
nal Greek,  which  as  appears  from  the  extracts  insert- 
ed in  the  books  of  Eusebius,  Epiphanius,  and  others, 
he  seems  to  have  written  with  fluency,  and  not  with- 
out elegance.  I  am  astonished  that  a  certain  learned 
writer  has  expressed  a  doubt  whether  he  wrote  in 
Greek.  As  to  those  of  his  writings  which  have  been 
translated  into  Latin,  (such  as  it  is,)  I  cannot  vouch 
for  their  fidelity  to  the  original — certainly  the  style  is 
by  no  means  good ;  for  the  translator  makes  use  of 


APPENDIX.  395 

unmeaning  words,  and  his  foreign  idiom  often  pre- 
vents the  reader  from  discovering  the  sense.  13nt  in 
this,  as  in  many  other  cases,  we  must  take  what  we 
can  get,  not  wliat  we  would  wish.  "  In  those  books 
whicli  have  been  pubhshed,  there  is  a  good  deal  of 
discussion  on  subjects  of  great  importance.  Let  us 
then  examine  the  excerpt  from  the  fourth  book  of 
Irena^us  against  heretics.  It  is  necessary,  however, 
for  understanding  what  is  said,  that  we  attend  to  the 
design,  the  occasion,  and  the  subject;  for  otherwise 
the  mind  of  the  reader  will  be  unable  to  form  a  fixed 
and  determinate  judgment  of  the  author's  meaning. 
For  example,  Christ  says — "  Without  me  ye  can  do 
nothing:"  to  commit  sin  is  to  do  something;  does  it 
therefore  follow  that  without  Christ  no  sin  is  commit- 
ted ?  Again  he  says — "  Give  to  every  one  that  ask- 
eth;"  are  we  therefore  to  give  to  a  person  what  he 
may  ask  for  a  base  and  villainous  purpose  ?  I  could 
bring  forward  many  examples  of  this  kind,  but  these 
will  explain  what  I  mean.     *     *     *     * 

Nor  does  the  universal  agreement  of  the  catholic 
church  concerning  ceremonies — of  the  Greeks,  the 
Armenians,  the  Indians,  and,  if  you  please,  the 
Ethiopians — help  the  matter;  for  the  frequency  or  ex- 
tent of  a  corrupt  practice  will  never  justify  it.  It  is 
evident  that  the  purity  of  religion  has  been  deeply 
injured  in  every  nation,  through  the  carelessness  of 
those  to  whom  it  was  intrusted,  through  ignorance  of 
the  polite  arts  and  the  turbulency  of  the  times.  Con- 
sider, I  pray  you,  what  is  now  the  universal  opinion 
•(Concerning  a  barbarous  style.  Shall  we  condemn 
those  men  who  have  exploded  the  rude  diction  long 
in  use,  and  introduced  a  purer  and  more  elegant  one 
in  its  room?  But  I  need  not  enlarge  on  this  subject 
to  one  of  your  learning.  The  rest  of  your  letter  con- 
sists of  several  accusations,  some  of  them  bitter,  which, 
however,  I  do  not  impute  to  you,  but  to  those  who 
prefer  defending  falsehood  to  embracing  truth.  Tliese 
persons,  if  they  had  common  sense,  would  consider 
that  no  reproaches  are  more  futile  and  ridiculous  than 
those  which  recoil,  or  at  least  can  easily  be  thrown 


396  APPENDIX. 

back,  on  the  head  of  the  author.  In  yonr  letter  you 
censure,  with  great  severity  and  justice,  the  obstinacy 
of  those  who  remain  bhndly  attached  to  their  own 
opinion,  cloak  their  pride  under  a  false  zeal,  arrogant- 
ly accuse  general  and  established  customs,  and  as 
you  add,  are  actuated  by  fears  of  losing  their  worldly 
dignities  and  emoluments.  All  of  these  are  bad  things. 
I  grant  that  general  and  ancient  custom  ought  to  be 
retained,  lest  the  foundations  be  sapped;  but  this  is 
the  very  question  in  dispute,  and  it  remains  still  un- 
determined. Who  have  transgressed  or  are  opposing 
the  catholic  agreement?  You  say  that  some  have 
their  minds  puffed  up  with  contumacy,  are  blinded 
by  zeal,  too  confident  in  their  boldness,  ambitious, 
avaricious.  Let  it  then,  I  would  say,  be  determined 
who  are  the  persons  chargeable  with  these  vices.  We 
know  too  well  how  bitterly  each  party  reproaches  the 
other,  and  how  far  this  evil  has  proceeded  in  these 
dissolute  and  undisciplined  times.  In  my  opinion,  we 
should  consider  what  is  true,  proper,  and  laudable  in 
itself — what  ought  to  be  done,  not  what  has  been  done 
by  this  or  that  person.  Thus,  after  deliberation,  let 
us  pronounce  our  sentiments  concerning  the  subject, 
and  then,  if  it  must  be  so,  let  us  speak  concerning  the 
persons.  Of  these,  as  I  have  already  signified,  I  shall 
say  nothing,  either  in  the  way  of  accusation  or  de- 
fence ;  for  what  Horace  said  of  the  Trojan  war,  may, 
if  I  am  not  mistaken,  be  justly  applied  to  this  con- 
troversy— 

Iliacos  intra  muros  peccatur  et  extra. 

A  good  man  will  be  cautious  what  he  says  to  the 
prejudice  of  another,  lest  he  spread  abroad  ill-found- 
ed reports.  I  am  led  to  mention  this  from  your 
naming  Bucer,  of  whom  you  seem  to  speak  from  the 
report  of  some  malevolent  person,  and  not  from  your 
own  knowledge.  I  have  heard  many  accounts  from 
different  quarters,  both  respecting  the  man  and  that 
affair  as  to  which  you  wish  to  depreciate  him  in  my 
esteem.  Many  letters  which  I  have  seen  speak  high- 
ly of  his  piety  and  learning;  and  it  is  well  known 


APPENDIX.  397 

how  zealous  he  has  been  in  heahng  the  wounds  of 
the  church.  I  have  been  informed  that  he  is  of  a 
mild  temper,  and  by  no  means  pertinacious,  litigious, 
or  severe,  although  so  firm  in  the  cause  of  the  truth  as 
not  to  be  drawn  from  its  defence  by  any  respect  either 
to  dignity,  fortune,  or  life.  But,  as  I  have  already 
said,  we  are  not  to  judge  of  persons  but  of  things. 
Thus,  you  have  my  reply  to  your  letter,  less  accurate 
and  perhaps  less  to  your  mind  than  you  expected. 
I  hope  you  will  take  it  in  good  part,  and  that  it  will 
not  prevent  you  from  prolonging  the  discussion,  if 
you  think  proper,  or  from  continuing  to  repeat  your 
instructions  and  advices ;  for,  in  dispassionate  contro- 
versy between  friends  who  happen  to  differ  in  senti- 
ment, the  truth  is  often  discovered,  and  is  elicited  by 
the  very  contention,  as  fire  by  the  collision  of  flints. 
Adieu. 


No.  VIII. 

Extracts  from  a  treatise  on  the  Benefit  of  Christ  Crucified, 
by  Ao7iio  Paleario/ 


* 


[See  before,  p.  279.] 

To  the  Christian  readers.  There  having  come  to 
our  hands  a  work  more  pious  and  learned  than  any 
which  has  been  composed  in  our  day,  entitled,  {Del 
Beneficio  di  Giesu  Christo  Crocifisso  verso  i  C/irist- 
iani,)  Of  the  Benefit  of  Jesus  Christ  Crucified  to 
Christians,  it  appeared  to  us  to  be  for  your  consola- 
tion and  profit  to  give  it  you  in  print,  and  witliout 
adding  the  name  of  the  writer,  that  so  you  may  be 
influenced  by  the  matter  rather  than  by  the  authority 
of  the  author. 

Contents.— Chap.  1.      Of  original    sin,   and    the 
misery  of  man.     2.  That  the  law  was  given  by  God, 

*  These  extracts  are  taken  from  a  review  of  tlie  original  Italian 
work,  by  Ricderer,  Nachrichten,  torn.  iv.  p.  239 — 241. 


398  APPENDIX. 

to  the  intent  that,  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  sin, 
and  despairing  to  be  able  to  justify  ourselves  by 
works,  we  might  have  recourse  to  the  mercy  of  God 
and  the  righteousness  of  faith.  3.  That  the  remis- 
sion of  sins,  and  justification,  and  all  our  salvation, 
depend  on  Christ.  4.  Of  the  effects  of  a  living  faith, 
and  of  the  union  of  the  soul  with  Christ.  5.  How  a 
Christian  is  clothed  with  Christ.  6.  The  remedies 
against  distrust — prayer,  the  remembrance  of  baptism, 
the  use  of  the  sacrament  of  the  eucharist,  and  the 
knowledge  of  our  being  predestinated. 

*  *  *  *  God  has  fulfilled  his  promise  in  sending 
us  that  great  prophet  who  is  his  only  begotten  Son, 
that  we  might  be  freed  from  the  curse  of  the  law  and 
reconciled  to  our  God,  and  has  inclined  our  hearts  to 
every  good  work,  in  the  way  of  curing  free-will,  re- 
storing in  us  the  divine  image  which  we  had  lost  by 
the  sin  of  our  first  parents,  and  causing  us  to  know, 
that,  under  heaven,  there  is  no  other  name  given  to 
men,  by  which  they  can  be  saved  except  the  name  of 
Jesus  Christ.  Let  us  fly  then,  with  the  wings  of  a 
lively  faith,  into  his  embraces,  when  we  hear  him  in- 
viting us  in  these  words — Come  unto  me  all  ye  who 
are  troubled  and  heavy  laden,  and  I  will  give  you 
joy.  What  consolation,  what  delight  can  be  compar- 
ed to  that  which  is  experienced  by  the  person,  who, 
feeling  himself  overwhelmed  with  the  intolerable 
weight  of  his  iniquities,  hears  such  grateful  and  tender 
words  from  the  Son  of  God,  promising  thus  mercifully 
to  comfort  him  and  free  him  from  so  heavy  a  burden ! 
But  one  great  object  we  should  have  in  view  is  to  be  ac- 
quainted in  good  earnest  with  our  weakness  and  miser- 
able condition  by  nature ;  for  we  cannot  relish  the  good 
unless  we  have  tasted  the  evil.  Christ,  accordingly, 
says — Let  him  that  thirsteth  come  to  me  and  drink ; 
implying,  that  the  man  who  is  ignorant  of  his  being 
a  sinner,  and  has  never  thirsted  after  righteousness, 
is  incapable  of  tasting  how  sweet  the  Lord  is,  and 
how  delightful  it  is  to  think  and  to  speak  of  him  and 
to  imitate  his  most  holy  life.  When,  therefore,  through 
the  instrumentality  of  the  law,  we  are  made  to  see 


APPENDIX.  399 

our  infirmity,  let  us  look  to  the  benign  Physician 
whom  John  Baptist  points  out  to  us  with  tlie 'finger, 
saying — Behold  the  Lamb  of  God  who  takes  away 
the  sins  of  the  world;  who,  I  repeat,  frees  us  from 
the  galling  bondage  of  the  law,  by  abrogating  and 
annihilating  its  bitter  curses  and  threatenings,  heal- 
ing all  our  diseases,  reforming  our  free-will,  bringing 
us  back  to  our  pristine  innocence,  and  restoring  in  us 
the  image  of  God.  If,  according  to  St.  Paul,  as  by 
Adam  all  died,  so  by  Christ  we  are  all  revived,  then 
we  cannot  believe  that  the  sin  of  Adam,  which  we 
have  by  inheritance,  is  of  greater  efficacy  than  the 
righteousness  of  Christ,  which,  in  like  manner,  we 
inherit  through  faith.  Once,  indeed,  man  might,  with 
some  show  of  reason,  have  complained  that,  witliout 
his  own  instrumentality,  he  was  conceived  and 
brought  forth  in  iniquity,  and  in  the  sin  of  his  first 
parents,  through  whom  death  has  reigned  over  all 
men  ;  but  now  all  occasion  of  complaint  is  removed, 
since  eternal  life,  together  with  victory  over  death,  is 
obtained,  in  the  very  same  method,  without  any  in- 
strumentality of  ours,  by  the  righteousness  of  Christ, 
which  is  imputed  to  us.  Upon  this  subject  St.  Paul 
has  written  a  most  beautiful  discourse  in  Romans,  v. 
12 — 31.  *  *  ^  From  these  words  of  St.  Paul,  it  is 
clear  that  the  law  was  given  in  order  that  sin  might 
be  known,  and  that  we  might  understand  that  it  is 
not  of  greater  efficacy  than  the  righteousness  of  Christ, 
by  which  we  are  justified  in  the  sight  of  God;  for  if 
Christ  be  more  powerful  than  Adam,  and  if  the  sin 
of  Adam  was  capable  of  rendering  us  sinners  and 
children  of  wrath,  without  any  actual  transgression 
of  our  own,  much  more  will  the  righteousness  of 
Christ  be  able  to  justify  us  and  make  us  children  of 
grace,  without  any  good  works  on  our  part,  works 
which  cannot  be  acceptable,  unless,  before  we  per- 
form them,  we  be  made  good  and  righteous  through 
faith. 

*  ■*  *  *  Let  us,  my  beloved  brethren,  embrace  the 
righteousness  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  make  it 
our  own  by  means  of  faith.     Let  us  seek  establish- 


400  APPENDIX. 

ment  in  holiness,  not  by  our  own  works,  but  by  the 
merits  of  Clirist;  and  let  us  live  in  joy  and  security; 
for  his  righteousness  destroys  all  our  unrighteousness, 
and  makes  us  good,  and  just,  and  holy  in  the  sight  of 
God,  who,  when  he  sees  us  incorporated  with  his  Son 
by  faith,  does  not  regard  us  any  more  as  children  of 
Adam,  but  as  his  own  children,  and  constitutes  us 
heirs  of  all  his  riches  along  with  his  legitimate  Son. 


No.  IX. 

Letters  written  by  Aonio  Paleario,  to  his  Wife  and  Chil- 
dren,  on  the  morning  of  his  execution.* 

[See  before  p.  281.] 

Article  and  Memorial,  copied  from  a  record  belong- 
ing to  San  Giovanni  de'Fiorentini  di  Roma. 

Monday,  the  3d  day  of  July,  1570.  Our  confra- 
ternity having  been  called  on  Sunday  night,  immedi- 
ately preceding  Monday  the  3d  day  of  July  1570,  in 
Tordinona,t  Mr.  Aonio  Paleario  of  Veruli,  resident  at 
the  Hill  of  Valdenza,  was  delivered  into  his  hands, 
condemned  to  death,  in  the  course  of  justice,  by  the 
ministers  of  the  holy  inquisition,  who,  having  con- 
fessed and  contritely  asked  pardon  of  God  and  of  his 
glorious  mother,  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  of  all  the  court 
of  heaven,  said  that  he  wished  to  die  a  good  Chris- 
tian, and  to  believe  all  that  the  holy  Roman  church 
believes.  He  did  not  make  any  testament,  except  what 
is  contained  in  the  two  under-written  letters,  in  his 
own  hand- writing,  requesting  us  to  send  them  to  his 
wife  and  children  at  the  Hill  of  Valdenza. 

Copies  of  the  letters  verbatim. 

My  Dearest  Wife, 

I  would  not  wish  that  you  should  receive  sorrow 

*  These  letters,  with  the  introductory  memorial  of  the  friars,  were 
reprinted  in  the  original  Italian  by  Schelhorn,  in  his  Dissertatio  de 
Mino  Celso  Senensi,  p.  25—27.  They  arc  taken  from  Novelle  Lette- 
rarie  dell'  Anno  1745,  p.  328,  &,c.     Firenze. 

t  Torre  Nona. 


APPENDIX.  401 

from  my  pleasure,  nor  ill  from  my  good.  The  hour 
is  now  come  when  I  must  pass  from  this  Hfc  to  my 
Lord  and  Father  and  God.  I  depart  as  joyfully  as  if 
I  were  going  to  the  nuptials  of  the  Son  of  the  great 
King,  which  I  have  always  prayed  my  Lord  to  grant 
me,  through  his  goodness  and  infinite  mercy.  Where- 
fore, my  dearest  wife,  comfort  yourself  with  the  will 
of  God  and  with  my  resignation,  and  attend  to  the 
desponding  family  which  still  survives,  training  them 
up  and  preserving  them  in  the  fear  of  God,  and  being 
to  them  both  father  and  mother.  I  am  now  an  old 
man  of  seventy  years,  and  useless.  Our  children  must 
provide  for  themselves  by  their  virtue  and  industry, 
and  lead  an  honourable  life.  God  the  Father,  and 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  communion  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  be  with  your  spirit! 

Thy  Husband, 

AoNio  Paleari. 
Rome,  ^dJuly,  1570. 

The  other  letter  follows,  verbatim. 

Lampridio  and  Fedro,  beloved  children. 

These  my  very  courteous  Lords  do  not  abate  in 
their  kindness  to  me  even  at  this  extremity,  and  give 
me  permission  to  Avrite  to  you.  It  pleases  God  to 
call  me  to  himself  by  this  means,  which  may  appear 
to  you  harsh  and  painful ;  but  if  you  regard  it  pro- 
perly, as  happening  with  my  full  resignation  and 
pleasure,  you  will  acquiesce  in  the  will  of  God,  as 
you  have  hitherto  done.  Virtue  and  industry  I  leave 
you  for  a  patrimony,  along  with  the  little  property 
you  already  possess.  I  do  not  leave  you  in  debt ; 
many  are  always  asking  when  they  ought  to  give. 

You  were  freed  more  than  eighteen  years  ago;  you 
are  not  bound  for  my  debts.  If  you  are  called  upon 
to  discharge  them,  have  recourse  to  his  excellency  tlie 
duke,  who  will  not  see  you  wronged.  I  have  request- 
ed from  Luca  Pridio  an  account  of  what  is  due  to  me, 
and  what  I  am  owing.  With  the  dowry  of  your 
mother  bring  up  your  little  sister  as  God  shall  give 


402  APPENDIX. 

you  grace.  Salute  Aspasia  and  sister  Aonilla,  my 
beloved  daughters  in  the  Lord.  My  hour  approaches. 
The  Spirit  of  God  console  and  preserve  you  in  his 
grace ! 

Your  Father, 

AoNio  Paleari. 
Rome,  2d  July,  1570. 

Superscription — 

To  his  dearest  wife  Marietta  Paleari,  and  to  his 
beloved  sons  Lampridio  and  Fedro  Paleari,  at  the 
Hill  of  Valdenza,  in  the  suburbs  of  St.  Catarina. 


No.  X. 

Letter  from    Olympia   Morata   to   Madonna    Cheruhina 

Orsini* 

[See  before  p.  360.] 

My  Dearest  Lady  Cherubina, 

To  the  letter  I  have  already  written  you,  I  wish  to 
add  a  few  lines,  for  the  purpose  of  exhorting  you  to 
pray  to  God  that  he  would  give  you  strength,  lest, 
through  fear  of  those  who  can  kill  the  body  only,  you 
offend  that  gracious  Redeemer  who  has  suffered  for 
our  sakes;  and  that  he  would  enable  you  gratefully 
to  confess  him,  according  to  his  will,  before  this  per- 
verse generation,  and  ever  to  keep  in  remembrance 
the  words  of  David — "  I  hate  the  congregation  of  sin- 
ners, and  will  not  sit  in  the  company  of  the  wicked." 
I  am  weak,  you  may  be  apt  to  say,  and  cannot  do 
this.  0  do  not  say  so.  Do  you  imagine  that  so  many 
saints  and  prophets,  that  so  many  martyrs  even  in  our 
day,  have  remained  firm  in  their  own  unaided  virtue, 
and  that  it  was  not  God  who  gave  them  strength? 
Then  consider  that  those  whose  weakness  is  mentioned 
in  the  Scriptures,  did  not  continue  always  infirm.    St. 

*  Translated  from  the  original  Italian,  in  Olympice  Moratae  Opera, 
p  .  218—222.     Basileae,  1580. 


APPENDIX.  403 

Peter's  denial  of  his  Master  is  not  recorded  as  an  ex- 
ample for  our  imitation,  but  in  order  to  display  the 
great  mercy  of  Christ;  to  show  us  our  frailty,  not  to 
excuse  it.  He  soon  recovered  from  his  weakness, 
and  obtained  such  a  degree  of  strength,  that  he  after- 
wards rejoiced  to  suffer  for  the  cause  of  Christ.  From 
these  considerations  we  should  be  induced,  when  we 
feel  our  infirmity,  to  apply  by  prayer  to  the  Physician, 
and  request  that  he  would  make  us  strong.  Provided 
we  pray  to  him,  he  will  not  fail  to  perform  his  pro- 
mise; only  he  does  not  wish  us  to  be  idle  and  unem- 
ployed, but  to  be  continually  exercising  ourselves  in 
that  armour  of  which  St.  Paul  speaks,  in  the  sixth 
chapter  of  his  epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  We  have  a 
powerful  enemy  who  is  never  at  rest;  and  Christ,  by 
his  example,  has  showed  us  that  he  is  to  be  overcome 
by  prayer  and  the  word  of  God.  For  the  love  of 
Christ,  then,  who  has  redeemed  you  with  his  precious 
blood,  I  entreat  you  to  study  diligently  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  praying  that  the  Lord  would  enable  you 
to  understand  them.  Mark  how  frequently  and  with 
what  ardour  the  great  prophet  David  prays — "  Lord 
enlighten  me — teach  me  thy  ways — renew  in  me  a 
clean  heart ;"  while  we,  as  if  we  were  already  perfect, 
neither  study  nor  read.  Paul,  that  illustrious  apostle, 
tells  the  Phi'lippians,  that  he  did  not  yet  understand, 
but  was  still  engaged  in  learning.  We  ought  to  be 
advancing  from  day  to  day  in  the  knowledge  of  the 
Lord,  and  praying  all  the  time  with  the  apostles  that 
our  faith  may  be  increased,  and  with  David — "  Hold 
up  my  steps  in  thy  ways."  We  have  ourselves 
to  blame  for  our  weakness,  because  we  are  contiim- 
ally  excusing  it,  and  neglecting  the  remedies  which 
Christ  has  prescribed,  viz.  prayer  and  his  word.  Do 
you  think  that,  after  having  done  and  suffered  so 
much  from  love  to  you,  he  will  not  fulfil  the  gracious 
promises  he  has  made  by  granting  your  petitions  for 
strength?  Had  he  not  intended  to  bestow  it,  lie  would 
not  have  invited  you,  by  so  many  promises  to  ask  it; 
and,  lest  you  should  entertain  any  doubts  on  this 
point,  he  has  sworn  that  all  that  you  request  of  the 


404  APPENDIX. 

Father  in  his  name  shall  be  given  you.  Nor  does  he 
say  that  he  will  give  this  or  that  thing,  but  everything 
you  solicit;  and  St.  John  declares  that  he  will  bestow 
whatever  we  ask  according  to  the  will  of  God.  Now, 
is  it  not  agreeable  to  his  will  that  we  desire  of  him 
faith  and  fortitude  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  confess 
him?  Ah!  how  backward  are  we,  and  how  ready  to 
excuse  ourselves! 

We  ought  to  acquaint  the  Physician  with  our  dis- 
ease, in  order  that  he  may  cure  us.  Oh  !  is  it  not  the 
proper  office  of  Christ  to  save  us  from  our  iniquities, 
and  to  overcome  sin  ?  Knock,  knock,  and  it  shall  be 
opened  to  you.  Never  forget  that  he  is  omnipotent, 
and  that,  before  your  hour  is  arrived,  no  one  shall  be 
able  to  touch  a  hair  of  your  head;  for  greater  is  he 
that  is  in  us  than  he  that  is  in  the  world.  Do  not  be 
influenced  by  what  the  majority  do,  but  by  what  the 
godly  have  done  and  still  do  to  this  day.  May  the 
word  of  the  Lord  be  a  lamp  to  your  feet,  for  if  you 
do  not  read  and  listen  to  it,  you  will  fall  before  many 
stumbling-blocks  in  the  world.  I  beg  you  to  read  this 
letter  to  Vittoria,  exhorting  her,  by  precept  and  by 
example,  to  honour  and  confess  God ;  read  also  along 
with  her  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Entreat  my  dear  lady 
Lavinia  to  peruse  frequently  a  portion  of  them,  and, 
in  doing  so,  she  will  experience  the  efficacy  of  the 
word  of  God.  The  Lord  knows  that  I  have  written 
these  exhortations  with  sincere  concern  for  your  sal- 
vation, and  I  beg  of  you  to  read  them  with  the  same 
feeling.  I  pray  God  that  you  may  be  enlightened  and 
fortified  in  Christ,  so  as  to  overcome  Satan,  the  world, 
and  the  flesh,  and  to  obtain  that  crown  which  is  given 
only  to  those  who  overcome.  I  have  no  doubt  but 
that,  in  following  my  admonitions,  you  will  find  the 
Lord  strengthening  you.  Do  not  consider  that  it  is  a 
woman  only  who  is  giving  you  advice;  but  rest 
assured  that  God,  speaking  by  my  mouth,  kindly  in- 
vites you  to  come  to  him.  All  false  opinions,  all 
errors,  all  disputes  arise  solely  from  not  studying  the 
Scriptures  with  sufficient  care.  David  says — Thou 
hast  made  me  wiser  than  aU  mine  enemies  by  thy 


APPENDIX.  405 

law.     Do  not  listen  to  those  who,  despising  the  com- 
mandments  of  God  and  the  means  which  he  has 
appointed  for  their  salvation,  say,  if  we  be  predes- 
tinated, we  shall  be  saved,  although  we  neither  pray 
nor  study  the  Bible.     He  who  is  called  of  God  will 
not  utter  such  blasphemy,  but  will  strive  to  obey  God 
and  avoid  tempting  him.     The  Lord  has  done  us  the 
honour  and  the  benefit  to  speak  to  us,  to  instruct  and 
console  us  by  his  word ;  and  shall  we  despise  such  a 
valuable  treasure  ?  He  invites  us  to  draw  near  to  him 
in  prayer;  and  shall  we,  neglecting  the  opportunity 
and  remaining  inactive,  busy  ourselves  with  disputes 
concerning  the  high  councils  of  God  and  the  things 
which  are  to  come  to  pass?  Let  us  use  the  remedies 
he  has  prescribed,  and  thus  prove  ourselves  to  be 
obedient  and  predestinated  children.     Read  and  ob- 
serve how  highly  God  would  have  his  word  prized. 
Faith,  says  Paul,  comes  by  hearing,  and  hearing  by 
the  word  of  God.     Charity  and  faith  I  assure  you, 
would  soon  become  cold,  were  you  to  remain  idle. 
And  it   is  not  enough,  as  Christ  remarks,  to  have 
begun;  we  must  persevere  to  the  end.     Let  him  that 
stands,  says  Paul,  take  heed  lest  he  fall.     I  entreat 
you,  for  the  love  of  Christ,  not  to  conform  yourself  to 
the  maxims  of  men,  but  to  regulate  your  conduct 
according  to  the  word  of  God;  let  it  be  a  lamp  to 
your  feet,  otherwise  Satan  will  be  able  to  deceive  you 
in  a  variety  of  ways.     Deliver  these  admonitions  to 
my  sister  also.     Never  think  who  the  person  is  that 
speaks  to  you,  but  examine  whether  she  speaks  the 
words  of  God  or  her  own  words;  and,  provided  the 
Scriptures  and  not  the  authority  of  man  be  your  rule, 
you  will  not  fail  to  discover  the  path  of  duty.     Ask, 
seek,  knock,  and  it  shall  be  opened  to  you.     Draw 
near  to  your  heavenly  spouse,  contemplating  him  in 
the   Bible— that  true  and  bright  mirror,   in   which 
shines  all  the  knowledge  which  is  necessary  for  us. 
May  God,  for  the  sake  of  Christ,  grant  that  I  have 
not  written  in  vain.     The  pain  in  my  breast  has  been 
considerably  increased  by  the  exertion,  but  I  smcerely 
wish   I  were  able  by  my  death  to  assist  you   and 


406  APPENDIX. 

others  in  the  things  which  pertain  to  salvation.  Do 
me  the  favour  to  send  me  a  single  line,  to  acquaint 
me  with  the  state  of  your  health. 

Your  Olympia. 


No.  IX. 

Letter  of  Olympia  Morata  to  Celio  Secundo  Curio. 

[See  before,  p.  360.] 

My  Dearest  Father  Celio, 

You  may  conceive  how  tenderly  those  who  are 
united  by  true,  that  is,  Christian  friendship,  feel  for 
one  another,  when  1  tell  you  that  the  perusal  of  your 
letter  drew  tears  from  my  eyes ;  for,  on  learning  that 
you  had  been  rescued  from  the  jaws  of  the  grave,  I 
wept  for  very  joy.  May  God  long  preserve  you  to 
be  a  blessing  to  his  church !  It  grieves  me  much  to 
hear  of  the  indisposition  of  your  daughter,  but  I  com- 
fort myself  with  the  hopes  you  entertain  of  her  recov- 
ery. As  to  myself,  my  dear  Celio,  I  must  inform  you 
that  there  is  now  no  hope  of  my  surviving  long.  No 
medicine  gives  me  any  relief.  Every  day,  and  indeed 
every  hour,  my  friends  look  for  my  dissolution.  It  is 
probable  this  may  be  the  last  letter  you  shall  receive 
from  me.  My  body  and  strength  are  wasted;  my 
appetite  is  gone ;  night  and  day  the  cough  threatens 
to  suffocate  me.  The  fever  is  strong  and  unremitting, 
and  the  pains  which  I  feel  over  the  whole  of  my  frame 
deprive  me  of  sleep.  Nothing  therefore  remains  but 
that  I  breathe  out  my  spirit.  But,  so  long  as  life  con- 
tinues, I  shall  remember  my  friends  and  the  benefits 
I  have  received  from  them.  I  return  my  warmest 
thanks  to  you  for  sending  me  the  books,  and  to  those 
worthy  persons  who  have  bestowed  upon  me  such 
valuable  presents.  Had  I  been  spared,  I  would  have 
shown  my  gratitude.  It  is  my  opinion  that  my  depar- 
ture is  at  hand.  I  commend  the  church  to  your  care ; 
0  let  all  you  do  be  directed  to  its  advantage.     Fare- 


APPENDIX.  407 

well,  excellent  Celio,  and  do  not  distress  yourself 
when  you  hear  of  my  death;  for  I  know  that  I  shall 
be  victorious  at  last,  and  am  desirous  to  depart  and 
be  with  Christ.  My  brother,  about  whom  you  inciuire 
is  making  proficiency  in  his  studies,  though  he  needs 
the  spur  rather  than  the  curb.  Heidelberg  looks  like 
a  desert,  in  consequence  of  the  numbers  who  have 
died  of  the  plague  or  fled  for  fear  of  it.  My  husband 
sends  his  comphments  to  you.  Salute  your  family  in 
my  name.  I  send  you  such  of  the  poems  as  I  have 
been  able  to  write  out  from  memory  since  the  destruc- 
tion of  Schweinfurt.  All  my  other  writings  have 
perished.  I  request  that  you  will  be  my  Aristarchus, 
and  polish  them.   Again  farewell.    From  Heidelberg.'" 


No.  xn. 

Letter  by  Marc- Antonio  Flaminio  to  Carlo  GualtcruccioA 

[See  before,  p.  166.] 

I  am  extremely  glad  to  hear  that  the  bull  has  been 
expedited,  not  only  for  my  own  sake,  though  it  is  no 

*  Curio  received  this  letter  by  the  same  post  which  brought  him 
the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  the  amiable  writer.  It  was  the  last 
exertion  she  made,  On  looking  over  what  she  had  written,  she  per- 
ceived some  mistakes,  and  insisted  on  transcribing  It;  but,  alter 
making  the  attempt,  was  obliged  to  desist,  and  said  to  her  husband, 
with  a  smile  whicli  completely  unnerved  him,  "I  see  it  will  not  do." 

t  Epistol.  Reg.  Poll,  a  Quirino,  torn.  iii.  p.  68  ;  tom.  v.  p.  387.  Car- 
dinal Quirini  has  inserted  this  letter  in  his  Dissertation  "  Dc  Vitcr- 
biensi  Card.  Poli  Sodalitio,"  as  a  proof  of  Flaniinio's  orthodoxy, 
because  the  work  of  Thomas  a  Kempis,  wliich  he  recommends,  con- 
tains some  opinions  condemned  by  the  Protestants,  particularly  the 
invocation  of  saints.  But  his  eminence  did  not  seem  to  have  been 
aware  how  strongly  the  letter,  and  particularly  the  exception  which 
it  makes  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Imitation,  establishes  the  agreement 
between  Flaminio  and  the  reformers  on  the  leading  article  of  dispute 
between  them  and  tlie  church  cf  Rome.— Ueccatcllo,  after  staling  that 
Cardinal  Pole  drew  Flaminio  from  the  society  of  Valdcs  in  Naples  to 
his  own  house  in  Viterbo,  adds,  that  the  cardinal  used  to  say,  "  Che 
non  poco  servitio,  oltra  il  bencfitio  dell'  amico,  gli  parcva  haver  fatto 
a'  catholici  havcndo  ritenuto  il  Flaminio,  e  non  lasciatolo  prccipitarc 
con  gli  lieretici,  come  facilmentc  havria  fatto." 


408  APPENDIX. 

small  matter  to  me,  but  also  because  your  excellence  is 
thereby  relieved  ojf  a  great  burden,  which  you  have 
cheerfully  borne  on  my  account.  As  to  the  advice 
which  you  ask  respecting  the  books  which  you  ought 
to  read,  what  I  am  about  to  say  will  perhaps  appear 
to  you  absurd  and  foolish ;  but,  if  I  would  speak 
what  I  think,  I  must  say  it.  I  know  not  any  book 
(I  speak  not  of  the  Holy  Scriptures)  which  I  can  re- 
commend to  you  as  more  useful  than  that  little  work 
which  is  entitled,  "  Of  the  Imitation  of  Christ;"  pro- 
vided you  wish  to  read,  not  for  the  purpose  of  grati- 
fying curiosity  or  furnishing  yourself  with  matter  for 
argument  and  dispute  about  Christianity,  but  that  your 
mind  may  be  edified  and  you  may  learn  the  exercises 
of  the  Christian  life,  of  which  this  is  the  sum,  how  the 
grace  of  the  gospel  is  received  by  men,  or,  in  other 
words,  justification  by  faith.  There  is  one  exception, 
however,  which  I  must  make,  viz.  that  I  do  not  approve 
of  the  way  of  fear,  which  is  so  often  spoken  of  in  that 
book.  But  you  must  observe  that  I  do  not  condemn 
every  kind  of  fear;  the  only  thing  that  I  object  to  is 
penal  fear,  which  is  a  sign  either  of  unbelief  or  of  a 
weak  faith.  For  if  I  believe,  as  I  ought,  that  Christ 
hath  satisfied  for  all  my  sins  past,  present,  and  to 
come,  it  is  impossible  that  I  should  fear  condemnation 
by  the  judgment  of  God;  especially  if  I  believe  that  the 
righteousness  and  holiness  of  Christ  have  become 
mine  by  faith,  as  I  must  believe,  if  I  wish  to  be  a  true 
Christian.  Penal  fear,  therefore,  does  not  become  a 
Christian,  since  he  ought  to  cherish  filial  love.  But 
there  is  a  species  of  fear  which  becomes  him;  he 
should  live  continually  in  fear  of  himself,  being  ever 
afraid  lest  his  affections  and  appetites  should  induce 
him  to  do  any  thing  unworthy  of  his  profession  and 
dignity,  by  which  the  Holy  Spirit,  who  dwells  in  him, 
maybe  grieved.  As  a  good  son,  the  more  kindly 
he  is  treated  by  his  father,  is  on  that  account  the  more 
careful  to  do  nothing  which  may  displease  his  father, 
so  a  Christian  must  be  ever  watchful  over  himself, 
and  ever  afraid  of  doing  any  thing  unworthy  of  a  son 
of  God;  but  he  must,  even  at  the  same  time,  trust  in 


APPENDIX.  409 

God  as  an  indulgent  father,  who  docs  not  look  npon 
what  he  is  in  himself,  but  what  he  is  in  Christ;  for 
in  Christ  the  Christian  is  righteous  and  holy,  inasmuch 
as,  being  inserted  into  his  body,  he  is  already  a  par- 
taker of  all  his  merits.  If  you  peruse  the  book  which 
I  have  named,  frequently  and  carefully,  and  with  tVie 
desire  of  putting  in  practice  what  it  teaches,  I  am 
sure  you  will  reap  the  greatest  advantage  from  it,  as 
all  who  have  read  it  in  that  manner  ''an  testify  from 
experience;  especially  if  you  are  on  your  guard 
against  that  blemish  which  I  have  pointed  out  to 
you.  The  less  there  is  of  the  pomp  of  eloquence  and 
secular  learning  in  that  work,  the  more  worthy  is  it 
of  being  read ;  because  the  more  that  any  thing  pos- 
sesses of  spiritual  Christianity,  and  the  greater  its  re- 
semblance to  sacred  Scripture,  the  more  perfect  it 
ought  to  be  reckoned.  I  could  name  many  books 
which  are  highly  esteemed  in  the  world,  but,  in  doing 
so,  I  would  speak  against  my  conscience,  being  per- 
suaded that  the  reading  of  them  would  do  more  harm 
than  good;  and  in  this  I  believe  I  do  not  err.  Nothing 
further  occurs  to  me  to  say,  but  that  I  desire  with  all 
my  heart  to  commend  myself  to  your  excellence. 

February  28,  1542. 


No.  XIII. 

Extracts  from  a  Letter  of  Marc-Antonio  Flaminio  to  Ga- 
leazzo  Caraccioli,  Marquis  of  Vico* 

[See  before,  p.  166.] 

The  happy  news  of  the  conversion  of  your  excellence, 
which  I  received  from  Signor  Ferrante,t  and  Sin.  (iio- 
van-Francesco,±  gave  great  joy  not  only  to  me,  but 

*  Epist.  Reg.  Poli,  a  Quirino,  torn.  iii.  p.  59.     Brixin%  1718. 
t  A  friend  with  whom  Flaminio  was  accu.stomcd  to  lodj^c  at  Naples. 
X  The  cousin  of  Caraccioli.    See  before,  p.  126,    If  he  is  the  same 

27 


410  APPENDIX. 

also  to  the  most  reverend  legate,*  and  other  persons  of 
note;  and  this  joy  has  been  confirmed  and  increased 
by  the  letter  you  have  done  me  the  honour  of  address- 
ing to  me.  My  honourable  and  much  respected  sir, 
when  I  reflect  on  the  words  of  St.  Paul,  "  You  see 
your  calling  brethren,"  &c.,  I  cannot  but  perceive  the 
singular  grace  of  the  Lord  God  to  your  excellence  in 
putting  you  into  the  number  of  those  few  great  men 
whom  he  raises  to  an  illustrious  nobility,  making  them 
his  sons  by  a  true  and  living  faith.  In  proportion  to 
the  singular  favour  shown  you  by  God,  are  you  bound 
to  lead  a  life  becoming  his  sons,  by  taking  care  lest 
thorns,  that  is,  pleasures  and  the  deceitfulness  of  riches 
and  ambition,  choke  the  seed  of  the  gospel  sown  in 
your  heart.  I  trust  the  Lord  God,  who  hath  begun, 
to  his  glory,  that  good  work  in  you,  will  bring  it  to 
perfection  to  the  praise  of  the  glory  of  his  grace.  I 
trust  he  will  create  in  you  such  generous  sentiments, 
that,  whereas  formerly  it  was  your  ambition  to  sup- 
port the  dignity  of  your  birth  before  the  world,  so 
now  you  will  study  to  maintain  the  honour  of  a  son 
of  God,  whom  it  becomes  in  all  things  to  imitate  the 
perfection  of  his  heavenly  Father,  by  exhibiting  that 
holy  and  divine  life  which  he  expects  to  lead  in  hea- 
ven. Honourable  and  respected  sir,  remember,  in  all 
your  thoughts,  all  your  words,  and  all  your  actions, 
that  we  attain  to  the  dignity  of  sons  of  God  through 
Jesus  Christ. — If  we  wish  to  please  him,  we  must  be 
prepared  for  displeasing  men,  and  despise  the  glory  of 
the  world  for  the  sake  of  the  glory  that  is  to  be  en- 
joyed with  God.  Did  Christ,  the  only  begotten  and 
proper  Son  of  God,  willingly  bear  for  us,  not  only  the 
infamy  of  the  world,  but  the  bitterest  torments  of  the 
cross?  and  shall  not  we, for  the  honour  of  Christ,  wil- 
lingly bear  the  scorn  of  the  enemies  of  God?  Let  us 
then,  honourable  sir,  arm  our  minds  against  the 
calumnies  and  derision  of  worldly  men  with  a  holy 
pride,  deriding  their  scorn,  while,  at  the  same  time, 

person  who  is  mentioned  in  p.  244,  then  he  obtained  the  crown  of 
martyrdom. 

*  Cardinal  Pole.     See  before,  p.  169,  270. 


APPENDIX.  411 

like  true  members  of  Christ,  we  bewail  tlicir  blind- 
ness, and  beseech  our  God  to  bestow  upon  tlicm  a 
portion  of  that  Hght  which  he  has  vouchsafed  to  us, 
that  so  becoming  the  sons  of  God,  they  may  be  liber- 
ated from  the  miserable  bondage  of  the  prince  of 
darkness,  who,  together  with  his  servants,  persecutes 
Christ  and  his  members;  a  persecution  which,  in  spite 
of  the  devil  and  his  ministers,  shall  redound  at  length 
to  the  glory  of  Christ,  and  the  salvation  of  his  mem- 
bers, who,  being  predestinated  to  reign  with  Christ, 
rejoice  in  suffering  for  him.  Wherever  the  faith  of 
this  exists,  it  easily  resists  the  persecutions  of  the  devil, 
the  world,  and  the  flesh.  Wherefore,  my  much  re- 
spected sir,  let  us  assiduously  pray  our  eternal  Father 
to  increase  our  faith,  and  then  our  soul  will  long  for 
those  sweet  and  blessed  fruits  which  spring  up  in  the 
good  ground  of  all  the  predestinated  to  everlasting 
Hfe.  If  our  faith  be  fruitful  in  good  works,  then  we 
are  certain  that  it  is  a  true  and  not  feigned,  a  living 
and  not  dead,  a  divine  and  not  human  faith;  and, 
consequently,  that  it  is  a  precious  pledge  of  our  eter- 
nal felicity.  If  we  are  the  genuine  members  of  Christ, 
we  will  feel  that  we  are  already  dead  with  him,  and 
risen  and  ascended  to  heaven  with  him,  that  so  our 
whole  conversation  might  be  heavenly,  and  his  glori- 
ous image  shine  forth  in  us  in  some  degree.  In  you 
this  image  will  be  the  more  lively  and  admirable  in 
proportion  as  you  are  raised  above  others  in  birth, 
riches,  and  authority.  Oh!  what  a  delightful  and 
never  enough  to  be  looked  upon  spectacle  will  this 
afl'ord  to  the  eyes  of  all  true  Christians,  nay,  to  tiie 
eyes  of  God  and  all  the  angels,  while,  reflecting  on 
the  frailty  of  human  nature  and  the  vanity  of  all 
perishing  things,  you  say,  in  the  words  of  Christ,  "  I 
am  a  worm  and  no  man,"  and  cry  with  David,  "  Look 
upon  me,  and  have  mercy  upon  me,  for  I  am  solitary 
and  poor!"  Oh!  truly  rich  and  blessed  is  that  man 
who,  by  the  grace  of  God,  has  attained  to  that  spi- 
ritual poverty  which  leads  him  to  renounce  all  that 
he  possesses — to  become  a  fool  for  Christ's  sake — in 
the  midst  of  riches  to  say  from  the  heart,  "  Give  us 


412  APPENDIX. 

this  day  our  daily  bread/'  to  prefer  the  reproach  of 
Christ  to  all  the  pleasures  and  favours  of  this  world, 
and  not  to  wish  to  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  God 
through  any  other  holiness  or  righteousness  but  that 
which  he  acquires  through  Christ.  Having  entered 
the  kingdom  of  God,  glory  in  this  that  he  hath  shown 
such  mercy  towards  you.  This  Christian  glory- 
ing Avill  make  you  humble  in  grandeur,  modest  in 
prosperity,  patient  in  adversity,  brave  in  dangers, 
beneficent  to  all,  firm  in  hope,  fervent  in  prayer,  full 
of  love  to  God,  free  from  the  immoderate  love  of  your- 
self and  the  world,  and,  in  one  word,  a  true  imitator 
of  Christ.  Honourable  sir,  I  have  acted  contrary  to 
my  intention,  from  a  desire  to  yield  to  your  request ; 
for,  by  the  grace  of  God,  I  perceive  every  day  more 
and  more  my  own  great  imperfections  and  insuffi- 
ciency, and  that  it  would  become  me  better  to  act  the 
part  of  a  disciple  than  that  of  an  instructor.  But,  at 
present,  I  have  chosen  rather  to  follow  the  dictates  of 
my  affection  for  you  than  of  my  judgment.  The  most 
reverend  legate  loves  you  as  a  brother  in  Christ,  and 
will  be  glad  of  any  opportunity  of  testifying  his  affec- 
tion for  you.  The  illustrious  marchioness  of  Pescara 
and  other  noble  persons  here  join  with  me  in  affec- 
tionate salutations.  May  the  Lord  God  grant  that 
you  may  excel  more  in  poverty  of  spirit  than  you 
abound  in  the  riches  and  gifts  of  this  life,  and  that 
your  spiritual  poverty  may  make  you  rich  in  all  divine 
and  eternal  blessings.  From  Viterbo,  the  14th  Feb- 
ruary, ann.  43. 


THE  END. 


DATE  DUE 

-^Mmmmih^^ 

GAYLORD 

PRINTED  IN  U.S.A. 

